SOURCE: “Simplifying the Native American: Wild West Shows Exhibit the ‘Indian,’” in Staging Difference: Cultural Pluralism in American Theatre and Drama, edited by Marc Maufort, Peter Lang, 1995, pp. 9-17.

[In the following essay, Blackstone examines the Wild West Show of 1880-1920 in which Native Americans were exhibited as examples of both the noble savage and the bloodthirsty barbarian.]

The dominant white culture in American has long been content to view the Native American as a representative of a single homogeneous culture (Indian), and within the binary construct of noble savage/barbarian. Native Americans have not often been portrayed as, or considered to be, complex individuals who are members of many complex cultures. This strategy of marginalizing and simplifying the Native American began with the first European explorers and continues in the 1990s.¹

This practice developed out of the complex relationships formed among Native Americans and the settlers and soldiers of various European cultures during the conquest of the Americas. Some individuals developed a great respect for, or a great hatred of, individuals of other cultures. Through years of unrest, negotiation, fighting, and captivity individuals formed opinions about who (and by association, what culture) could or could not be trusted. While the various cultures fought to win or preserve the land for their families and their herds, deep hatreds, grudging friendships, and confused loyalties emerged.

White Americans learned about the Native American through stories, dramas, and newspaper accounts of the conquest of the wilderness featuring settlers and soldiers as actors and heroes. The ambivalent attitude toward the Native American displayed by the various authors, showmen and reporters was communicated to the white cultures through the literature and popular entertainment of the time.

Native Americans learned about the white cultures in a similar manner. Tales of battles, encounters, treaties, and friendships with the whites were spread by the individuals involved among their people and neighboring groups. Whatever impression (good or bad) the whites left on the tale-telling individual was communicated to Native American societies through these stories.

The Wild West shows fostered this admiration/aversion dichotomy from the 1880s when such shows were first conceived, into the 1920s when they finally disappeared. For fifty years members of various Native American cultures toured the United States and foreign lands, learning about the white men's world and participating in events that taught the white men little about actual Native American life, but encouraged white cultures to think about Native American cultures in binary terms.

Most of the men who conceived and created the Wild Wests had been intimately involved with the conquest of America, and they wished the world to see a way of life that was rapidly disappearing. Their shows became full-blown propaganda—glorifying manifest destiny, and declaring to the world that America had won a resounding victory in its efforts to subdue the wilderness (and by association the native peoples who lived there). These shows were seen by millions of people in America and abroad during their peak years (1883-1923).

One of the peculiarities of the early Wild Wests was their dedication to authenticity. Showmen recruited their performers from ranches, reservations, mining towns, jails, and hideouts. Some of these people had done work on the stage as melodrama heroes and villains, but most were new to the world of show business. The props and livestock were also authentic. Real elk and bison were rounded up, as were unbroken range horses. Teepees were bought, stages purchased from defunct freight companies, and covered wagons were recovered from barns and pastures where they had been left when the transcontinental crossing was completed.

The authentic props and people were arranged in shows that became increasingly theatrical, patriotic, and extravagant. In the midst of all this, hundreds of Native Americans were introduced to white cultures—sometimes to their benefit, but often to their detriment.

The managers and owners of the Wild Wests wanted Native Americans in their shows for various reasons. Most of the events being depicted in these shows required Native American characters. These cultures, were after all, a vital part of frontier life. The Native Americans could have been played by non-Native Americans (a solution adopted by Hollywood), and much trouble and expense could have been avoided. However, the Native Americans were one of the main attractions in the shows. Nothing promised quite the thrill of seeing the ‘Indian who killed Custer.’ Even the Bureau of Indian Affairs recognized that Indians, “were not desired by the show people for any purpose but as an attraction, something to stimulate attendance and lure more half dollars into the treasury” (Annual Report, 1899 42), and without the Native Americans the Wild Wests would not have been as successful. They attracted huge audiences of curious people (hence great amounts of money), and provided wonderful publicity material (both free press and planned campaigns). All this may not have been recognized during the first seasons, and Native Americans were probably included as a part of the general push for authenticity. But it took almost no time at all for managers and publicity people to realize than any expense or trouble was worthwhile to keep Native Americans in the shows.

