SOURCE: H. R. Bramley, in an introduction to The Psalter or Psalms of David and Certain Canticles, translated by Richard Rolle, Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1884, pp. v-xvii.

[In his introduction to Rolle's commentary on the Psalms, Bramley recounts Rolle 's biography and summarizes his doctrine, relying mostly on the Office made shortly after his death by the nuns of Hampole. Bramley also expands on this text by collating Rolle's life with the larger political scene.]

Richard Rolle, better known from the place of his death and burial as Hampole¹, was a famous preacher and highly venerated hermit in Yorkshire, during the former half of the fourteenth century.

The day of his death seems to be clearly fixed to September 29, 1349.

The day appropriated to his memory was January 20.

An office was drawn up for this Festival², probably under the direction of the nuns of Hampole, in anticipation of his Canonization: the Lessons of which furnish the fullest and most authentic record of his life and acts. Additional particulars may be gleaned from some of his writings.

His father was William Rolle, a man apparently of respectable position; being the intimate friend of John de Dalton, the gentleman who afterwards became his son's patron.

Richard was born at Thornton, near Pickering: and was sent to Oxford by Thomas de Nevile, Archdeacon of Durham.

While he was at the University he applied himself, we are told, to the study of Theology and of the Holy Scriptures; rather than to the Natural Sciences, or to those subtilties of the Law³, or arts of disputation, by which many sought to advance their fortunes at the peril of their souls.

At the age of nineteen, fearing that he might be entangled in the snares of sin, he left Oxford, and returned to his father's house.

Soon after this, as it would appear, he changed his habit, and assumed the profession of a hermit. The account given of this process is remarkably simple and graphic. He had a sister, whom he dearly loved. One day he begged of her two of her kirtles, a white one and a grey one: which, at his request, she carried, with the hood which their father wore in rainy weather, to a neighbouring wood. Her brother, having cut off the buttons of the white frock and the sleeves of the grey, stripped off his clothes and put on the white frock next his skin, and the grey one over it, thrusting his arms, with the white sleeves, which he had sewed up as well as he could, though the holes that were left in the grey frock: and thus, with his father's hood, completed, so far as he was able, the semblance of a Hermit. His sister, seeing him in this guise, raised the cry that he was mad: upon which, having kept her off with threatening gestures, he ran away from home.

He is next heard of at a church⁴, where he arrived on the eve of the Assumption; and happened to take up his place for prayer on the spot usually occupied by a lady of the parish, the wife of John de Dalton already mentioned. Her servants would have turned him away; but she, seeing him at his devotions, would not allow him to be disturbed. Next morning he put on a surplice and sang in the choir at Mattins and Mass. After the Gospel, having obtained leave of the Priest, he went into the Pulpit, and so moved the hearts and touched the consciences of his hearers that they declared that they had never heard such a sermon in all their lives. The evening before, he had been recognized as the son of William Rolle by the young Daltons, who had seen him at Oxford. After his preaching their father asked him to dinner: and after he in his humility, and from a fear that he might be thwarted in his purpose, had made several attempts to escape, first by hiding himself in an outhouse, and afterwards by endeavouring to leave the table before the meal was ended, he took him aside, and having convinced himself of the purity of his intentions, and drawn from him the reluctant acknowledgment who he was, he invited him to remain in his house: and provided him with a proper habit, and suitable accommodation.

He has been said by Wharton⁵, Tanner⁶, and other writers, to have belonged to the Augustinian Friars. He probably imitated their dress: but he does not appear to have been a member of any order.

His devotion seems to have been spontaneous, and his rule of life unsanctioned by external authority. As the versicle to the first lesson in his office has it: 'Abbas amor dat morum formulam.'

