SOURCE: Lindley, David. “Campion's Lord Hay's Masque and Anglo-Scottish Union.” Huntington Library Quarterly 43, no. 1 (winter 1979): 1-11.

[In the following essay, Lindley analyzes the masque Campion wrote for the wedding of James Hay and Honora Denny, a union of a Scotsman and Englishwoman, focusing on how the masque reflected the tensions and problems faced by the union of England and Scotland into Great Britain under King James I.]

When James VI of Scotland succeeded to the English throne, one of his most fervent ambitions was to see the two countries fully united in the single realm of Great Britain. To that end he forced his unwilling parliaments to devote a great deal of their time to the matter and encouraged, directly or indirectly, a substantial flow of propaganda which supported his endeavor.¹ It is not surprising, therefore, that two major court masques, Jonson's Hymenaei² and Campion's celebration of the marriage of James Hay and Honora Denny, should concern themselves with this issue.

It has generally been assumed, without any great thought, that the poems with which Campion prefaced the published masque, praising James and his endeavor in enthusiastic tone, are accurate indicators of the attitude to the Union embodied in the work itself. But a careful examination of the masque and proper attention to the context of discussion and prejudice within which it must be placed reveal that Campion, much more clearly than Jonson, articulates a view of the Union and the steps necessary for its achievement which reflects the real difficulties faced by the project.

Campion's task was to fashion a device appropriate to the Anglo-Scottish marriage which was its specific occasion, and also to the greater Union for which it made an apt and obvious metaphor.³ In order to show how the masque's dramatic action and symbolic pattern fulfill this commission it is necessary first to outline the structure of the work.

The action of the masque is dependent on the resolution of two related disputes between the gods. The first begins when Night interrupts Flora and Zephyrus in their celebration of the marriage and chastises them for their effrontery in so gracing Venus' removal of a virgin from the service of the chaste goddess Diana. After a brief exchange, Night continues with Diana's second grievance. She has been further provoked by the profanation of her forests by Knights of Apollo, intent upon seducing her nymphs. For their effrontery they have been turned into trees. Flora and Zephyrus are prepared to contest Night's first charge, but for the second they offer no defense. There is an argument to be made about the relative merits of matrimony and celibacy, but for simple lust's assaults on chastity there is no excuse.

The entry of Hesperus resolves both conflicts. He announces first that

Cynthia is now by Phoebus pacified,
And well content her Nymph is made a Bride.(4)

He continues with Diana's command that the Knights be released from their trees. But, as befits their greater crime, they have to work for their restoration. First, still encased in their trees, they must dance, then they are released; but only when they have surrendered the “greene leaved robes” in which they entered the forest at the tree of Diana are they fully restored to their “former shapes.” After this the revels take place.

The mythological scheme which underlies this design is elegantly appropriate to marriage. It rests upon the resolution of the elemental discord between the three jarring planets. Diana (cold and moist) and Venus (warm and moist) need the hot dryness of Apollo to resolve the first dispute, and it is Venus' temperateness which provides the link that conjoins the otherwise incompatible deities of the sun and moon.⁵

In the masque itself this scheme is not only implied in the words, it is demonstrated spatially as Hesperus stands centrally between the tree of Diana at one end of the hall and the throne of James, identified with Apollo, at the other. Hesperus, the evening star, mediating between night and day, is of course the planetary Venus.⁶ The emphasis which is placed on Hesperus as mediator (he is the only one of the three deities who actually speaks in the masque) is especially suited to the larger theme of the Union of the countries of England and Scotland. For just as he, representative of the goddess of love, stands between Diana, patroness of the female side of the marriage (and therefore of the English), and Apollo, patron of the male (Scottish side), so it was insisted repeatedly that a prerequisite of Union was the necessity for love to replace the historic Anglo-Scottish hostility.

