SOURCE: Sherman, Alvin F., Jr. “Mariano José de Larra: A Witness of His Time.” In Mariano José de Larra: A Directory of Historical Personages, pp. 1-23. New York: Peter Lang, 1992.

[In the following excerpt, Sherman examines various influences on Larra's work, as well as Larra's influence on the critical and political writers of both Spain and Latin America during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.]

INTRODUCTION

Larra's articles have played a prominent role in the development of both critical and ideological thought in Spain and Latin America. One of the earliest manifestations was with the Generation of 1837 in Argentina (Alvarez Guerrero). The political-literary personalities of this decisive period in Latin American history, including Sarmiento (Scari, 77) and the revolutionary writers of Uruguay (Martín Periodista, 235), modified and enhanced Larra's liberal vision of a progressive government to meet the needs of the emerging nations of Latin America. In Spain his works influenced several significant writers, either directly or indirectly. The late nineteenth-century novelist Benito Pérez Galdós (Lorenzo-Rivero Afinidades, 85)¹ based many of his works on the same weaknesses that Larra saw in the society of his period. More directly motivated by his vision of Spain, and the country's potential, were the writers of the Generation of 1898, especially Unamuno (Lorenzo-Rivero Unamuno, 313) and Azorín, who attempted to engender a post-war regeneration.² Finally, the conceptualization and development of the twentieth-century ideological essay, perfected by Ortega y Gasset, a key member of the Generation of 1914, finds a sound base in Larra (Lorenzo-Rivero Estructura, 169; Rodríguez, 181). In all cases, Larra, whose literary career spanned a mere eight years, has contributed extensively to the development of Spanish and Latin American ideology and literature. His popularity among the members of these important literary generations and among those of his own epoch is due in part to his intimate connection to the events of his time, to his keen awareness of society's role, and to his familiarity with the key literary figures of his time and of the past (i.e., Jouy, Iriarte, La Rochefoucauld, Mercier, La Bruyère, etc.). Larra drew from writers, philosophers and historians of the past as models that he imitated in developing his own poignant satirical commentary of society and its weaknesses. Carlos Seco Serrano, in his edition of the works of Mariano José de Larra, has succinctly defined the author's role in nineteenth-century literature and history:

Larra no es solamente el prototipo del romántico; no solamente el mejor prosista de su época—adelantado de la preclara generación del 98—. Es Larra, además de todo eso, un excepcional testigo de su tiempo. Su obra interesa, más aún que al filólogo, al historiador.

No ha sido Larra un frío, un neutral, aunque curioso, espectador. La vida—la apasionada, la torturada vida—de Fígaro resulta perfectamente sincrónica con una trascendental crisis española: nace en 1809—el año de la convocatoria de Cortes—; muere en 1837—cuando está en marcha el proceso desamortizador—. Entre ambas fechas se sitúa, se desenvuelve exactamente la revolución liberal.

(BAE 127: VII)

As Seco Serrano notes, Larra's lifetime spans a pivotal period of nineteenth-century political and literary thought. His articles not only represent the personal observations of an acutely sensitive witness of one of the most complex and turbulent periods in Spanish history, but also the reflection of a whole series of political, social, and literary models captured with detailed accuracy. His powers of observation coupled with the ability to recreate the tensions, ambience and emotion of the period reveal a Larra who was in constant contact with the world he attempted to depict.

The thesis of this study can be traced to Azorín's evaluation of Larra and his works. He perceives three important elements working in the development of Larra's perspective of Spain: first, the philosophical and psychological, which he believes reveals the motivation for Larra's articles; second, Larra's concepts that have exclusive application to Spain, though generalized in his writings; and, finally, those elements that are purely Spanish in nature (Rivas y Larra 117). Interestingly, all three items are directly or indirectly affected by some external force that Larra believed to be pertinent to the growth and development of a progressive Spain. Azorín concludes:

Ahora una última advertencia. No está todo Larra en estos artículos. Pero hay en ellos lo suficiente para que se tenga una idea exacta del concepto España formulado por Larra. No hace falta más. Todo artista, todo pensador, tiene un cierto número de matices y de particularidades, expresados los cuales pueden darnos una idea de la modalidad del artista o del pensador.

(Rivas y Larra 119)

The remainder of Azorín's chapter addresses the various elements that he considered essential to deciphering Larra's articles, including: actors, classicists, writers and authors, orators, political parties, poetry, politicians, señoritos, and soldiers.