He has left an account of some of his early trials and struggles. In a small volume in his handwriting, found after his death, he relates what he regarded as a special temptation of the fiend; though there is nothing in the story which may not be explained from ordinary causes. It does indeed give an insight into the motive which lay deepest in his heart, which proved itself supreme even in his dreams. After relating the particulars of the illusion, he says, 'I perceyuede well pare was na womane bot be deuell in schappe of womane. Tharefore I turnede me to Gode and with my mynde I said, "A Jhesu how precyous es thi blude!" makand þe crosse with my fyngere in my breste, and als faste scho wexe wayke and sodanly all was awaye; and I thankked Gode bat delyuerd me, and sothely fra þat tym furthe I forced me for to luf Jhesu, and ay be mare I profette in þe luf of Jhesu þe swetteer I fand it⁷.' There are but few names which can be put in competition with that of Richard Rolle in his claims to have inscribed upon the record of his life and labours, All for Jesus.

It appears incidentally in the same narrative that there was a fair young woman who loved him not a little 'in good love.' But as at the first he had regarded God more than his earthly father, so he continued to renounce all human affection: and laboured to subdue the flesh by watchings and fastings, praying with sobs and sighs, living in a little cottage, sleeping on a board, fixing his mind on heaven, and desiring ever to be dissolved and to be with Christ. This was at the beginning of his conversion. His prayers were answered beyond his expectations; and he attained to that 'soun & myrth of heuen' of which he speaks in his prologue to the Psalter, and in other passages⁸.

His narrative of his progress in the contemplative life is as definite as it is singular. In his treatise De incendio amoris, quoted like the last-mentioned 'Tale' in the Office for his Commemoration, he relates his spiritual experience as follows. 'From the beginning of the alteration in my life and mind,' he says, 'to the opening of the heavenly door, so that with unveiled face the eye of the heart might behold those that are above, and see the way to seek the Beloved, and to sigh for Him, was a period of three years, all but three or four months. Then, the door remaining open, up to the time that the warmth of eternal love was truly felt in the heart, about a year passed away. I was sitting in a certain chapel, and being much delighted with the sweetness of prayer or meditation, suddenly I felt in me a strange and pleasant heat.'

For some time he was in doubt as to the nature of this heat, and often felt his breast, to see if it could arise from any outward cause. But he was convinced that it was purely a gift from his Maker: and so he was the more absorbed in heavenly love. 'And while this warmth, inexpressibly sweet, was sensibly kindling, so as to lead to the communication and perception of that celestial or spiritual sound which pertains to the song of everlasting praise, and to the sweetness of the invisible melody (inasmuch as it cannot be known or heard but by him who has received it, who must be cleansed and severed from this earth) there elapsed half a year, three months and some weeks. For as I was sitting in the same chapel, and singing the Psalms at night before supper⁹ as well as I could, I heard a sort of chiming of voices overhead.' And so he was himself filled with this celestial music, and broke out before God into continual strains of melody, singing all that he had before been accustomed to say.

All this, however, was in secret, for he thought that if he divulged his privilege it might lead to vain-glory, and he might lose it. He regards it as a free gift from Christ; but one which will be accorded to those, and to those only, who so love and honour the blessed name of Jesus as never to let it go out of their recollection, except in sleep.

So from the beginning of the change in his mind to the attainment of the highest degree of the love of Christ, in which he was raised to uninterrupted joy, and in which he remained to the end of his days, was about four years and three months.

In its later stages the narrative of his life becomes more vague. For some unexplained reason, but not without good cause, as his biographer asserts with emphasis, he left the part of the North Riding where he had hitherto lived, and went into Richmondshire.

I was wont,' he says, 'to seek for quiet; although to pass from one place to another, and even to leave their cells for a reasonable cause, and then, if it seem fit, to return to them again, is no bad thing for hermits. For some of the holy fathers did so.' But this seems to have given great occasion for fault-finding to those who were ill-disposed to him; and he found those the greatest backbiters whom he had before thought faithful friends¹⁰. 'But I did not,' he says, 'cease from what was useful to my soul for their words.'

All this time he seems to have travelled about, and to have laboured for the salvation of souls: turning great numbers to God by his exhortations, and assisting and comforting many by his advice and writings, and by the special efficacy which was granted to his prayers. His aid was particularly sought by recluses, by persons in need of ghostly comfort, and by those who suffered in mind or body from the attacks of evil spirits.