There was a concerted effort to get troublemakers and Native American leaders off the reservations, where they were thought to be aggravating feelings of discontent among their people. The Wild Wests provided an easy solution to the need for alternate environments for these individuals. Geronimo was asked to attend the St. Louis exhibition (Rennert 15). Sitting Bull was “sold” to the highest bidder for his first tour (Vestal 255). Chief Joseph first came to Washington to ride in the dedication parade for Grant's tomb, and ended up appearing in an exposition that was showing there (Fee 296). There were thirty Indians, who were considered hostile, captured at Wounded Knee, who were forced to tour with Buffalo Bill (Russell, Lives 369). The managers clothed, fed, and for the most part kept these Indians under control, and the government had little or no additional responsibility. It was hoped that these individuals would return to the reservations, and counsel peace and acceptance.

There were those who did not feel the Wild West experience caused such reactions, however. Daniel Dorchester of The Bureau of Indian Affairs thought that the “Indians” were, “rendered utterly unfit to again associate with the reservations” by their work in Wild West shows, adding that “the excited, spectacular life of the shows, disinclines them to settle down to labor, and dooms them to the life of vagabonds …” (395). Chauncey Yellow Robe concurred in an article for The Quarterly Journal of the Society of American Indians, saying, “The Indians should be protected from the curse of the wild-west show schemes, wherein the Indians have been led to the white man's poison cup and have become drunkards” (225).

A few of the managers (notably Buffalo Bill and Pawnee Bill) wished to give the Indians a chance at a better life than was offered on the reservations. They paid a regular wage, fed the Native Americans well, and most importantly let them relive moments of glory and re-enact some of their old customs.

The shows were carefully rehearsed to depict many features of frontier life. Standard events included an attack on a stagecoach, Cowboy Fun (trick roping, riding, bronco busting, and steer roping), many exhibitions of shooting skill by men and women, a cowboy band, and some type of “Indian” village. The order of events was determined at least in part by the need to prepare the audience and the horses for the excessive gunfire needed in the big battles. The shows were structured to get more violent as the performance progressed.²

Within this structure the Native Americans participated in many events. There were the relatively peaceful events such as horseback races, foot races, and the “Indian” village. The Native Americans lived here when the show was doing one-night stands, and spent their non-sleeping hours here even if quartered elsewhere during long runs. Audience members were allowed to wander around the village for the hour before performances. These “peaceful” events sometimes included individual appearances by famous chiefs or warriors. Sitting Bull, for instance, simply sat on his horse and allowed people to boo and hiss at him at the beginning of each performance. He also sold his picture and autograph at his teepee in the “Indian village” (Russell, Lives 316).

The more violent events included such things as a “Cremation Ceremony by Mohave Indians” (performed by Sioux actors), a battle between rival tribes, and attacks on wagon trains and settlers' cabins. For Buffalo Bill's show during 1883, one of the Sioux helped Cody re-enact his supposed hand-to-hand combat with Yellow Hair. This event culminated in Cody's “killing” the brave and “scalping” him. This event was removed from the show after the first season as audiences considered it too barbaric.

Each show contained several large cowboy/Indian battles. There was usually an attack on the Pony Express rider, the attack on the stagecoach (which usually held three or four of the most impressive dignitaries attending the show that day), and the re-enactment of a famous battle (Custer's Last Stand, Summit Springs, Mountain Meadows Massacre, etc.). The Native Americans either lost these battles and were chased from the arena by triumphant cowboys, or when historical accuracy demanded that they win, the audiences' sympathy was directed to the poor, slaughtered white men. For Cody's “Custer's Last Fight” the Native Americans left the arena in triumph, Cody and the cowboys entered, doffed their hats at the terrible sight, and the orator intoned “Too Late.”

When sideshows were added in 1889, it became popular to exhibit “squaw” men and their families, “Indian princesses,” and “Indian babies” as oddities. Luther Standing Bear's wife and child were being shown less than twenty-four hours after the birth. That Standing Bear did not seem too concerned about this practice, saying, “… the work was very light for my wife, and as for the baby, before she was twenty-four hours old she was making more money than my wife and I put together …” (266) indicates one reason why Native Americans continued to tour with the Wild Wests. Another popular attraction in these sideshows were children who had survived various “Indian massacres.” This exhibit was given a new twist by Cody who exhibited a Sioux child found on the battlefield at Wounded Knee.

The structure of the shows gives a clear view of the two depictions of the Native American that white cultures expected. In the village and while running races or dancing “traditional” dances, the Native American was shown as a noble savage—different, primitive, but basically non-threatening. But during the more violent events they were depicted as blood-thirsty barbarians—screaming, shooting, and better off vanquished or dead.