In a previous essay, Un discurso de la Cierva, Azorín interprets Larra's theory of decadence as the ignorance of, or unwillingness to accept, certain ideas generated by intellectual Europe. He states:

Para Larra, el origen de la decadencia española estriaba en no haberse incorporado España al movimiento intelectual que se produjo en Europa con ocasión de la Reforma. Siendo los valores literarios un índice de la sensibilidad general—civilización—, por ellos se ha de ver el carácter y las particularidades de un pueblo a lo largo del tiempo. … Para Larra, nuestra literatura … había tenido un carácter particularista, cerrado, limitado, localista. O había de abandonar este carácter y abrirse a los aires del mundo, o había de perecer. Es decir … que Larra afirma que aun nuestros valores clásicos, de la época esplendorosa, que aun los valores clásicos castellanos más selectos, adolecen de falta de universalidad y de humanidad.

(45)

As noted in Azorín's commentaries, Larra was a conscious writer who used his writings as a forum for reform. Through his articles he addressed all the major sectors of society by creating a matrix of historical and literary references which the reading public could recognize. In this way he utilized the European models as the means of reform. His goal was to reverse the effects of ideological isolation. If we are to take Azorín's word as truth, then literature was to play an important role in the overall growth of the country. Therefore, it is apparent that the public was to recognize not only literary trends (i.e., style and content), but also the authors and creators of these ideas. Thus, it is my contention that the historical and literary figures found throughout Larra's writings became the “materia prima” of his works. As Inman Fox wrote in 1960, “we shall not arrive at a full understanding of one of Spain's most important prose writers until all of his political articles have been subjected” to a detailed investigation of the historical and literary figures that appear in his works (Fox 349). I contend that not only his political articles, but also his costumbrist articles and his critiques of the theater cannot be fully understood unless the scholar and historian consider the role of the historical and literary personages.

LARRA'S EDUCATION, THE DANDY AND LITERARY TRENDS

In order to understand better these implications, let us reflect on Larra's education. Larra's shrewd awareness of the world and of those who exercised influence among the intellectuals of the period may find its roots in his broad education as a youth. Sánchez Estevan records that Larra “no pudo ser nunca … un verdadero niño; discurría y soñaba con exceso. En vez de correr y saltar, jugaba al ajedrez, traducía del francés pasajes de La Ilíada y parte del Mentor de la Juventud, redactaba un Compendio de Gramática, versificaba centenares de hojas de una Geografía Historial de España, con la descripción de lugares, tipos y monumentos que no había visto … Cursó, entre otras disciplinas, Gramática Castellana y Latina, Mitología, Matemáticas, Taquigrafía, Economía Política, Metafísica, Física Experimental, Lógica, Griego, Italiano e Inglés” (17). An important addendum to this observation is another made by Caravaca in an article dealing with Larra's costumbrist sources. In his study, Caravaca suggests that Larra's familiarity with the persons he quoted was only elemental, stating that “… cabe pensar igualmente que el estudio de tan diversas disciplinas debió de ser algo elemental y fragmentario. Por lo general, las referencias de lecturas en la obra de Larra se reducen a determinadas citas de carácter tópico …” (2). However, this is only an assertion which must not distract the scholar from the evidence presented through Larra's works that his knowledge went far beyond the basics. Rather, he possessed a keen perception of who was to be the model and the role that individual was to play in the formation of society's ideals.

Caravaca's assumption that Larra only possessed a passive knowledge of those writers and the other personalities he quotes seems to be an ill-founded conclusion, especially in light of the extremely complex arrangement of elements that make up any one of Larra's articles. In order to illustrate this point then let us examine some of the influences that are readily identified in Larra's writings. In “Los calaveras. Artículo segundo y conclusión” (1835), Larra details the characteristics of the “calavera de buen tono”. First, I will review the traditional attributes affixed to the calavera or dandy. According to many contemporary accounts, most of them from French sources, the dandy was unconventional in his dress, his attitude, and his morals.³ He was often belligerent toward bourgeois⁴ society, manifesting his disgust through exaggerated dress, unruly behavior and an untidy appearance (i.e., his hair was often allowed to grow into long ringlets, contradictory to the well-groomed standards of the middle class. Many times he let his beard grow and acquired a taste for smoking) (Melcher 122). Charles Baudelaire, the nineteenth-century French essayist and poet, expands on the concept of the dandy by describing the social environment which facilitated his appearance. He states that this group

… appears above all in periods of transition when democracy is not yet all-powerful, and aristocracy is only just beginning to totter and fall. In the disorder of these times, certain men who are socially, politically and financially ill at ease, but are all rich in native energy, may conceive the idea of establishing a new kind of aristocracy, all the more difficult to shatter as it will be based on the most precious, the most enduring faculties, and on the divine gifts which work and money are unable to bestow. Dandyism is the last spark of heroism amid decadence. …

