SOURCE: Weiss, Bruno, and Louis C. Pérez. “Introduction: Polydore's Life and Works.” In Beginnings and Discoveries: Polydore Vergil's De Inventoribus rerum, pp. 5-25. Nieuwkoop, Netherlands: De Graaf Publishers, 1997.

[In the excerpt below, Weiss and Pérez discuss the diversity of topics found in De inventoribus rerum, which for many years had been considered Vergil's greatest achievement.]

Polydore Vergil was born around 1470, most likely in the Castle of Fermignano where his father owned land and property. Fermignano was located near the city of Urbino with which the Vergili family had a long connection. We come to the conclusion that 1470 was the year of his birth from Polydore's preface to his 1496 critical edition of Nicolò Perotti's Cornucopiae in which he is identified as a priest: at the time, one could not become a priest before age 25, hence he must have been born by 1470. His grandfather Antonio, very learned in medicine and astrology, had taught at the University of Paris and was associated with the Montefeltri, Dukes of Urbino. Giorgio, Polydore's father, following the footsteps of his own parent, established a pharmacy in Fermignano, a town renown for the production of paper used by scribes and authors—perhaps an omen for the future writer. Giorgio had four sons: Giovanni Matteo, Girolamo, Giovanni Francesco and Polydore. Matteo, a student of the Aristotelian philosopher Pietro Pomponazzi, taught philosophy at Padua and Ferrara. Girolamo was a merchant who, with Polydore's help, received various benefices in England and resided in London. Unlike his brothers, Giovanni Francesco seems to have remained in Urbino where eventually he inherited, together with Girolamo, Polydore's house. Today this building constitutes part of the University of Urbino and bears a plaque honoring Polydore. Teseo Pinni, Polydore's uncle, a well-known clergyman and lawyer, authored a popular treatise on vagabonds: Speculum Cerretanorum. It is noteworthy that both Erasmus and Luther took notice of this work—Luther wrote a preface to the edition, edited at Wittemberg in 1528, and Erasmus deals with this in Ecclesiastes, a treatise on preaching. We are inclined to believe that uncle Teseo inspired young Polydore in becoming a priest and a writer.

Little is known regarding Polydore's education and training for the priesthood. He studied at the University of Padua and then probably at Bologna under Filippo Beroaldo the elder, author of an Oratio proverbiorum (Vergil makes several references to him in the Adagia). His university studies included literature, history, philosophy and theology. As already indicated, he was ordained by 1496. In 1498 he published the first version of the Proverbiorum libellus, a collection of proverbs later known as the Adagia. This first edition consisted of 306 proverbs of classical origin; in the 1550 definitive edition there were 385. The version appended to the 1521 edition of the De rerum inventoribus was titled Adagiorum liber and contained 431 proverbs divided into sacred and profane ones. There were other editions, and the final one (1550) contained 1,088 proverbs (385 profane ones and 703 sacred). This work evidently gained much popularity, for between 1498 and 1643 more than 20 editions were published.

In 1499 the first edition of the De inventoribus rerum, consisting of three books, was published in Venice. It was this work, clearly Vergil's most original, that brought him to the attention of the humanists of his time and had an instant and enduring success. Quite possibly it had been commissioned by Duke Guidobaldo I of Urbino; the dedication is to Lodovico Odassio, the Duke's tutor. In this encyclopedic undertaking, in which ‘man the maker’ is the principal theme, the author identifies various inventions, traces them back to pagan, Greek, Roman, Egyptian, Syrian sources, and finally attributes their origins to the Old Testament—always underlining the true Judeo-Christian God, as well as the Jews' primacy as inventors. In 1521 Polydore published an expanded version of this work—under the new title De rerum inventoribus—by adding five books dealing with the origins of Christian Institutions (Initia institutorum rei Christianae). However, it is clear that by 1517 this addition must have already been near completion, judging from the date (December 5, 1517) at the bottom of the “Preface” to his brother John Matthew Vergil; as further proof that this is so, Polydore also tells us in this same “Preface” that he has added “five books to the other three of the Inventors of Things written some eighteen years” before.