It is related that he was at one time molested in his cell by a troop of demons whom he had driven from the chamber of a dying lady; but by renewed prayers he was enabled to put them to flight a second time.

While he was in Richmondshire he was summoned to the aid of Margaret, a devout recluse at Anderby¹¹, whom he had before been accustomed to instruct in the love of God, and in the spiritual life, to whom he had a strong religious attachment. She was suffering from a severe seizure, in which she had lost her speech for thirteen days. During his visit she was suddenly relieved; and after the removal of a second violent attack, he promised her that so long as he lived she would never be tormented so again.

Some years afterwards the disorder returned, though without the loss of speech. Dame Margaret inferred that Richard was dead, and sending the same man who had before summoned him to her side from a distance of twelve miles to make enquiries at Hampole, where he had lately been leading a solitary life at a still greater distance from her, she found that he had departed this life shortly before the return of her complaint. She afterwards removed to Hampole, where he was interred in the Nuns' Church, and suffered no relapse.

This is probably the 'dame Merget kyrkby' for whom this English Translation and Commentary on the Psalter is said¹² to have been written. She is also supposed to be the 'Ankeresse,' his 'gostly syster,' to whom he addressed his Instructions on the Active and Contemplative Life. It may be noticed that in the passage from this work, printed in his English Prose Treatises, he twice recommends the use of 'the Sauter,' speaking of it as 'a sekyr standarde that will noghte faile: who so may cleue therto he sail noghte erre¹³.

There is nothing to shew when the hermit came to Hampole, or how long he remained there; nor is there any authentic record of his age. 'The English martyrologe,' published under Jesuit auspices in a second edition in 1640, which refers to a MS. in the English College at Douay, says that he 'reposed in our Lord,' 'full of sanctity of life, and venerable old age.'

Not long after his death his name began to be celebrated for miracles, principally of healing; and pilgrims came to Hampole, not only from York and other places in his native county, but even from Durham and Leicester.

Among the first of his miracles was the entire preservation from hurt of a man named Roger, a householder of Hampole, who was bringing two stones drawn by twelve oxen for the building of Richard's tomb. The oxen overturned the waggon beside the churchyard gate, and the stones fell on Roger, and held him fast by the foot. But he was unhurt.

Twenty-five other miracles are recorded in the Lessons appointed for the Sunday and other days within the Octave of his Commemoration. Two of them are dated, the years in which they occurred being A.D. 1381 and 1383. The catalogue includes the restoration of persons blind, deaf, dumb, mad, and apparently dead: and so coincides pretty closely with the terms of the Metrical Preface.

Hampole's writings were numerous, and shew him to have been a man of active mind and of considerable learning.

One of his short treatises was published at Paris in 1510¹⁴, and again, with most of his Latin works, at Cologne, in 1536¹⁵. These, with the exception of the Commentaries on Scripture, were reprinted in the Bibliotheca Patrum Maxima¹⁶ at Lyons in 1677.

Of his English works one was printed by Wynkyn de Worde, under the title Rycharde Rolle Hermyte of Hampull in his contemplacyons of the drede and loue of god with other dyuerse tytles as it sheweth in his table.' This ends, like the Paris edition of De emendations, with a prayer or address to a man's guardian angel¹⁷; but the matter of the two prayers is different.

The Pricke of Conscience, a poem extending to 9624 lines, was edited by Mr. Richard Morris, from MSS. in the Library of the British Museum, and published by the Philogical Society in 1863.

Some of his minor Prose Treatises were edited by the Rev. George G. Perry, from a MS. in Lincoln Cathedral Library, and published by the Early English Text Society in 1866. Besides these and the Psalter which follows, other works attributed to him, both in Latin and English, remain in MS. in various Libraries.

Dr. Waterland describes this Commentary as 'dry and insipid enough, after the mystical allegorical way current at that time¹⁸; and Mr. Lewis, the author of the 'Complete History of Translations of the Bible,' almost repeats his words¹⁹. But this account scarcely does justice to the author. It is clear from the copies extant that Hampole's Psalter was in high esteem and widely diffused in the century after it was written, and it has been warmly commended at various times since then by persons of very different ways of thinking.