It could be argued that the Native Americans did not have to subject themselves to all this, and had the option of staying in America. In most cases this was true, but there was little to hold anyone on the reservations, where starvation and boredom were prevalent, and the shows offered money and excitement. The Native Americans saw the shows as a way to keep from starving and a way to keep their families clothed, fed, and warm.

Many Native Americans agreed to tour to learn more about white cultures, and perhaps help their people. This reaction varied from He Crow's saying he, “wanted to see the lands where the palefaces originally came from” (Thorpe 180), to Black Elk's greater need, “Maybe if I could see the great world of the Wasichu (whites), I could understand how to bring the sacred hoop together and make the tree bloom again at the center of it” (Neihardt 182).

In 1894 the Bureau of Indian Affairs set up guide-lines for using Native Americans for exhibition purposes. These required that a bond be posted for the safe return of the “Indians” (usually $10,000 for 100 individuals, although this price was applied to as few as thirty people), that “Indians” be returned to their reservations by a set time, that “Indians” be taken only from approved reservations, that an approved interpreter be appointed to care for the “Indians,” that a salary and traveling expenses be paid, that food and clothing be provided and that medicine and medical attention be provided when needed. Also, managers were to “protect them from all immoral influences and surroundings” (Russell, The Wild West 67).

The application of these guidelines was haphazard at best. Bonds were posted, and most of the Native Americans were returned to their reservations on schedule, but managers tended to receive permission to remove Native Americans from one reservation while actually recruiting them from another.

The interpreters were appointed to communicate all the details of show life to the Native Americans, and to communicate any Native American grievances to the management. Sometimes white men filled these positions, but more often Native Americans interpreted for their people. Luther Standing Bear, for example, was deeply concerned for his people and felt his job as an interpreter was a great responsibility. He reflects on the dangers posed to his people by the Wild Wests:

In all my experience in show business I have met many Indians of various tribes, as well as many interpreters, and to me it did not seem right for Indians who cannot understand a word of the English language to leave the reservation to engage in show business. They are certain to meet with some abuse or mistreatment unless they have an interpreter who is “right on the job” and who will watch out for their interests. …

(261)

The pay was reasonable for the more famous chiefs (up to $75 a month plus picture and autograph sales), but wages for most Native Americans ($25/month for each individual) were considerably below the average wage of $20/week paid to other performers (Russell, Lives 316). The wages of Native Americans were held by the managers throughout the tour and released to the performers only at the end of their contracts. It was thought that the Native Americans were too irresponsible to receive their wages on a weekly basis, and would return to the reservations penniless, if given their wages during the tour.

Travel, though paid for by the managers, was very hard on the Native Americans. Either they were put in railroad cars that were stuffy and noisy (the only people reported killed in the numerous train wrecks that plagued the shows were Native Americans), or put in the steerage of boats for crossings to foreign lands.

It is probable that the medical attention received by the Native Americans was not good at all, as many died on tour, and others were sent home with their health destroyed by malaria, influenza, or small pox. One village was even infected with venereal disease by returning performers (Foreman 192).

There was drinking among the Native Americans with the shows, and it caused problems on tour. Standing Bear spent much of his time trying to keep the Sioux under his care out of drinking establishments. Doc Carver had two Native Americans taken to court in Australia for having a drunken fight with each other. The only thing that kept them out of jail was the fact that the Australian judge was afraid of the damage they might do and wouldn't accept the responsibility of caring for them (Thorpe 213).

With the big shows the food was good and plentiful, but there were persistent reports of starving and abandoned Native Americans returning to America complaining of their treatment. Black Elk talks of being left behind when Buffalo Bill sailed from England in 1888:

When the show was going to leave very early next morning three other young men and myself got lost in Manchester, and the fire-boat went away without us. We could not talk the Wasichu language and we did not know what to do, so we just roamed around. Afterwhile we found two other Lakotas who had been left behind, and one of these could speak English.

(190)

Carolyn Foreman in her study of the experiences of Indians abroad, tells of thirteen Sioux who were taken illegally to Germany from the Rosebud Agency in South Dakota by Giles Pullman and his partner William Casper. The United States Embassy in Berlin advised the Secretary of State that “the Indians were likely to be abandoned, were practically prisoners at Duisburg, were not provided for, and were without passports.” The Bureau of Indian Affairs went only so far as to advise the Department of State that if these individuals became stranded and were sent home by the United States Ambassador, the Ambassador would be reimbursed out of the Sioux tribal fund (205).