In books IV-VIII Vergil presents the experiences of ‘religious man,’ starting with the Old Testament and ending with the XVI century; in particular, he deals with the first Christian communities, the Church as an institution, monastic orders, the origin of rituals, ceremonies, heresies, and Church law. This enormous task of compilation was facilitated by Agapito, the librarian of the Ducal Library of Urbino, who put at Vergil's disposal its vast resources. Furthermore, in England, Vergil must have had access to prominent libraries, including those at the royal court, as well as those belonging to other humanists. In the Adagia (1521 ed.) Vergil lists the following English humanists: John Chambre, John Clerk, John Fisher, William Harrington, Richard Hilley, William Knight, Hugh Latimer, Edward Lee, Thomas Linacre, Sir Thomas More, Richard Sampson, John Stokesley, John Taylor Cuthbert Tunstall and William Warham. Along with these learned men, he also knew Andrea Ammonio, John Colet, Gavin Douglas, William Grocyn, John Leland, Robert Ridley. Many of the above comprised a distinguished nucleus of teachers of Greek, Latin, and biblical texts—scholars who were integrating classical and biblical learning. Most significant was his friendship with Desiderius Erasmus, with whom he enjoyed a long and close relationship, dating back perhaps to 1505 during the Dutchman's second trip to England; this association was strengthened in 1511 when Erasmus was appointed to a chair at Cambridge. This friendship outlasted their controversy concerning whether the publication of Polydore's Proverbiorum libellus had antedated that of Erasmus' Adagia. The whole matter was caused by a simple misunderstanding because Erasmus did not know that Vergil's first edition of the Proverbiorum had been printed in Venice in 1498, two years before his own work. Although Erasmus' collection was superior to Vergil's, both men apparently conceived the idea of writing a collection of proverbs almost at the same time. This controversy was preceded by another one with Lodovico Gorgerio, who in his Invectiva in Polydorum, charged Vergil with usurping his idea and plagiarizing his own unpublished work. Even so, Polydore profited much in his later writings from association with Erasmus. They shared many English friends and some of his criticism of Christian Institutions clearly echoes those of Erasmus inasmuch as both advocated Church reform but opposed the Protestant Reformation, and remained loyal Catholics. Not only did Erasmus dedicate to Polydore an edition of some of John Chrysostom's sermons, urging him also to translate one homily, but he had tried unsuccessfully to help the Italian publish Dialogus de prodigiis; however, this did not come about until 1531. In spite of this unsuccessful attempt by Erasmus, on other occasions the Dutchman greatly assisted Vergil by arranging to have his books published in Basel. Polydore's gratitude is evident in a letter to Erasmus (1523): “I certainly am aware of your affection towards me, that you are a truly an extremely good and affectionate friend of mine as I am of yours.” He ends this letter by offering money: “In the meantime if I can be of any help, avail yourself of your Polydore who desires to help you even with money—etiam pecunia.” Indeed, in 1525 when Erasmus' writings were condemned at Paris, and Sir Thomas More, Zacharias Deiotarus Frisonius and many other loyal friends in England felt that he should leave Basel, Polydore wrote to him: “… since more than any other person I wish to have you nearer to me, I have given your Carolus 16 crowns, the price of a horse, so that it will transport you away from Basel.”

The dialogue of De prodigiis, consisting of three books, takes place between Polydore and his friend Robert Ridley. The latter, who had co-edited with Vergil the Gildas, was chaplain of Cuthbert Tunstall, to whom De prodigiis was dedicated. In De prodigiis, Polydore censures any inquiry into the future and criticizes the superstitious belief in the supernatural and the occult because these pagan practices are offensive to God.

It took Vergil more than 20 years to write the De inventoribus, which was revised and expanded on a number of occasions. The work met with great popular success and over 100 editions were published; 30 or more during his lifetime, with translations in Italian, Spanish, English, French, German, Russian and Polish. The two Italian versions had seven editions (1543-1680); the English one had nine abridged editions (1546-1868). Because of its popularity and blatant criticism of some Church practices, De inventoribus was condemned by the Sorbonne in 1551; in 1559 it was put on the Spanish Index; in 1564 it was condemned by the Trent Index with the indictment that it had been expanded by heretics: “Qui aut haeretici vel haeresis nota suspecti fuerunt.” The Liège Index of 1569 and subsequent ones reiterated this accusation. Although it remained on the index of forbidden books, Pope Gregory XIII, authorized in 1576 the publication of an expurgated edition for five years, which was then renewed for another five. This expurgated edition was translated into Italian, Spanish, French and other languages.

