Gross finally screams out “Quiet!” Everyone freezes. Gross, relieved that at last someone is listening to him, does not realize that Balá has just entered from behind with Kub. This is the reason for the sudden stillness. Gross continues his tirade against the vicious circle of Ptydepe, inveighing against the new language in no uncertain terms—still unaware of Balá’s presence. At the end of the scene, Gross dutifully confesses his “crime” of little faith and bureaucratic sabotage and is fired by Balá. Jirka, the office spy, is named Balá’s new deputy.

The increased duties of office head, however, are beginning to weigh upon Balá. Having to deal with Ptydepe himself now, he is beginning to see the difficulties that Gross originally faced. In the seventh scene, when Gross arrives to finalize the details of his expulsion, Balá reconsiders and offers Gross the now-vacant post of office spy.

Now the fortunes of Gross begin to rise as those of Ptydepe continue to fall. The number of Ptydepe students has dwindled to one, as the audience learns in scene 8. In scene 9, there occurs a curious, intimate exchange between Gross and Marie. The secretary of the translation department, ever sympathetic to the director fallen from grace, tells him that she has found a position for him at the theater where she has a brother. Gross is moved, yet declines with thanks, as Balá has made him his deputy once again. He does not particularly relish this, as the matter of blackmail, which Balá holds over his head, still clouds his future. Marie, with naïve faith, is sure that all will come out right in the end. Gross gently scolds her naïveté, as his own humanistic leanings and intellectual, dreamy nature have only won him trouble in this practical world. At the end of the scene, Marie translates Gross’s letter from Ptydepe. Ironically enough, it is a note from higher-ups expressing satisfaction with Gross and praising him for his fight against “anti-humanistic” Ptydepe.

Gross demands his position back. Balá hands it over with melancholy, yet characteristic sangfroid, and Gross is once again director. However, nothing has really changed in this bureaucratic morass. In scene 11, by another bureaucratic edict, Ptydepe is replaced with a new artificial language called Chorukor, which, although based on completely different linguistic principles, promises to be just as incomprehensible and inefficient as the fake tongue it replaces.

At the conclusion of the play, Marie, fired from her post for her unauthorized translation of Gross’s missive (which Jirka, renamed office spy, witnessed), asks her friend for some help. Gross, however, afer a long, moving speech, in which he cites Hamlet, refuses her petition and goes to lunch with the rest of the bureaucrats.

Ptydepe (pronounced “petty dip”), the language invented by the bureaucracy, is the play’s chief dramatic device. It stands between people and their ability to fulfill themselves through labor, and creates a situation in which a person, the animal who talks, is no longer the master of language but rather its slave. Havel’s bureaucratic tongue owes much to the governmental “Newspeak” in George Orwell’s prophetic novel Nineteen Eighty-Four (pb. 1949), yet it is all the more threatening in that it is not made up of familiar, if truncated, words, but is a totally alien jumble that allows one no familiar entry point into its disturbing linguistic maze.

Havel built his satire on communist bureaucracy around the incomprehensible artificial tongue in order to emphasize as concretely as possible the inhuman, inefficient, and absurd nature of the bureaucratic system itself. Communication is the basic requirement of all human enterprise, and when the possibilities of communication are minimized or destroyed, cooperation and progress necessarily come to a standstill. All “business” in such a situation loses touch with reality and becomes nothing more than an empty ritual, a fake. When an institution or government is unable to order its own affairs, it cannot pretend to order the affairs of others. Thus The Memorandum is not only a satire that makes light of communist bureaucracy; indeed, it is a satire on the communist system itself, a system which subordinates all to ideology, including logic.

This point is further emphasized with the introduction of Chorukor, the new artificial language of bureaucracy which is to replace the “outmoded” Ptydepe. One might think that with the failure of Ptydepe, the bureaucracy would have learned its lesson and resigned from all such foolishness. The introduction of Chorukor shows that, on the contrary, the bureaucratic system of communism is already so soaked through with incompetence, absurdity, and corruption that it is unable to find a way out of a situation that it recognizes as unproductive.

This emphasis on the vicious circle of red tape about which Gross complains, and which cannot be escaped in a society such as the one described by Havel, is the main reason behind the introduction of the new language in scene 11, as it really plays no role in the denouement of the play. Also suggested by Chorukor is the ease with which a communist society dispenses with the “truths” of yesterday, replacing them with the new “truths” of today. (This process is excellently demonstrated by the workings of the “Ministry of Truth” in Nineteen Eighty-Four.) It is also possible to find a subtle pun suggesting the excessive docility and lack of independence of Gross’s society (and, in the end, of Gross himself) in the name of the new language, as the word chór in Czech means “chorus.”