Hampole's works are spoken of by the Dominican editor of the Cologne edition as 'viri citra omnem iactantiam et eruditi ac pii,' while the author is characterized by another Dominican, Sixtus Senensis, in his Bibliotheca Sancta, as 'Vir sincerœ pietatis et eruditionis'.

The learned Wesleyan, Dr. Adam Clarke, makes frequent reference to this Commentary, and gives copious extracts from it. 'The writer,' whom he supposes to have been a Scot, was, he says, 'not merely a commentator, but a truly religious man, who was well acquainted with the travail of the soul, and that faith in the Lord Jesus Christ which brings peace to the troubled heart²⁰.'

Dr. Littledale speaks of it as 'a terse mystical paraphrase, which often comes very little short in beauty and depth of Dionysius the Carthusian himself²¹.'

The works of Richard Rolle exhibit the better and more spiritual side of one of the movements which led up to the Reformation.

In his Comments on the Psalms and Canticles of the Old Testament he sees Christ throughout. Christ's union with His Church, and His abiding in holy souls therein, are his perpetual theme. His Birth, His Passion, His Resurrection, His present and future reign over His saints, are brought in to shed light upon obscure passages, and are evidently the habitual subject of the writer's thoughts. The eternal separation between the righteous and the wicked is constantly in his mind.

At the same time he is free from the abnormal doctrines and political extravagances which vitiated the teaching of the Lollards.

Human merit is frequently denied, but never the necessity of holy living: indeed fides formata, 'trouth fowrmyd with luf,' is expressly said to be that through which men see God.²²

The efficacy of the Sacraments and the functions of the priesthood are fully recognized. Wicked princes and worldly prelates and pastors are unhesitatingly condemned²³; but no hint is given that their authority is impaired or their acts invalidated by their want of grace.

Though it is said of priests that many fail and few are holy, yet it is also asserted that 'oft sithe prestis opyns til other men the ʒate of heuen, gifand thaim the sacramentis; and thai for thaire ill life ere barrid out.'²⁴

The clergy are the appointed leaders and teachers of the flock of Christ. 'That thou has mystire to kun (need to learn), thi prelate and thi preste ere haldyn to 1ère the^24a.' 'I bow in all thynge,' says the servant of the Lord, 'til the lare of halykirke, that is thi handmaydyn²⁵.'

God's bindings, by which now, as a leech, he binds up the breakings of our crooked hearts, are 'the sacramentis, in the whilke we hafe comforth til we perfytly be hale^25a.'

Baptism is frequently mentioned. It purges us of the filth of original sin: a Christian man's heart was hallowed in baptism: it is life to them that keep it, death to them that keep it not: some turn away and keep not the covenant that they made with Christ in baptism, to renounce the devil and all his works. They are untrue sons that 'hald noght trouth till god that thai hight in baptem.' As God led Israel out of Egypt through the Red Sea, so he does his folk through baptism: and as 'he shot out pharao & his vertu' into the midst thereof, 'so he slees the vicis of his seruauntis in baptym or in penaunce²⁶.'

'Through trew shrift is a man made rightwis': 'for if we shrife vs clene with sorow of hert, we sall lepe out of the deuels chekis.' 'If i. shrafe that the will of my heart was stird sumwhat fra stabilnes in temptacioun. thi mercy broght me agayn til my state, lo what shrift is worth²⁷.'

The Mass is not spoken of by that name, but in the Commentary on the 21st (22nd) Psalm, which is described at the beginning as 'the voice of crist in his passion,' the words, 'my vowes i. sall þeld in syght of him dredand,' (my vows will I perform in the sight of them that fear him,) are thus interpreted: 'Lo, my vowis, that is, the sacrifice of my fleysse and blode that i. offird til God, i. sall ʒeld in syght of dredand him, that thai vndirstand that it is my verray body, and that thai sall be saued thrugh it.'