James sounded the characteristic note himself, in the announcement of his succession to the throne of England made to his Scottish subjects, so that:

it may not onlie be knawin to all his Hienes guid subjectis within this realme, bot lykwayis may kendile and steir up in the hartis of all his Hienes Scottis subjectis … ane loveing and kyndlie disposition towardis all his Majestis subjectis inhabitantis of England … that thai represent and acknawledge thame as thair deirest bretherein and freindis, and the inhabitantis of baith his realmes to obliterat and remove out of thair myndis all and qhatsumever quarrellis, eleistis or debaitis qhilk hes mentenit discord or distractioun of effectioun amangis thame in tyme past, and with ane universall unanimitie of hartis conjoine thameselffis as ane natioun under his Majesteis authoritie.⁷

Campion neatly combines political and matrimonial symbolism right at the beginning of his masque, to suggest the simultaneous relevance of his theme to both private and public ventures. As Flora and Zephyrus descend into the acting area they are accompanied by Sylvans who strew flowers “all about the place,” and sing:

Now hath Flora rob'd her bowers
To befrend this place with flowers:
          Strowe aboute, strowe aboute,
The Skye Rayn'd never kindlyer Showers.
Flowers with Bridalls well agree,
Fresh as Brides, and Bridegromes be:
          Strowe aboute, strowe aboute,
And mixe them with fit melodie.
          Earth hath no Princelier flowers
Than Roses white and Roses red,
But they must still be mingled.

(p. 215)

Red and white roses are the conventional attributes of Venus, goddess of love and marriage, and therefore “with Bridalls well agree.” At the same time, the conjunction of red and white roses, which “must still be mingled,” alludes to the Tudor Rose, emblem of the union of the houses of York and Lancaster achieved by Henry VII, which was seen and used as precedent and preparation for James's greater project.⁸ For the spectator, then, the link between the specific occasion and its larger significance is made clear by this single dramatic symbol.

But if the masque's beginning and ending present an ideal picture of an Anglo-Scottish union in love, the working out of the final resolution pointedly alludes to the difficulties which impeded the progress of the scheme. Where the overall pattern of the masque shows the goal to be attained, the action and incident within it demonstrate the qualities necessary to achieve the desired end.

It is the restoration of Apollo's Knights which supplies most of the masque's drama. Night describes their crime and punishment:

Her holy Forrests are by theeves prophan'd,
Her Virgins frighted; and loe, where they stand
That late were Phoebus Knights, turned now to trees
By Cynthias vengement for their injuries
In seeking to seduce her Nymphes with love:
Here they are fixt, and never may remove
But by Dianaes power that stucke them here.
Apollos love to them doth yet appeare,
In that his beames hath guilt them as they grow,
To make their miserie yeeld the greater show.

(p. 218)

Later, as the Knights approach their final transformation, Night tells them to go up to Diana's tree, and

These greene leaved robes, wherein disguisde you made
Stelths to her Nimphes through the thicke forrests shade,
There to the goddesse offer thankfully,
That she may not in vaine appeased be.

(p. 224)

Their crime, as the words “theeves” and “stelths” indicate, is one of insidious attack.

When James faced a hostile English Parliament in 1607, he sought to allay the suspicions which he accurately diagnosed them to entertain: “There is a conceipt intertained, and a double jelousie possesseth many, wherein I am misjudged. First, that this union will be the crisis to the overthrow of England, and setting up of Scotland: England will then bee overwhelmed by the swarming of the Scots, who if the Union were effected, would raigne and rule all.” He expanded upon this grievance: “It is alleadged, that the Scots are a populous Nation, they shall be harboured in our nests, they shall be planted and flourish in our good Soile, they shall eate our commons bare, and make us leane.”⁹ The king here himself catches something of the tone of those who feared that Union was a synonym for surreptitious take-over, and it is exactly the atmosphere of that fear which Campion expresses in his depiction of the Knights.

The second English fear, which James also recognized, was of “my profuse liberalitie to the Scottish men more then the English, and that with this Union all things shalbe given to them, and you turned out of all.”¹⁰ There is a superabundance of evidence to show that James interpreted his subjects' attitudes correctly, from the moderate “Loyal Subjectes Advertisement,” which stated “It is said that respecte, at the court of the Scott by all the attendant officers, theer is so parciall, as the Englishe find them selves muche disgraced … Manie offices have been taken from the Englishe and geven to the Scott,” to the poem “In Scotos,” which begins “They begg our Landes, Liveinges, and Lives / They switch our Nobillitie & lye with our wives.”¹¹ There was some justice in the English accusation,¹² and the bridegroom, James Hay, was one of the most conspicuous recipients of the royal generosity. It is difficult to avoid the feeling that, in this context, the description of Apollo (later identified explicitly with King James) gilding the trees of his Knights, making their crime the occasion of splendor, is meant to hint at the excessive munificence of the king.¹³

If the nature of the crime of the Knights is deliberately depicted in terms which associate them firmly with English fears which obstructed the Union, then the course of their restoration describes action which will help to allay the disquiet.