We do not know when Polydore first entered the papal service; most likely it was 1501-02. It was during this time that he met Adriano Castelli who was instrumental in his going to England. Castelli had served as Papal Nuncio in Scotland in 1488 where he had been sent to settle the civil wars raging there. Henry VII who held him in great favor appointed him the following year collector of Peter's Pence. In 1502 he received the see of Hereford, in 1503 he was made cardinal, and in 1504 he was transferred to the see of Bath and Wells. Until his fall from grace he was a loyal and trusted English agent at the Papal court. Due to political intricacies he was accused of having participated in a plot against Leo X and fell into disfavor with Henry VIII and Wolsey. In 1518 he returned to Rome where he died in disgrace and obscurity. Needing an agent to take care of his interests in England, Castelli had taken Vergil to England in 1502 and had made him deputy collector of Peter's Pence. Vergil writes in his Anglica historia that he was courteously received by Henry VII and often entertained kindly by him. Henry VII enjoyed the company of well-educated Italians. In addition, being from Urbino, Vergil had certain advantages because of the long-standing friendship between the court of Urbino and the one of England. In fact, Duke Federigo da Montefeltro had received the Order of the Garter from Edward IV and the same honor had been bestowed upon Duke Guidobaldo by Henry VII. Incidentally, in 1506 Guidobaldo sent Henry VII Raphael's famous panel of “St. George and the Dragon” in which the Saint wears some of the insignia of the Order of the Garter. The gift was sent through his ambassador Baldesar Castiglione, author of the celebrated Book of the Courtier, set at the ducal palace of Urbino. Whereas Polydore fails to mention Castiglione, his contemporary, he does remember proudly and perceptively the artistic greatness of Raphael: “I will not fail to mention one of my countrymen who with his industry and genius has completely revived painting in our time; and with his craft and diligence he is as good as the artists who flourished in the past, given his ability to portray so realistically in color the face of any person. He is Raphael, whose surname is Sanctus [Sanzio], and from which name one can judge his good character and life.” Vergil's duties as intermediary between the Papacy and England included economic affairs and resulted in his being charged with violating the exchange laws in 1504; after many postponements, the King pardoned him in 1509.

Between 1503-13, Vergil served primarily as an agent for Castelli at the Royal Court. In the meantime he obtained church preferments: in 1507 he acquired a prebend in Lincoln Cathedral and another at Hereford; and in 1508 he became archdeacon of Welles; the same year he received the prebend of Brent, and in 1513 the prebend of Oxgate in St. Paul's. With the death of Henry VII in 1509 and the subsequent rise in power of Thomas Wolsey, the very much disliked chancellor at the court of Henry VIII, the influence of Polydore and that of many other courtiers gradually diminished. In 1513-14 Vergil was back in Italy for two principal reasons—in addition to personal affairs and family considerations. First, to facilitate Wolsey's aspirations for a cardinal's hat and second to meet in Urbino with Federico Veterani, ducal librarian and renown copyist, whom he requested to make a fine copy of the Anglica historia for Henry VIII. The original manuscript entrusted to Veterani would eventually form the basis of the first printed edition of his history. Several years after arriving in England (ca. 1506-07) Henry VII had requested Polydore prepare a comprehensive history of England that took him twelve years to write; it was not printed until 1534 after many revisions. The Anglica historia begins with early times and ends with the reign of Henry VIII. It is this work for which Polydore is primarily remembered today and scholars consider it the beginning of modern English historiography, albeit also a partial celebration of the Tudor monarchy. Some consider it to have been an influence on Shakespeare's historical plays.

When he returned to England in February 1515, there was a downward turn in his fortune. Wolsey and Henry VIII no longer supported Vergil's patron, Cardinal Castelli, as collector of Peter's Pence. Their new favorite, Andrea Ammonio, wishing to ruin Castelli, had Polydore's correspondence intercepted and subsequently charged that the latter had written compromising letters concerning Wolsey. These charges were well founded and in April Vergil was imprisoned in the Tower of London where he spent the rest of the year. Polydore was released as a result of Wolsey's elevation to cardinal, a conciliatory letter of apology the prisoner wrote to the new cardinal, and principally due to the intervention of Leo X who had requested Polydore's return to Rome. Vergil traveled to Italy in 1516 and was back in England before the year 1517. For the rest of his stay in England, Vergil avoided political intrigues and consequently enjoyed the benevolence of the English court. This cautious stance—including his signing of the Articles of 1536 and the declaration for communion in both kinds in 1547—allowed him to weather the Henrician Reformation with its controversial and turbulent events; although personally he must have considered these religious changes with great aversion in view of his loyalty to the Church of Rome.

In 1525 he published an edition of De excidio et conquestu Britanniae by Gildas, a history of Britain from the Roman conquest to the 6th century A.D. This edition became the first of its kind—an important source for English medieval history. The same year, a brief commentary on the Lord's Prayer (Commentariolum in Dominicam precem) was included in the Adagia. At the suggestion of Erasmus, Vergil completed in 1528 the translation of Chrysostom's De perfecto monacho, which he published later in 1530. His last work, published in 1545, consists of a collection of dialogues: Dialogi de Patientia, de Vita Perfecta, de Veritate et Mendacio.