In later parts of the Commentary on the same Psalm the qualifications necessary for a profitable reception are insisted on. The poor, that is, 'meke men and despisers of this warld,' 'sall ete and sall be fild.' 'Pore men louys God, riche men thaim self:' they also 'resaiued the sacrament of cristis body: bot he says noght that thai ere fild as the pore; for thai folugh noght crist, bot thaire bely and the warld.' 'Thai sall fall: for thai take vnworthily the sacrament in the syght of God.' 'And forthi,' as he says in another place, 'thai ete thaire aghen dome²⁸.'

Here, as in some other passages, there is perhaps an exaggerated tendency to identify the poor of this world with the poor in spirit, and rich men with the worldly and ungodly; but it is said elsewhere of the Psalmist, 'He dampnes noght men that has richesse, for thai may wyn heuen with thame: bot tham he dampnes that settis the hert on thame, for to halde thame²⁹.'

The doctrine of predestination to life is clearly stated: 'The boke of life is the knawynge of god, in the whilke he has destaynd all goed men to be safe.' But 'noght all that sumtyme ere rightwis and dos wele dwellis in the boke of life, bot anly tha that endis in rightwisnes³⁰.'

The idea that a man's sins are the result of his destiny, which is said to be sometimes urged as an excuse, is denounced as 'wickidnes and defamynge of god³¹.'

Wharton, in his Appendix to Cave's Historia Literaria, quotes Archbishop Ussher as saying that Hampole, in this Commentary^31a, delivered his judgment on the necessity of vernacular translations of the Holy Scriptures: a statement which was probably borrowed from Foxe the 'Martyrologist'; who makes the same assertion in the Preface, addressed to Queen Elizabeth, which is prefixed to his edition of the Gospels in Saxon. But no such passage is to be found in the genuine text. He only alludes to the subject twice: once to the effect that no man should be so hardy as to translate or expound Holy Writ unless he feel in himself the Holy Ghost, who is the maker of it;³² and in the other place he says that Holy Writ lay sleeping, while men understood it not.^32a

There is a curious passage upon 'spectakils,'³³ which are said to make 'men to lose ther wit fra God,' directed against rope-dancers and similar performers; and 'new gises' and 'degyse atyre^33a' are censured very much as they are in the Pricke of Conscience³⁴.

Other points in which the two works closely coincide are the account of the Judgment, in which occurs the doctrine frequently repeated in the Psalter, that all perfect men will take their seats with Christ, the domesman; and the description of Anti-Christ³⁵.

The notices of the Liturgical use of the Psalms are not very frequent. The sixth is noted as the first of the seven (penitential) Psalms³⁶, and also as 'songen in the office of dedmen'^36a, a remark which is made also on the twenty-second^36b, the forty-first³⁷, and the sixty-fourth^37a; a reason being assigned in each case. The title Song of Degrees which is given to the fifteen Psalms beginning with the 119th (120th), is also mentioned and explained³⁸. The use of Psalm 62 with Psalm 66 at 'lauds,' which in the second place is called 'matyns,' is noticed and accounted for^38a. The 50th Psalm (51st) is said to be 'mast hauntid in halykirke³⁹.' The practice of concluding all Offices with the words benedicamus domino, and of children singing them, is commented on^39a, and so is the custom of striking the breast in confession^39b. A superstitious value attributed by some to a particular verse of the Psalter is spoken of without comment⁴⁰.

The profane oaths which have left their mark on the English language to the present day are more than once denounced⁴¹; but on the whole the references to the actual life of the times are very scanty.

The description of a pestilence in the explanation of Ps. i. I^41a, may have been suggested by the Plague which is recorded by chroniclers as following upon the famine of the previous year in 1316. It can scarcely be due to any recollection of one of the more famous pestilences of that century: as the first of the three is not reckoned to have ended till the very day of Hampole's death.

Allusion is made to 'ill pryncys,' to 'oure pryncys now that ledis thaire life in filth of syn,' and to the strife which is poured out on them⁴²; to the perplexities of the prelates, and to their being slain⁴³.