The lesson they have to learn is the lesson of temperance and moderation. Their progress toward the regaining of their former shape is only completed when they do homage at Diana's tree. As they do so, a solemn motet is sung to the words:

With spotles mindes now mount we to the tree
          Of single chastitie.
The roote is temperance grounded deepe,
Which the coldjewc't earth doth steepe:
          Water it desires alone,
          Other drink it thirsts for none.

(p. 225)

The same message is contained in the song which concludes the masque:

Life is fullest of content
Where delight is innocent.
Pleasure must varie, not be long.

(p. 227)

James's liberality to the Scots was but one part of the general extravagance of his court, which brought him into conflict with sterner moralists and with his parliaments.¹⁴ Since the search for the Union was universally regarded as the king's personal crusade,¹⁵ the intemperance and indecorum of his court, fueling as it did the English antipathy to their Scottish monarch, made a convenient pretext for objecting to the proposed joining of nations. Harington's well-known letter describing the disastrous entertainment of Christian IV at Theobald's in 1606 expresses with great clarity the kind of disgust which the court's conduct provoked:

I have much marvalled at these strange pegeantries, and they do bring to my remembrance what passed of this sort in our Queens days; of which I was sometime an humble presenter and assistant; but I neer did see such lack of good order, discretion, and sobriety, as I have now done … the gunpowder fright is got out of all our heads, and we are going on, hereabouts, as if the devil was contriving every man shoud blow up himself, by wild riot, excess, and devastation of time and temperance.¹⁶

Campion's masque, by presenting the celebration of the marriage as dependent upon the Knights' learning the value of temperance, clearly warns the king and court that the greater marriage of the two countries will only be celebrated if the reckless liberality and loose behavior which characterized the first years of the new reign are curbed.

The audience's sense of the importance of the virtue of temperance is generated not only through the process of the Knights' restoration, but also by the insistence throughout the masque on the dominant position of the temperate goddess, Diana. Her tree is the focal point of the stage setting, it is she who transformed the Knights into trees, and it is only by the operation of her influence, transmitted through the “vertuous gem” she sends with Hesperus that they are freed.¹⁷ By comparison her mythological opponent Apollo has little power to influence the course of events.

This is surprising, since it is the identification of James with Apollo which provides the opportunity for the praise of the monarch which every masque required. Indeed, if Orgel's assertion that “Campion considered blatant flattery indispensible to the form”¹⁸ were true, then we should surely expect to see the figure of James/Apollo, patron of the Union and of the Scottish side of the marriage, assume a much more vigorous role within the masque. In fact, the relative powerlessness of Apollo, and the choice of Diana as his more potent adversary, show more clearly than anything else Campion's freedom from servility and his success in representing the realities of the debate about the Union; for in fashioning a myth which included the figure of Diana, Campion chose as the guardian of the female, English side of the match the goddess most often associated with the late Queen Elizabeth. The choice was not fortuitous, and the resonances which this association made available are used deliberately and explicitly to sharpen the masque's message and intensify its impact.

Such bald statement needs proof of its plausibility if it is not to seem an arbitrary whim. It might be argued that by 1607, four years after Elizabeth's death, the old image would have lost its force, or that no particular purpose is served in making the identification at all. But justification there is, and it is to be found in the confluence of a number of factors which taken together make the conclusion inescapable.

There is precedent for the pairing of the figures of Apollo and Diana to represent the two monarchs in a number of poems written at the time of James's accession. Robert Fletcher's conceit may be taken as typical:

Our Cynthia in the evening set
or after midnight took her rest:
Dan Phoebus straight did not forget
to thinke his mansion must be blest.(19)