In 1533, after a stop at Basel where he made plans for the publication of Anglica historia (1534) by Johann Bebel, he returned to Urbino to visit his family and finalize his will. Back in England he continued to write and made preparations for a return to Italy in 1546, but did not leave England until 1553. Ironically, this Italian prelate and papist, who had seen the inside of the Tower of London, had survived the tumultuous times during the reign of Henry VII and Henry VIII, had steered a clear course in the turbulent waters resulting from England's break with Rome and from the Reformation, in the end was permitted by Edward VI—certainly no friend of the Church of Rome—to return to Urbino; moreover he was allowed to enjoy in his retirement the revenues of an English archdeaconry. Polydore Vergil died in Urbino in 1555, and was buried in the Cathedral, where he had previously endowed a chapel.

Like Erasmus, Polydore did not take an open stand on the great question of his time—the Reformation. Nonetheless, both stressed the importance of learning for Christians and were strongly antagonistic to the unreformed Church, blaming it for having prepared the way for the Reformation. Although Polydore's criticism of the Church did not go to the extent of some of Erasmus' writings, which stand out for their spirit of rational humanism independent of authority, nonetheless, like the Dutch humanist, he too may be regarded as a spokesman for a tolerant Catholic reformation: Polydore held monastic life up to contempt and ridicule—he attacked obscurantism and abuses of the clergy, and to a certain degree opposed Luther, believing in the unity of the Church. Both sought to purify the Church of superstitious accretions and to bring it back to the simple original teachings of Christ. Endowed with the spirit of the Italian Renaissance and its humanistic quest to rediscover truth, in all his works Polydore endeavored to enlighten Christian reason with the spirit of Classical culture.

The word “inventors” besides bearing the apparent and accepted modern meaning—doing something for the first time or originating something—should also include its archaic sense: to come upon, to find, to discover a way of doing something, authoring or instituting a way of doing something. Therefore, we translate De rerum inventoribus as Concerning Beginnings and Discoveries. As indicated above, the work consisted of eight sections that differ in length. This raises some questions; for example: why are the concluding Books VII—specially chapters six and seven—and VIII so brief? Was it the subject matter that dictated their length, or was it perhaps lack of interest or inspiration on the part of the author at the time of composition? Or had he exhausted his sources? Did he become sensitive to secular and other pressures and as a result leery of possible consequences such as those experienced by some of his fellow humanists, i.e., Sir Thomas More and Erasmus?

De inventoribus reveals Polydore's great erudition and reflects the number and quality of books and manuscripts available to him—he obviously handled many primary and secondary sources. One can say that his frequent use of references for his material and the preciseness of his citations mark the passage to exact scholarship which will eventually distinguish later scholars. No doubt, as a historian and scholar Polydore yearned to document everything; a good example is chapter X in Book III where he provides many sources and much speculation about pyramids. And when Polydore associates the Christian God with pagan gods, he often combines myth with history: “And so it appears that the practice of making vows comes from this, i.e., when we vow or promise tacitly something to God such as a silver image or candles. This very same thing the ancients did at the beginning believing that the gods would be placated by means of vows and prayers. For instance, Aeneas is warned by Helenus in Virgil's work: ‘Above all you shall worship mighty Juno's godhead and offer her entreaties; and with your whole will submit your vows to her.’” Of course, as one can read in the Proem, the author knew what he was doing and astutely explains that when he attributes inventions to pagan gods, he regards them only “as mere mortals and not divinities.” In true Humanistic fashion he cannot ignore classical mythology and tries to reconcile the pagan world with Judeo-Christian tradition.

As is to be expected, there is abundant comment on Roman practices that have become Christian ones, such as in the custom of offering gifts that were tossed to the people during the Saturnalia—games that were the beginnings of Roman sacred rites. Later, in speaking about the imitation of Roman practices by Christians, Polydore notes that “some scrupulous people may say that we Christians are emulating the religion or better the superstitions of the ancients without realizing it—something that even today leaders of the Church will readily admit.” He also curiously asks why the use of candles was already “done on the altar of Saturn and had a similar origin,” and why candles are used to observe the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin as if they “stood for the yearling lamb, doves, and turtledoves, which according to the Law of Moses pregnant women offered in the Temple on the day of purification.”