There can be little doubt that these expressions refer to the 'evil times' and character⁴⁴of Edward II, to his wars with the nobles, to the entanglement of the bishops in the contending factions, and specially to the death of Walter de Stapledon, bishop of Exeter and Lord Treasurer, who having been left by the king as governor of the city of London was murdered in Cheapside, Oct. 14, 1326.

It might perhaps be conjectured from the absence of any clear allusion to the murder of the King, which took place Sept. 21, 1327, that the completion of this commentary is to be assigned to the period between those two events.

The Commentary does not profess to be original: 'In expounynge i. fologh haly doctours⁴⁵.' But there are few authors cited by name. Besides writers or books of Scripture, references are made to 'saynt Austyne⁴⁶', to 'the glose⁴⁷', to Aquila⁴⁸; to 'Raban and cassiodire⁴⁹', on the significance of certain birds; to 'Remyge⁵⁰', on the habits of the crow; and to 'strabʒ⁵¹', as to the different heavens which are below the heaven that angels are in. In one place⁵²the Greek is appealed to, and the Latin is read and translated in accordance with the LXX, and against the sense of Hampole's Latin Commentary. But it does not follow that the author himself had any acquaintance with Greek. The passage is discussed in a similar manner by St. Augustine⁵³.

The phraseology of this translation is often very like that of the Prayer Book version of the Psalms, and one verse⁵⁴is the same, with the exception of a single word and the transposition of two others. In Wycliffe's version of the passage the order of the words is further varied. But the whole verse is so simple that much stress cannot be laid upon these facts, as indicating the influence of Hampole's version upon our present translations, though it is very possible that it might be traced more definitely.

Notes

¹ A village about four miles from Doncaster on the road to Pontefract.

² Published by the Surtees Society as Appendix V to the second volume of the York Breviary (1883).

³ This seems to be confirmed by his own words, in his Latin Commentary on Ps. i. 2, 'in lege ejus meditabitur die ac nocte.' 'Non ergo in physica vel in lege Justiniani meditatur: cum inter diem ac noctem medium non sit.'

⁴ Possibly at Topcliffe near Thirsk, the parish of which include a township of the name of Dalton.

⁵ Appendix to Cave's Hist. Lit. s. a. 1340

⁶ Tanner's Bibliotheca Britan. s. v. Hampolus.

⁷ Hampole's English Prose Treatises, E. E. T. S. 1866. P. 6.

⁸ For instance in his Commentary on Ps. xxvi. 11, xxxii, 3, xxxix. 4, xli. 5.

⁹ Or possibly in the night before the Thursday in Cena Domini.

¹⁰De Incendio Amoris, f. cxliij. v., Cologne Edition. Cp. Ps. ci. 9 (p. 353).

¹¹ ? Ainderby Steeple, near North Allerton.

¹² In the Metrical Preface (p. 1).

¹³ P. 40.

¹⁴ At the end of Speculum Spiritualium. 'Additur insuper opusculum Richardi hampole.'

¹⁵ D. Richardi Pampolitani Anglosaxonis Eremitas, viri in diuinis scripturis ac veteri ilia solidaque Theologia eruditissimi, in Psalterium Davidicum, atque alia quædam sacræ scripture monumenta, compendiosa juxtaque pia Enarratio.

¹⁶ Tom. xxvi, pp. 609 et seqq.

¹⁷ Beginning, Ά good curteys aungell, ordeynd to my gouernale, I knowe well my feblenes and my vnconnynge.'

¹⁸Works, Oxford, 1823, vol. x, p. 293.

¹⁹A Complete History of the several Translations of the Holy Bible, &c, by John Lewis, A.M. Second Edition. London, 1739. p. 14.

²⁰ Dr. Adam Clarke's Commentary on the Old Testament: Notes on Ps. xiii. London. Butterworth and Son. 1825. Vol. iv. For an account of Dr. Clarke's MS. see p. xxiv.

²¹Commentary on the Psalms by Dr. Neale and Dr. Littledale. Vol. ii. Preface, p. ix. Third Edition. London, Masters. 1879.

²² P. 82 (Ps. xxi. 29).