Much more significant is the fact that by 1607 the memory of Queen Elizabeth was being revived. Plays and poems reenacted the events of her reign.²⁰ This revival was not a simple matter of recalling times past, but had frequently the specific purpose of contrasting the present reign of James unfavorably with the age of Elizabeth. Harington in his letter already quoted makes this comparison, and Robert Niccols in his bitter satire on James's court, The Cuckow (1607), uses the figure of the moon-goddess explicitly to stand for the late queen, embodiment of the chastity and purity which were things of the past.²¹ Goodman later described the phenomenon: “But after a few years, when we had experience of the Scottish government, then in disparagement of the Scots, and in hate and detestation of them, the Queen did seem to revive; then was her memory much magnified.”²²

This explanation for the revival, accurate though it is, leaves out one element which played a significant part in coloring the remembered portrait of the queen. For the English had expected much of James. The same Harington who in 1606 was looking back nostalgically to the previous reign had written a treatise welcoming the prospect of being governed by a “man of spirit and learning” instead of “a ladye shutt up in a chamber from all her subjectes and most of her servantes.”²³ When James arrived, the French ambassador reported with some disgust the haste with which people forgot the queen and turned to their new sovereign: “C'est un miracle de voir ce peuple si sage et si peu esmeu et que la memoire de la Reine soit déja esvanouye en son coeur.”²⁴ This joy in the new king evaporated with astonishing speed, and in its wake came a feeling of guilt. As early as June 1603 M. de Rosny reported to King Henry that: “chacun blasme maintenant quasy publiquement la faute qui a eté fait de n'avoir porté le deuil de la mort d'une si excellente Princesse que la feue Reine Elisabeth.”²⁵ It is the presence of this feeling which accounts for some of the passion in the recalling of the queen. It is this feeling, furthermore, which allows Campion to use the figure of Diana not just as a stick to beat the Scots, but as a reminder to the English also of their responsibility.

There is ample evidence, then, that in 1607 the memory of Elizabeth was very much alive, a focus for English discontent, and therefore available for a poet to use. It remains to demonstrate that Campion was in fact using this potential symbol in his depiction of Diana.

In general terms the figure of Diana, incensed at the marriage of one of her train and furious with those who approached her nymphs, recalls well-known characteristics of Elizabeth. In 1606 Harington remembered: “She did oft aske the ladies around hir chamber, if they lovede to thinke of marriage? And the wise ones did conceal well their liking hereto; as knowing the Queene's judgment in this matter.”²⁶ She frequently interfered with the marriages of her courtiers and punished those who made off with her ladies. As Stone remarks, “things were not easy for lovers at the Court of Elizabeth.”²⁷

Much more significant is Campion's presentation of the reconciliation of Diana and Venus by Phoebus. Hesperus announces the resolution in these terms:

Cynthia is now by Phoebus pacified,
And well content her Nymph is made a Bride,
Since the faire match was by that Phoebus grac't
Which in this happie Westerne Ile is plac't
As he in heaven, one lampe enlightning all
That under his benigne aspect doth fall.
Deepe Oracles he speakes, and he alone
For artes and wisedomes meete for Phoebus throne.
The Nymph is honour'd and Diana pleas'd.

(pp. 218-219)

The marriage is the metaphor for Union, so at its superficial level the speech says only that the English side should be content to accept the project desired by their wise king. But at the same time the speech emphasizes the role of Diana—the marriage may go ahead because she is content. Because it is at this point in the masque that the identification of James with Apollo is made specific for the first time; so if Elizabeth is shadowed by Diana, it ought to be here, where the specific political application of the work emerges clearly, that Campion should be using his myth to particular purpose.

Elizabeth's part in making the Union possible is stressed by a number of writers on the subject. Two of them are of particular interest because they are Scots. The first, John Russell, who wrote in his “Ane treatise of the happie and blissed Union”:

Certanelie thair is nathying doun in this be chance, fortune, or humaine pouer and counsall, bot immediatlie be the great providence of god. Using that happie and blissed Quene Elizabeth of uorthie memorie … to be the instrument to mak this mater sua suietlie to end: … in hir last gasp, to utter sic uisdome, sua profitablie, and effectuallie, persuading hir subjectis to acknauledge and embrace his M; qhom scho knew to be the laufull and undoubtit air of Ingland, France and Ireland, be richt of consanguinitie and laufull successioun.²⁸

Thomas Craig, one of the Commissioners for the Union, wrote of the late queen: “her hand was sought by many of the most powerful princes of Europe. But she persistently rejected them all, and was in the habit of saying, when she was urged to marry, that the union of the two realms was the alliance she looked for.”²⁹ James himself, in his Basilikon Doron, had earlier advised his son that the union would be secured by true amity between the races, and cited as “a good beginning” to the project “the long and happy amitie betweene the Queene my dearest sister and me.”³⁰