Further adding to the atmosphere of threat is the unseen stage presence of the “office spy.” The audience hears other characters converse with him time and again, yet he is seen onstage only rarely. He crawls out of the woodwork like an ominous cockroach from time to time, yet his (sometimes vocal) presence can be felt in all three identically arranged offices which make up the stage scenery. He is a comic figure, if threateningly so. His clownishness (he emerges from the wall backside first) is a jarring picture which thrusts the following question at the audience: If these people are so absurd and inefficient, so comical in their incapacities, what is it that is making the audience so afraid of them, so willing to put up with the boobish eye of Big Brother in the casement? This dramatic device, which can perhaps be seen as the cornerstone of absurdity in The Memorandum, suggests that the common people in such a society are downtrodden because they agree to be used as doormats by the laughable dolts who “govern” them. As in Polish poet Stanisaw Baraczak’s verse “Ci mczyni, tak potni” (“Those men, so powerful”), The Memorandum makes the point that, if only “we” would for a moment cease to be so afraid of “them” at the top, we would see that it is really they who are most afraid.

In the mid-1960s, Czechoslovakia was a member of the Warsaw Treaty Organization, commonly known as the Warsaw Pact. This meant the nation was part of the Eastern Bloc, situated behind the Iron Curtain. Czechoslovakia operated as a communist state largely influenced by the Soviet Union. The political regime in power was somewhat repressive, a situation that would worsen by 1968. To grasp the state of affairs in 1965, one must consider the country's history during and following World War II.

In the period leading up to and during World War II, Nazi Germany divided the country. Slovak nationalism surged, as it would again in the mid-1990s, leading to the fragmentation of Czechoslovakia. Independent Czech patriots were placed in concentration camps, and the Czech people endured significant hardships during the war. After the war concluded, the Soviet Union liberated Czechoslovakia. Despite calls for American intervention from many Czechoslovakians, no assistance came. The country traditionally identified more with the West than the East, but this historical context did not alter the prevailing conditions.

Initially, Czechoslovakia had a non-communist president, yet it remained under Soviet control. Communism quickly spread throughout the country, and by 1948, Czechoslovakia was solidly communist. Soviet leader Josef Stalin enforced the Soviet system in Czechoslovakia. Families of former capitalists, like Havel's, were dispossessed of their properties, as were churches. Those who opposed were 'purged.'

By the mid-1960s, the Soviet economic model was deeply rooted, making Czechoslovakia reliant on the broader Soviet bloc. However, this dependency created significant economic challenges under President Antonin Novotny. The standard of living was low compared to what Czechs were accustomed to, although similar to other Eastern Bloc nations. The agricultural sector was in disarray. The market operated under the false assumption that all produced goods could be sold. Party membership and loyalty ensured better employment opportunities, regardless of qualifications. Employment was available for anyone seeking work.

In response to these economic difficulties, reform measures were proposed in 1964 and 1965, aiming to establish a mixed economy. These reforms sought to allow more private enterprises, offer incentives for success, and involve prices, credit, and interest in the economic system. Increased foreign trade was also considered. Although these reforms were initially approved, none were actually implemented. Industry saw slight growth in 1965, but the economy as a whole continued to struggle for many years.

Despite the communist control, prior to the 1968 crackdown, Czechoslovakia experienced a relatively open intellectual and cultural environment in the early to mid-1960s. There was increased interaction between Czechoslovakia and Western Europe. Films produced in the country gained international audiences. Novels and plays depicted life under communism. Although some censorship existed, writers like Havel protested against the authorities and advocated for reform.

In 1968, pressure from students and writers led to Novotny's removal from power. He was quickly succeeded by Gustav Husak, a staunch supporter of Soviet policies, who adopted a firm stance against these dissenters. Notable writers, including novelist Milan Kundera, were forced to leave the country. Czechoslovakia experienced heightened repression, and although writers like Havel persisted in their protests for many years, it wasn't until 1989 that Czechoslovakia became a free nation.

Setting

The Memorandum, an absurdist play, unfolds within a series of offices set in the contemporary environment of Havel's Czechoslovakia during the mid-1960s. At this time, the nation was governed by Soviet-aligned communists, which meant that people often worked in jobs that were pointless and repetitive. Each of the three offices looks essentially the same, with only the arrangement of furniture differing. Hidden at the intersection of these offices is the domain of George, the staff watcher. His role is to monitor everyone and ensure adherence to the rules. This setting underscores the oppressive atmosphere and the uniformity of mindset among the office workers.

Language

At the heart of The Memorandum lies an artificial language called Ptydepe. This language is purported to be more efficient and precise than ordinary language for office communications. Lear instructs his students that Ptydepe is scientific, rational, and exact, yet it is also difficult, complicated, and redundant. The words in Ptydepe are so lengthy that they must be divided into subwords, while common words are the briefest. Only a handful of people in the office understand any Ptydepe, and most abandon the language courses because they find it too challenging to learn. Even Stroll, who heads the translation center, admits that while they manage document translations, they are ‘‘no experts.’’ Consequently, translations, like the one Gross desperately needs, are scarce.