Often, after making an assertion based on some documentation or source, we have the impression that almost at the last minute, Polydore then comes upon a contradictory source that he decides to include. Ergo, based on some sort of logic, or none at all, he tells us, the reader, which of the two or three sources appear most credible to him. Polydore also treats of practices that have become senseless rituals. At times he belabors a detail—as in the case of how ‘Paracletus’ should be written—but the detail is important, for Polydore reminds us that if it is spelled with a “y” (‘Paraclytus’), as some priests do when they read incorrectly the Gospel of St. John, it means someone without fame and nullifies the meaning of “clutos” which means well known or famous. In the same vein, he comments on digamy and bigamy with respect to priests; the religious custom of clerics shaving their heads and its origin; the aspect of conditioned response as in the case of the ringing of the bells for vespers; the value of confession as a healing process; and many other aspects of the Church.

The author is a compassionate individual: harsh punishment is not the solution. He speaks out against depriving people of the sacraments—“the only weapon and terrifying thunderbolt with which our pontiffs, with a simple nod, still send the souls of mortals into Hell.” This type of cruel punishment, he writes, should be carefully considered before it is imposed. In another part of his work, although Polydore is most critical of the abuses resulting from monasticism, he nonetheless reveals that he favors fewer restrictions in the lives of the monks—if laws had not been so encumbering, there would have been many more holy monks throughout the ages.

Polydore finds fault with the garments some church officials wear: they encourage class distinction, are ostentatious, or may betray their Jewish origin that he would just as soon forget. After telling us what the different items represent (the staff, the ring, the gloves, the footwear), he concludes that “no matter where they come from, they echo more the established custom of the Jews than those of the apostles.” He promotes simplicity in dress for in the early years of the Christian religion priests were ordered by Stephanus to wear nothing different when saying Mass, but rather “to dress their souls with virtue.”

Because Vergil had lived in England for so many years, he often refers to its people as “our English.” He seems to be taken with the style and manner of the English and their reputation for reasonableness. He is charmed by the way of greeting one another with a kiss, especially the women who “do so most innocently and gracefully, lips first, as one would say.” Even in matters of religion he tells us that “without any question [they] are a far more devout people than any other.” In this respect he underscores the reluctance of the English to pay annates to the pope.

At the beginning of his Preface to Books IV-VIII Polydore writes: “I have added the following five books to the other three of the De inventoribus, written some eighteen years ago when I was rather young in age and knowledge.” Obviously, this last statement could explain the often stilted style—merely a listing of things—evident in Books I-III. The more knowledgeable, more mature, more confident Polydore of Books IV-VIII, although not equal to the refined style of Erasmus, produces more readable and at times elegant and graceful pages, often offering us information of a personal or emotional nature. The segments referring to sermons (structure, contents, delivery; traits and attributes of the preacher), the necessity for good diction, variety, good quality of voice and the effects of body language, are close to Polydore's heart. His suggestions on preaching are often of a practical nature: “At the beginning of the sermon the voice has to be pleasing and soft so as to avoid irritating the voice and tiring quickly.” After other recommendations, he reminds his listener or reader to follow his advice: “Perchance is there a preacher who if he were to do the things I have proposed—rather then simply speak extemporaneously—would not achieve his intended purpose? On the other hand if he does not do what another proposes, he will neither prove nor conclude what he intends to convey. Furthermore, because he has not divided his sermon into parts, he fails to stir even slightly the minds of the listeners, or awaken or convince them. Instead, with monotonous voice and no movement of the body, he speaks on in a boring manner, which sounds more like the repetitious banging of metal than a human being.” These pages and others reveal a notable change in style from the first three books; they are quite personal, touching on his psyche, and they seem to have the priest himself in mind. We wonder to what kind of readership Polydore was directing his work? But then we recall that these last five books concerning the origins of Christian Institutions are dedicated to his brother Giovanni Matteo, a university teacher and philosopher, and are books he composed mainly at the latter's request.

In this Preface we discover the main thrust of the last five Books: Christ came into the world to confirm God's law, laws that the Jews had tainted, shaded and obfuscated. “Christ limited the practices in which there were less charity and more ceremony than true piety and devotion. He wanted more charity and less ceremony.” Polydore also underscores “which practices derived from Christ our Savior and which from the apostles.” His task is to make known the customs and rites of the Christian religion and their beginnings. Of course, Polydore does more than this; he departs from his role as a historian to give us some of his most contentious, biased and passionate pages—particularly is this true in his condemnation of “the perverse sect of Mohammed and its dogma, which both in its ugliness and filthy vices, as well as in the disgraceful customs it contains, in no way differs from the evil way of the priests of the goddess Syria.”