It is this awareness of Elizabeth's role which underlies Hesperus' speech. Its didactic purpose is twofold. First to remind the English that, whatever their discontent with their king and his project, Elizabeth had given it her blessing when she acknowledged James as her heir. The flattery of James which the speech contains is therefore not merely an obligatory exercise but, coming as it does from Diana, an injunction with particular force. But the second effect of the speech is to insist, for the benefit of king and Scots alike, on the fact that it was the English queen who had made the Union possible. John Russell after describing the queen's part in securing James's succession continued: “Sould evir this depairt out of his G mynd? the lord mak his M. thankfull for his great benefittis, and for this honor, to the qlk he is sua heichlie advancit.” There were many who felt that James had indeed forgotten Elizabeth. In the first years of his reign in particular he showed scant respect for her memory. Rosny reported that at dinner “an opportunity offering for the King to speak of the late Queen of England, he did it, and, to my great regret, with some sort of contempt.”³¹ Scaramelli similarly stated that “His Majesty has ordered the funeral of the Queen to take place without waiting his arrival, and they say he wishes to see her neither alive nor dead, … Elizabeth's portrait is being hidden everywhere, and Mary Stuart's shown instead.”³² Though James later attempted to repair the damage, yet there was particular point in using the figure of a powerful Diana specifically recalling the queen to act as a reminder to James and the Scots of the need to be sensitive to English feelings if the Union was to be acceptable.

The double address of this speech is typical of the balanced attitude which the masque as a whole takes toward the Union. It is presented, through the image of marriage, as a highly desirable ideal. Indeed, in a sense, since Diana objects after the marriage has taken place, the work accepts that Union of some sort has necessarily been achieved by virtue of James's accession. But the celebration of that Union can only be possible if certain conditions are met, chief among them a greater moderation of life, and greater respect for the English values symbolized by the late Queen Elizabeth.

Campion in this masque, then, shows himself sensitive to the climate of the debate about the Union, and reflects in his devised myth an awareness of the stumbling blocks which the project needed to surmount. He admirably fulfils the prescription which Chapman made for the court masque: “all these courtly, and honoring inventions … should expressively arise out of the places, and persons for and by whome they are presented; without which limits, they are luxurious, and vaine.”³³

Notes

1. An excellent summary of the course of the Union debate is D. H. Willson, “King James I and Anglo-Scottish Unity,” in Conflict in Stuart England, ed. W. A. Aiken and B. D. Henning (London, 1960).

2. See D. J. Gordon, “Hymenaei: Ben Jonson's masque of Union,” JWCI [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes], 8 (1945).

3. Robert Wilkinson, in his sermon The Merchant Royall (London, 1607), addressed the couple: “Right Honourable in both sexes, the cause of this meeting, the joy of this day, yea the mysterie and little image of this great intended Union” (p. 35).

4. The Works of Thomas Campion, ed. Walter R. Davis (London, 1969), pp. 218-219. All quotations are from this edition.

5. Primaudaye's interpretation of Roman nuptial rites illustrates the same idea, “as fire and water are cleane contraries as well in the first as in the second qualities, so are man and wife, the one being hot and dry, of the nature of fire, and the other cold and moist, of the nature of water: which contrarieties being joined togither make a harmonie and temperature of love”: The French Academie, trans. T. B. (1586), P. 499.

6. “Lowest of the five planets and nearest to the earth is the star of Venus, called … in Latin Lucifer when it precedes the sun, but when it follows is Hesperus”: Cicero, De Natura Deorum, ed. and trans. H. Rackham (London, 1933), p. 174.

7. The Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, VI, 514.

8. See D. H. Willson, King James VI and I (London, 1956), p. 250. Robert Fletcher in A Briefe and Familiar Epistle (1603) expressed the idea simply, “Like Lancaster and Yorke in love, / Must England now and Scotland joyne.”

9. The Workes of King James (1616), pp. 514, 518.

10. Workes, p. 514.

11. “Loyal Subjectes Advertisement,” ed. J. D. Mackie, SHR, [Scottish Historical Review] 23 (1925), p. 3; “In Scotos,” Bodl. MS Malone 23, fol. 4^v.