In the play, language becomes a tool of control. With few speakers and translators, and with stringent authorization required for translations, power resides with those who comprehend Ptydepe. This is Gross’s primary dilemma. Although Ptydepe is used extensively, he remains clueless about the content. Despite being the managing director for much of the play, his actual authority is limited. When Maria defies the rules and translates Gross’s memorandum for him, she loses her job because violating language rules is intolerable. By the play's conclusion, while Ptydepe's shortcomings are evident, it is set to be replaced by another artificial language, Chorukor.

Repetition

The Memorandum features considerable repetition in both its actions and dialogue, highlighting the monotonous cycle of office life. Conversations are frequently repeated almost verbatim. For instance, the managing director’s secretary, Hana, repeatedly requests permission to leave for errands, such as buying milk or picking up rolls, on both days depicted in the play. Additionally, Hana consistently informs her boss that he will enjoy the lunch being served. In another example, every time Thumb answers correctly in Lear’s Ptydepe class, the teacher responds with, “Correct, Mr. Thumb. You get an A.” There is also a birthday celebration for a colleague each day in the office next to the translation center. While Ballas opposes Gross in scenes 1-6, Pillar opposes Ballas in scenes 7-11. Gross vents his frustration at the bureaucratic impasse in the translation center during scene 6, and Ballas echoes similar frustrations in scene 9. Even though Ptydepe, the first artificial language, fails, it is succeeded by Chuorukor. These recurring elements illustrate the organization's inherent stagnation, with only the issues of contention changing.

1965: Czechoslovakia remains a unified nation, as it has been for most of the period since its establishment in 1918.

Today: The nation has been divided into two separate countries for many years. Following the Velvet Revolution, the surge of Slovak nationalism resulted in the formation of Slovakia and the Czech Republic.

1965: Czechoslovakia operates under communism, with the Soviet Union exerting control as part of the Warsaw Pact.

Today: Both the Czech Republic and Slovakia are independent, sovereign states. Havel serves as the president of the Czech Republic, a role he has held since 1993. He was previously the president of Czechoslovakia from 1989 to 1992, and was the first non-communist leader since the 1940s.

1965: Under the Soviet economic system, employment is universal, but the overall standard of living in Czechoslovakia is relatively low.

Today: While unemployment rates are higher, the standard of living has improved within the new market economies of the Czech Republic and Slovakia.

1965: The ruling powers, mainly Communists, impose restrictions on written content. Although censorship is not as severe as it has been at other times in Czechoslovak history, it is still present.

Today: There is no significant censorship on creative works in the Czech Republic.

Sources

Barnes, Clive. “Season’s Last Show is a Czechoslovak Satire,” in New York Times, May 6, 1968, p. 55.

Billington, Michael. Review of The Memorandum, in The Guardian, March 30, 1995.

Hatch, Robert. Review of The Memorandum, in The Nation, May 27, 1968, p. 709.

Havel, Vaclav, and Vera Blackwell, translator. The Memorandum, Farber & Farber, 1992, pp. 53-129.

Hemming, Sarah. Review of The Memorandum, in Financial Times, March 30, 1995, p. 17.

Hughes-Hallet, Lucy. Review of The Memorandum, in Plays & Players, April 1995, pp. 32-33.

Kingston, Jeremy. Review of The Memorandum, in The Times, March 29, 1995, p. 28.

Meche, Jude R. “Female Victims and the Male Protagonist in Vaclav Havel’s Drama,” Modern Drama, Winter 1997, p. 468.

Oliver, Edith. “Hayf Dy Doretob!,” in New Yorker, May 18, 1968, pp. 73-74.

Review of The Memorandum, in Time, May 10, 1968, p. 74.

Skloot, Robert. “Vaclav Havel: The Once and Future Playwright,” in Kenyon Review, Spring 1993, p. 223.

Further Reading

Carey, Phyllis. “Living in Lies: Vaclav Havel’s Drama,” in Cross Currents, Summer 1990, pp. 200-11. This essay provides an overview of Havel’s work as a playwright, including a brief discussion of The Memorandum.

Goetz-Stankiewicz, Marketa, and Phyllis Carey, editors. Critical Essays on Vaclav Havel, G. K. Hall & Company, 1999. This compilation of essays explores all of Havel’s writings and his political life. Several essays discuss The Memorandum.

Hvizdala, Karel, and Vaclav Havel. Disturbing the Peace: A Conversation with Karel Hvizdala, translated by Paul Wilson, Alfred A. Knopf, 1990. This book consists of conversations between the authors in 1986, and features Havel’s own accounts of his life and work.

Korbel, Josef. Twentieth Century Czechoslovakia: The Meanings of Its History, Columbia University Press, 1977. This book provides a historical background on Czechoslovakia from its formation to 1968, with a chapter dedicated to the period in which The Memorandum is set.

Kriseova, Eda. Vaclav Havel: The Authorized Biography, translated by Caleb Crain, St. Martin’s Press, 1993. This biography covers the entirety of Havel’s life, including his political and literary achievements.