A work of this length needs some light moments. The author did have a sense of humor; at times subtle, ironic, sarcastic, and occasionally what we conclude is unintended humor. In what we interpret as a talking down to us, he writes that when the priest says in his prayers “Dominus vobiscum … it would be pointless for him to say thus unless at least two people were present.” A fine example of sarcasm surfaces in his comment on widows. If a woman were to marry too soon after her husband's death, she could redeem herself “by offering in sacrifice a pregnant cow.” Well then, says Polydore, “If such a custom were to be observed today either in other parts of the world or in our England, we would have very few calves in our herds, because a large number of widows do not wait for the required time [10 months] to pass after the man's death before they remarry.” He points out humorously the lack of generosity of some priests. It seems—Jerome's interpretation—that to shave the part of one's head called the crown, denotes the abandonment of all worldly goods, while retaining the remaining hair shows that the priests can keep some things for their own livelihood. Many priests are happy with this interpretation and they grow a larger crown. However, “they refuse to share any of the vast wealth they possess, or set any of it aside, nor leave anything to others”; obviously wanting to have the faithful believe they have fulfilled their duty by having a large crown. One is led to conclude that sacrifice goes only so far.

One of the most successful examples of tongue-in-cheek humor is his play on words pertaining to the popes' names. “The first privilege given to a Roman pontiff was to allow him to change his name upon taking office if his given name was not respectable enough.” Polydore tells us, we suspect with a twinkle in his eye, that if the pontiff “had been an evil person he would be called Boniface; if he had been fearful, Leo; if a farmer, Urban; if wicked, Innocent; if arrogant, Clement; if people spoke ill of him, Benedict; in this way the pontiff would be known at least by a dignified name.”

The inventoribus contains other examples of levity, some that are dependent on word choice: at one point he tells us that it would be better if the members of the choir recited the hymns as readers, rather than shrieking and shouting as they now do. Or in talking about fasting, he refers to a certain preacher of the Franciscan Order, who affirmed that anyone who violated the fast during Lent did not commit a mortal sin. Polydore suggests that “this preacher wanted to honestly obey the demands of his sizable belly which was no longer satisfied with a paltry amount of food.” In one of his asides on simony—referring to leprosy as a punishment, as happened to a servant who had stolen and then upon repentance had been cured of leprosy—, he observes: “Can you imagine how many of our people would suffer each day, if every time they committed simony they were stricken with the elephantiasis [leprosy] of Gehazi.”

Although Polydore is a harsh and unbending critic of Mohammedanism as we have pointed out, he is nevertheless also critical of individuals and practices of his own Church—from Popes to clergyman, from silly practices to those dealing with church dogma—for the inventoribus is a work of a most serious nature aiming to show how Christ's original intent had been thwarted. Christ's aim was charity and sincerity, not show, not ceremony, not the accumulation of wealth for its own sake. Consequently, Polydore's book is replete with mild reprimands to the priesthood and Church, stern scolding, and a heartfelt concern for the future of the Church. Of course there are inept or unsuitable priests, who “after having said hurriedly a few words by way of interpreting the Gospel, as if there were nothing else to say about it, then turn to their phony questions, and in so doing seem to be moved by a passion, and feign distress as if struggling; … they twist as they please the holy scriptures; then they come to insults, and by shouting they deafen the people … they act truly like itinerant performers.” Unfortunately, adds Polydore, the common and ignorant people praise and admire them. Consequently, these inept preachers do much damage—“having a reputation of being holy, the more they are believed the greater the harm they cause.”

Often Polydore seems to depart from his intended goal—the origin of the Church and its practices—to get things off his chest; to preach a small sermon or admonish some sinners: “Oh, how wretchedly they sin, those who even though admonished of their mistakes, continue being wrong; it is so unbelievable that they should have no intention of mending their ways. … Oh good God, how can you even expect from them an appropriate religious performance when although they are trained they refuse to understand?” He thinks of the number of priests not competent to fulfill the duties that such high office requires: “Yet, such unworthy priests are many in number, and they say that by merely celebrating Mass they are working hard, and claim that all their priestly responsibilities are fulfilled by just saying Mass.” He reminds his audience that, from the beginning, among other duties, priests were expected to teach, baptize, consecrate the holy sacrament and minister to others, not merely celebrate Mass.