12. See Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy (Oxford, 1965), p. 476.

13. The double meaning of the word “guilt” intensifies this feeling. Compare Chapman's description of Leander swimming away after seducing Hero:

    And as amidst th' enamoured waves he swims,
    The god of gold of purpose gilt his limbs,
    That this word gilt including double sense,
    The double gilt of his incontinence
    Might be expressed.

    Hero and Leander, Sestiad III, 23-27, from Christopher Marlowe: The Complete Poems and Translations, ed. Stephen Orgel (Harmondsworth, 1971).

14. James's ingenuous defense was that “my first three yeeres were to me as a Christmas, I could not then be miserable” (Workes, p. 515).

15. See, for example, the Scottish Council, writing to James of “that Union, … so little affected by us, except in that religious obedyence we aucht to your Majestie not to dislike onything that lykis you” (Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, VII, p. 512).

16. Sir John Harington, Letter and Epigrams, ed. N. E. McClure (Philadelphia, 1930), p. 120.

17. Campion is drawing on the talismanic magic by which the stone of one planet is employed to modify the astrological dominance of another. Thus the Knights are freed by tempering their Apollonian natures with lunar characteristics. See Cornelius Agrippa, De Occulta Philosophia (Basle, 1533), I, 98f.

18. Stephen Orgel, The Jonsonian Masque (Cambridge, Mass. 1965), p. 110. His argument is much weakened by the fact that the lyric he offers in evidence formed no part of the masque itself. It was written later (to fit a tune used only for dancing in the performance) so that purchasers of the published volume might sing it “to the Lute or Viol.”

19. A Briefe and Familiar Epistle (1603), sig. B2^r.

20. E.g., Dekker, The Whore of Babylon (1607); Heywood, If You Know Not Me (1605), and The Second Part (1606); Christopher Lever, Queene Elizabeths Teares (1607). Lever speaks of “your Lordships regarde, even to the very name of your late soveraigne, approved by the generall applause and acclamation of all good people” (sig. A3^v). This last source is especially interesting since it is dedicated to Robert Cecil, who (as I suggest in an article in Notes & Queries, N.S. 26 [1979], 144-145, helped to arrange the marriage and probably patronized the masque.

21. See Hoyt H. Hudson, “John Hepwith's Spenserian Satire upon Buckingham: With Some Jacobean Analogues,” Huntington Library Bulletin, 6 (1934), 40-71.

22. Godfrey Goodman, The Court of King James I, ed. John S. Brewer (London, 1839), I, 98.

23. A Tract on the Succession to the Crown, ed. Clements R. Markham (London, 1880), p. 51.

24. BL, Kings MS 123, fol. 38^r.

25. Kings MS 123, fol. 258^v. That this feeling persisted is evidenced by the 1621 “most humble peticion of … the Commons of England” to “the blest Saint Elizabeth”:

    When Heaven was pleasd (blest saint) to call thee hence
    …
    Oh had Wee then the Kingdom drownd with teares
    And in the flood covered our soules, To heaven
    to wait on thyne, wee had not now bin driven
    to cry and call thee from thy fellow saintes
    to heare and pitty these our sad complaintes
    Oh pardon (blest) then these our grosse omissions

    and Elizabeth's answer:

    You lusted for a King, heavens King releeive you
    And give you pardon, as I heere forgive you
    You tooke a surfeit of my happy reigne
    And paid my well deserving with disdeigne.

    (Bodl. MS Rawlinson 398, fols. 222^v, 227^r)

26. Letters and Epigrams, p. 124.

27. Crisis of the Aristocracy, p. 606.

28. National Library of Scotland, Advocates MS 31.4.7., fol. 2^r-v.

29. Thomas Craig, De Unione Regnorum Brittanniae 1605, ed. and trans. C. Sanford Terry (Edinburgh, 1909), p. 258

30. The Workes, p. 188.

31. Quoted in Beatrice White, Cast of Ravens (London, 1965), pp. 11-12.

32. Calendar of State Papers (Venetian), 1603-7, p. 9.

33. The Memorable Masque, in The Plays of George Chapman: The Comedies, ed. Allan Holaday and Michael Kiernan (Urbana, 1970), p. 569.