(28)

Therefore, the dandy occupied a position in society that counterbalanced the bourgeois taste for absolute control. More importantly, these Romanticists, as they were aptly labeled, were the last residue of a declining society in the throes of civil unrest. One of their few means of expression became, as for Larra, the text; the ultimate mode of communication became the newspaper. Thus, Larra's “Los calaveras” emerges as more than a character sketch of societal divisions, but, rather, a subtle political statement. The dandy, immersed in his dramatized lifestyle, became the impetus for change, a renovation of the present to meet the ideals of past glory (or the perceived glory and pomp of Medieval Spain) in the declining years of absolutism. Instead of a clear declaration of values for the new society, Larra provides the reading public with textual clues which take the form of literary figures (i.e., authors). Larra writes that the dandy:

Monta a caballo y atropella con gracia a la gente de a pie; habla el francés, el inglés y el italiano; saluda en una lengua, contesta en otra, cita en las tres; sabe casi de memoria a Paul de Kock, ha leído a Walter Scott, a D'Arlincourt, a Cooper, no ignora a Voltaire, cita a Pigault-Lebrun, mienta a Ariosto y habla con desenfado de los poetas y del teatro.

(BAE 127: 101)

Larra creates an entire universe of allusions and assumptions that go beyond mere artistic description. The authors he chooses to form the base of the dandy's ideological education all practiced a type of writing that corresponded to the dandy's rebellious nature: the novel. It must be noted that the novel in Spain at this time was limited to a few gothic works that fell short of exercising significant impact on the reader. Therefore, the European novel supplied the solid base for literary, historical and ideological thought. Terdiman has studied the impact of the “roman d'éducation” that became an important mechanism of reform in the early nineteenth century. Through what Terdiman terms the discourse of initiation, the reader became aware of his own reality. He states:

The romantic mal du siècle thus momentarily furnished bourgeois liberals in the late 1820's and early 1830's with a language to express their own apparently deteriorating situation. But as time went on such language increasingly failed to correspond to the particular character of their experience. As the conjuncture evolved, the imaginative tonality whose expression middle-class intellectuals sought to sharpen inflected away from the tone of the romantic elegiac toward a global sense of mistrust, apprehension, and insecurity: Stendhal's “suspicion,” Balzac's “doubt.”

(92)

Lukacs gives added dimension to the early nineteenth-century roman. In his study of the novel he proposes the development of a global community through plots that draw on common historical events. Lukacs states that the experiences of the French and Napoleonic wars created an ambience in which the

knowledge of similar upheavals are taking place all over the world … must enormously strengthen the feeling first that there is such a thing as history, that it is an uninterrupted process of changes and finally that it has a direct effect on the life of every individual.

(Lukacs 23)

Thus, the historical novel went beyond the rehearsal of events to create a text that crossed national boundaries. He continues:

What previously was experienced only by isolated and mostly adventurous-minded individuals, namely an acquaintance with Europe or at least certain parts of it, becomes in this period the mass experience of hundreds of thousands, of millions. Hence the concrete possibilities for men to comprehend their own existence as something historically conditioned, for them to see in history something which deeply affects their daily lives and immediately concerns them

(Lukacs 24).

The final result of this mass experience with history is that the

national element is linked on the one hand with problems of social transformation; and on the other, more and more people become aware of the connection between national and world history. This increasing consciousness of the historical character of development begins to influence judgments on economic conditions and class struggle.

(Lukacs 25)

Thus, for Larra, the dandy represented the culmination of all the ideals of social gallantry, reform and progress. In a sense, the dandy became the conduit of revolutionary ideas, the backbone of a new aristocracy, the “last spark of heroism amid decadence” (Baudelaire 28). In order to educate this new social group Larra created a guide of exemplary writers. The idea of an established collection of worthy authors and/or works was not uncommon. Melcher indicates that the Jeune-France “had definite tastes and occupations. They detested Racine, Boileau and Voltaire as the gods of the bourgeoisie …” (123).⁵ These “rules” of behavior and taste entered into every aspect of the dandy's life. As they scorned some authors and emulated others, these “young men” began to develop their own distinctive concept of decorum. As a result they also began to practice certain rituals which put them in direct opposition to the bourgeoisie. The most prevalent manifestation of hostility was their disgust for the bourgeois lifestyle, which they often satirized or parodied.⁶ They also attacked the conventional mores of politics, probably best illustrated by the Société des Joyeux which “observed the fundamental rule that politics were boring and must be excluded” (Melcher 123). These meetings were frequented by Pigault-Lebrun, Scribe, Hugo and Lamartine, all of whom figure prominently in Larra's writings. Thus, apparently the dandy, in possession of some literary sense, either as author or as consumer, had set certain parameters that would govern his education and behavior. Larra embellishes this aspect of dandyism by creating a list of authors whose works reflected the progress and the liberal philosophies that he may have felt were needed to transform and modernize Spain. He tells the reader that de Kock is to be memorized, Scott is to be read and admired, along with D'Arlincourt and Cooper. He indicates that it is essential to recognize Voltaire, yet is careful to not overemphasize his importance. In all, there is a slightly burlesque tone to his list, in some ways supporting the frivolous lifestyle of the dandy (i.e., de Kock), yet simultaneously introducing a serious element (i.e., Scott, Cooper, D'Arlincourt and Voltaire). This frivolity appears to be a mere smoke screen that only blurs the underlying meanings attached to these authors.