While the overall experience of being in the Wild West shows may not have been pleasant for the Native Americans, they were enthusiastic tourists. They enjoyed buying foreign goods to take home, and were usually anxious to see the sights in a new city if they were taken as a group on a tour. A reporter for the New York Journal reported on an incident of consumer buying in 1894, “Several of the Indians in Colonel Cody's show appeared at the Friday afternoon performance wearing blue glasses. … It seems that a peddler hit the camp, and when the Indians found that they changed the color of everything they were infatuated. Every brave and squaw in the camp owns a pair” (25 June, n.p.). Black Elk enjoyed the parts of the show “the Sioux made, but not the part the Wasichus (whites) made” (Neihardt 184), and Standing Bear enjoyed the days he was allowed to play the part of a cowboy (254).

The Native Americans continued to tour principally because they could make a better living performing in the Wild Wests than they could on the reservation. Young men were most often recruited, and the prospect of a life spent touring and performing was an exciting alternative to tilling barren land. The tribes on the reservations that experienced the most recruiting pressure (principally the Sioux reservations in the Dakotas) soon learned which managers treated their people the most fairly, and young people were encouraged to tour only with these shows.

White audiences of the Wild West shows all over the world were given two images of the Native American to choose from—the noble savage or the barbarian, and they saw none of the diversity of cultures that the term Native American implies. Nearly all the Native Americans that appeared in the Wild Wests came from the Northern Plains tribes, and were billed only as “Indians,” further simplifying the image of Native Americans held by the dominant white culture.

Outside the arenas the audiences saw the Native Americans in groups as they toured various landmarks or attended white entertainment events. Occasionally white audience members might encounter a few individual Native Americans in a bar or shop. Little communication was possible because of the language barrier and any action, by either side, could be badly misunderstood. In cases where individual audience members did try to make contact with individual Native Americans, a few real friendships did emerge. Only in these instances did any real understanding or appreciation for other cultures develop.³ The Wild West shows simply carried on the well-established practice of marginalizing and simplifying Native American cultures into the single category “Indian,” and helped to reduce that image to include only the Northern Plains tribes. Such “Indians” could be viewed as noble or barbaric, but not as complex human beings from diverse cultures.

Notes

1. See Robert Berkhofer, Jr.'s The White Man's Indian (New York: Vintage Books, 1979) for a complete analysis of these images. For information on how these images effected public policy see Angie Debo, A History of the Indians of the United States (Norman, OK: U of Oklahoma P, 1970).

2. See Don Russell, The Lives and Legends of Buffalo Bill (Norman, OK: U of Oklahoma P, 1960); Sarah Blackstone, Buckskins, Bullets, and Business: A History of Buffalo Bill's Wild West (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1986); Raymond Thorpe, Spirit Gun of the West (Glendale, CA: A. H. Clarke Co, 1957); Glenn Shirley, Pawnee Bill (Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, 1965); and, Collings and England, The 101 Ranch (Norman, OK: U of Oklahoma P, 1937) for complete descriptions of the structure of various Wild Wests.

3. The most notable of these relationships was that formed between Black Elk and a Parisian family who nursed him back to health after he was abandoned by Buffalo Bill and mistreated by “Mexican Joe.” See John G. Neihardt, Black Elk Speaks, (New York: Willam Morrow and Co., 1932) for a full accounting of this relationship.

Works Cited

Annual Report, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1899. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1899.

Dorchester, Daniel. “62nd Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,” in U.S. Congress, House Executive Documents, No. 1, Pt. 5, 53rd Congress, 2nd Session, 395.

Fee, Chester Anders. Chief Joseph: the Biography of a Great Indian. New York: Wilson-Erikson, 1936.

Foreman, Carolyn. Indians Abroad. Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1943.

Neihardt, John G. Black Elk Speaks. New York: Pocket Books, 1972.

New York Journal, 25 June, 1894: n.p.

Rennert, Jack. 100 Posters of Buffalo Bill's Wild West. New York: Darien House, 1976.

Russell, Don. The Lives and Legends of Buffalo Bill. Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1960.

———. The Wild West: A History of the Wild West Shows. Fort Worth: Amon Carter Museum of Western Art, 1970.

Standing Bear, Luther. My People the Sioux. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1928.

Thorp, Raymond. Spirit Gun of the West. The Story of Doc W. F. Carver. Glendale, CA: A. H. Clark Co., 1957.

Vestal, Stanley. Sitting Bull, Champion of the Sioux. New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1932.

Yellow Robe, Chauncey. “The Menace of the Wild West Show,” Quarterly Journal of the Society of the American Indians 2 (July-September, 1914): 224-28.