²³ Pp. 196 (Ps. liv. 10); 304, 305 (Ps. lxxxii. 11-14); 290, 291 (Ps. lxxviii. 1-4).

²⁴ Pp. 451 (Ps. cxxxi. 9); 276 (Ps. lxxvi. 20).

^24a P. 514 (Song of Moses (ii.) 9).

²⁵ P. 405 (Ps. cxv. 6).

^25a Pp. 483, 484 (Ps. cxlvi. 3).

²⁶ Pp. 185 (Ps. 1.6); 263 (Ps. lxxiii. 4); 279, 287 (Ps. lxxvii. 16, 63); 517 (Song of Moses (ii.) 30); 458 (Ps. cxxxv. 14, 15).

²⁷ Pp. 310 (Ps. lxxxiv. 12); 241 (Ps. lxviii. 19); 340 (Ps. xciii. 18).

²⁸ Pp. 81, 82 (Ps. xxi. 26, 31); 282 (Ps. lxxvii. 34). See also pp. 281 (Ps. lxxvii. 29); 300 (Ps. lxxx. 14, 15); 516 (Song of Moses (ii.) 21).

²⁹Ps. lxi. 10 (N.).

³⁰ Pp. 243, 244 (Ps. lxviii. 33).

³¹ P. 269 (Ps. lxxiv. 5). See also p. 470 (Ps. cxl. 4).

^31a On Ps. cxviii. 43.

³² P. 61 (Ps. xvii. 13).

^32a P. 509 (Prayer of Habakkuk, 14).

³³ P. 147 (Ps. xxxix. 6, 7).

^33a Pp. 99 (Ps. xxvii. 5); 485 (Ps. cxlvi. 11).

³⁴ Book ii, 1524-1572.

³⁵ Compare p.8 (Ps. i. 6) with the Pricke of Conscience, book v, 6017-6072; and pp. 35-39 (Ps. ix. 20-40) with the Pricke of Conscience, book v, 4102-4314.

³⁶ P. 21 (Ps. vi. 1).

^36a P. 24 (Ps. vi. 10).

^36b P. 85.

³⁷ P. 153.

^37a P. 225.

³⁸ P. 437 (Ps. cxix. 1).

^38a Pp. 218 (Ps. ixii. 1); 230 (Ps. ixvi. 6).

³⁹ P. 183 (Ps. 1.1).

^39a Pp. 214, 215 (Ps. lx. 8).

^39b P. 216 (Ps. lxi. 8).

⁴⁰ P. 405 (Ps. cxv. 7).

⁴¹ Pp. 266, 267 (Ps. lxxiii. 19, 23); 309 (Ps. lxxxiv. 7).

^41a P.6.

⁴² Pp. 323 (Ps. lxxxviii. 27); 370 (Ps. civ. 28); 385, 386 (Ps. cvi. 34, 40).

⁴³ Pp. 383, 384 (Pi. cvi. 26, 27); 325 (Ps. lxxxviii. 39).

⁴⁴ According to Stowe, 'he refused the company of his lordes and men of honoure, and hanted the company of villains and vile persons. He gaue hym self to ouermuch drinkyng,' and 'to the appetite and pleasure of the body:' 'so that shortly he becam to his lordes odible.' A Summarie of ur Englysh Chronicles, by John Stowe, 1566, ff. 110, 111.

⁴⁵ Prologue, p. 5.

⁴⁶ P. 5 (Ps. i. 1).

⁴⁷ Pp. 96 (Ps. xxvi. 11); 154 (Ps. xli. 5).

⁴⁸ P. 153 (Ps. xl. 14).

⁴⁹ P. 353 (Ps. ci. 7).

⁵⁰ P. 485 (Ps. cxlvi. 10).

⁵¹ P. 488 (Ps. cxlviii. 4).

⁵² P. 432 (Ps. cxviii. 147).

⁵³ Enarratio in Ps. cxviij; Sermo xxix. 3.

⁵⁴Ps. xxxv. 10 (Prayer Book version xxxvi. 9), p. 129.