Throughout these last five Books, Polydore, conscious of his self-appointed task, cannot resist scolding, sometimes mildly other times sternly: how humorously absurd are the attitudes of the priests, who try to prove a background of nobility, “like those of low birth who vainly try to glorify themselves pretending to be noble—some tracing their origin back to Achilles, others to Aeneas.” He reprimands them for their arrogance; today many priests, he writes, “behave arrogantly because they are priests, and go about as if they were superior to others in a manner unbefitting their priestly role, if only they would realize that they are mere men, and only men!” He tells us in a rather direct manner, that “at the beginning, the mysteries handed down from Christ to the apostles were plain, simple, devoid of ceremonies and showed more devotion than pomp.”

Polydore reminds us that priests dedicated to their calling should be men of conviction and action. They should return to the simplicity and purity of the early Church and to the pure doctrine of Christ. Like Erasmus, Polydore was against the proliferation of monks and other religious orders. He was convinced that there were many monks “who due more to indolence than religious zeal” were engaged in starting new sects, which lead to fraudulent new orders. In short, “even the most idle person has had the audacity to start a new order,” comments Polydore. He explains that some orders were started for a selfish, self-serving purpose: in one case, “they came up with an order, or in truth a sect of poltroonery. It is said that a certain James from Cremona, an enemy of labor as much as a lover of poltroonery was their founder.” In short, Polydore echoes in many instances Erasmus' comment that Christ brought freedom and the Church invented monasteries. Polydore finds other practices, such as begging, reprehensible: “I don't know why these monks [of the mendicant order] should always ask for alms when it is clear that Christ himself did not beg nor did his apostles remain idle expecting to receive food from others. … Even the first monks in Egypt, according to Chrysostom, labored by using their hands.” In talking about “religious” persons who swindle the poor pious people, he tells us that when they return home, they are received like courageous heroes: “These very scoundrels with their wretched behavior plunder the entire Christian world with great impunity.”

We have not yet talked of the censored portions of De inventoribus. Certainly, Polydore's opus was not put on the ‘Index’ for what he had written in Books I-III, where there is little or nothing that could rankle the church authorities or smack of irreligiosity. Later there certainly is strong criticism of the clergy and Church. Some of Polydore's harshest pages, besides those on Mohammedanism, surface in his comments on the role of money or wealth in the Church. Although money can have a beneficial function in works of charity and worthy church projects, he believes that too much importance is given to it. One can readily see the author's tack when he tells us that John XXII, was “eager to find some way of enriching the church.” It is no secret that today we have “a sect of deceitful men who avoid employment … beg cunningly from naïve farmers … go among the people and show them relics of saints … promising them all eternal life in exchange for the small gifts. When they return home they joyfully make fun of the simplicity of the rustic people” and revel in the manner in which they are able to deceive the pious, poor little women. These beggars who fraudulently beg for the Church, not only steal from people but, later, laugh and ridicule their basic goodness. Our author points out how even small offices, such as the one of recording the deeds of martyrs, are sold. He says sarcastically that such an office is “tossed to a less prestigious order” because it required too much time and labor; nonetheless the office was “sold for a fee.” However, one should not conclude that because some monks are wealthy, they should not be allowed to engage in sacred matters. Furthermore, although we attribute to Christ love for poverty that results in spiritual advantages and purity, let us not ascribe to him squalor and extreme poverty, begging and such. There is nothing wrong with wealth if it is used to help the needy.

At one point, speaking of the split that occurred in the colleges of canons, Polydore suggests that money may have played a role, “To the best of my knowledge it is not known who caused this division, unless it was perhaps the discord brought about by the college of rich priests who wanted to dominate the others by charging them a fee and hence keep them out.” And so “these new canonical lords started to deny admission into their college any canon appointed by the bishop, except for a fee.” Although some of the money was set aside for the upkeep of the churches, the rest was reserved for themselves and the ministers of the church.

The show of opulence in religious sacrifice, Polydore tells us in another part, is to be shunned: “according to Sallustius, pagan gods want their worshippers to be magnificent in their sacrifices.” But Christ preached simple quiet and personal prayers: “God appreciated the pure prayers of the Lacedaemonians more than the rich sacrifices of the Athenians.” Together with money or wealth went the worshipping of images. There are many ignorant and confused people who worship images not as mere representations, but as if these images had feelings; they rely much more on representations than on Christ himself. The people who worship these images “heap lunacy on idiocy by offering to these images gold, silver, and rings with precious stones.” The ones who reap profit from this, “place these images in uniquely conspicuous places,” so that “a good many people are induced by these means to be even more foolish and take long journeys, from time to time, in order to visit a particular statuette and leave offerings there,” making some people rich. At another point, in quoting Lactantius, Polydore reveals his displeasure with those who flaunt wealth, be it with garments, gems, or other things; if anyone thinks that God holds these things dear, he clearly has no idea of what God is. Even the monk who sets a regal table, indulges in pleasure, craves honors and dignity, and always thinks excessively of money, is singled out. So too, the money-making ventures the Church or some of its members indulge in, “offices that had originally sold for 50 golden ducats now sell for 1000, others for 2000 or 3000 and even for far more, to such a high amount that it is obvious that those who engage in this practice know how to look out for their own personal gain.”

Other money-making ventures are the annates. There is no question, that nothing “increased the wealth and power of the Roman pontiffs more than the use of incomes called annates.” It was decreed at the Council of Vienna (held by order of Clemes V) that the burden of the annates be eliminated, a useless decree, since the pope retained the annates in his snare and the clergy could not escape paying them. Nevertheless we have Polydore's reminder that Christ had willed that these priestly offices, later created by authority of the Roman pontiffs, “were to be granted without payment.”

Two of Polydore's lengthiest criticisms, which may be construed as attacks on the Church, have as their subjects the controversial topic of celibacy for priests, and the once popular practice of selling indulgences. There is a notable passage on celibacy that takes up several pages. Our author seems to be in sympathy with having priests marry; he argues that if they were permitted to marry publicly, they would lead a far more pious life, one devoid of disgrace and shame. He tells us that ecclesiastical authorities distort biblical passages to keep clergymen from marrying: “It is worthwhile to listen to some of our superstitious and fearful theologians, as they distort this biblical passage in their attempt to minimize the question pertaining to marriage.” Following this accusation, there is a long recorded discussion between those who defended celibacy for priests and those who opposed it. Polydore then appears to put the matter to rest by referring to Paul. Nevertheless, there is still the question of what to do with those who become priests after they are married, are widowed, or remarry. Pelagius II, for one, prescribed that the subdeacons should choose between separation from their wives or from the priesthood—leave their sacerdotal calling or leave their wives. This Polydore tells us “was one of the most inopportune and perverse examples since the beginning of the human race.” Fortunately, Pope Gregory, who succeeded Pelagius, “deemed this decree unjust and contrary to the Gospel,” for the Gospel “mandates that a wife can be dismissed only because of adultery.” At this point, Polydore interrupts himself: “But enough of this, as it goes against my purpose, which is not so much to define things as to illuminate their origins.” Nevertheless, he can't resist one last comment, “I will only say this, that this enforced chastity could not possibly be stronger than conjugal chastity, and that no crime brought greater infamy to our religious orders, caused more harm to religion, and inflicted more burning pain to all good people, than the disgraceful lapses of sacerdotal libido.” He suggests public marriage be restored to the priesthood. It seems to us that Polydore, much to his credit, could not overlook this unnatural existence for a human being.

The debate concerning indulgences also comes in for a long comment. Although Polydore believes they started with the Romans—its origins are insufficiently clear—he nonetheless feels comfortable enough to quote a certain Bishop of Rossano [Rossensis]: “it is not known by whom the indulgences were first begun. It is said they were somewhat in use by the Romans in ancient times.” Then, Polydore adds, “Surely, no true believer doubts that there is a Purgatory, and yet one finds no mention or rare mention of it among the ancients; even today the Greeks do not believe in it. When people did not worry about Purgatory, no one sought indulgences, because the entire value of indulgences comes from this belief in Purgatory.” It appears that our author is not only condemning indulgences but indirectly wonders whether the concept of Purgatory is a valid one. Furthermore, Polydore argues that the selling of indulgences grew to such an extent, that it seemed to many that they were dispensed too frequently. In fact, like goods or commodities, they were sold everywhere,” and this did not happen unexpectedly, for as Jerome tells us, “whenever money is involved spiritual gifts become less valuable.”

Interestingly enough, Polydore is not hard on Luther whom he mentions twice—in Book VII, chapter IV, with reference to the fourth church schism and the question of indulgences. As a matter of fact, he paints him in a rather favorable light: “At that time there was in the famous Saxon town of Wittenberg a certain man named Martin Luther, an Augustinian monk, the best versed of his people in theology,” who disapproved of the selling of indulgences. “The sellers of indulgences were very upset, and at first they passed his name on to the magistrates in Rome. Luther was immediately accused of having contempt for God; he received a citation and a trial was held. “Of course, Luther didn't show up for the trial; he went back home and “With the support of his friend he dared to be bolder and began to write and to publish his writings concerning all the mysteries of religion.” In this regard, Polydore seems to be in accord with his friend Erasmus, who while deploring some of Luther's thinking, nevertheless regarded him as an honest critic of their common opponents—the obscuranists, monks, certain church authorities and scholastics.