The historical and psychological implications of Larra's specific references to certain authors takes on added depth when we consider the genre in which each author excelled; in other words, the historical novel or novel of initiation. Larra selected representative authors whose dynamic discourse would become the impetus for ideological reformation, or at least illustrate the affects of liberal thought. With this background in place, the modern reader can begin to consider the ethnographic origins of each writer and the general themes they often addressed in their writings. Interestingly, Larra focuses the reader's attention on a strictly Amero-European core of romantic authors. Five of the six authors specifically mentioned conformed to the image of progress and nonconformism that Larra practiced (i.e., Walter Scott [England], Paul de Kock [France], D'Arlincourt [France], James Fenimore Cooper [United States] and Pigualt-Lebrun [France]), the sixth author (Voltaire) represents the satirical side of the world view, the critical, pessimistic concept of existence. Even though Melcher indicates that Voltaire was despised by the French dandies, it is apparent that Larra saw some worth in the author of Candide. A simple reference to these individuals carried in its wake a whole range of social implications. For example, by referring to Walter Scott and James Fenimore Cooper, Larra reiterated progressive post-revolutionary war ideas. There is evidence that Larra drew inspiration from Scott's Quentin Durward for his article “Teatros. Revista del mes de abril” [3 mayo 1836]) and certain plot structures for his novel El doncel don Enrique el Doliente (Adams 219). In another article, Larra specifically mentions three of the Cooper's novels, El Bravo, The Spy and The Last of the Mohicans (See “Panorama matritense. Cuadros de costumbres de la capital observados y descritos por un Curioso Parlante” [20 June 1836]) (BAE 128: 243). An allusion to these particular writers may have either directed the reading public to an acceptable course of reading, or struck a cord in those already familiar with the themes of independence and freedom expressed throughout their works.⁷ In the case of de Kock and Pigault-Lebrun, he alludes to dandiesque models of behavior, as we have already seen. Finally, D'Arlincourt's works ridiculed Napoleon's efforts to control Europe and the uselessness of his tactics, a traditional position assumed by the dandy and more importantly a reaction to post-Napoleonic suppression in Europe.

From this brief example, I have attempted to show that the education of the reading public seemed the logical method of reform through the use of commonly understood images and references. Thus, society and government were the focus of his articles. More importantly, Larra learned to weave together references to historical personages and literary figures in a clear attempt to reform the reading public's opinions, or, at least, to inform them of the social defects that needed to be purged from government and the private sector. By understanding the motivation behind Larra's writing, the scholar can justify not only the existence of the articles, but also the profusion of historical references. However, to warrant Larra's conscious use of historical personages as a means of subtly fashioning a new public image, which the populace could easily comprehend and assimilate, some information is needed regarding who the consumer was and to what extent this information was circulated among the masses.

THE SPANISH NEWSPAPER: THE POLITICS OF REFORM

Even though Larra experimented with the novel (El doncel don Enrique el doliente) and the theater (No más mostrador; Macías), he preferred the newspaper article as the means of disseminating his beliefs about Spanish society. Larra experimented with several forms of expression, including informational articles, mostly in El Duende Satírico del Día (1828), theatrical essays, and satires. The latter dominated his writing style from 1832 until his suicide in 1837 and proved most effective. Though unclear, evidence seems to indicate that many of Larra's techniques were closely related to, or adapted from, the French satirical newspaper in Paris. Richard Terdiman presents an interesting perspective regarding the impact that the nineteenth-century French press had on the development of societal norms. Terdiman comments that the newspaper

became the most characteristic informational and commercial institution of the nineteenth century. So clearly does the newspaper epitomize the period that we could almost claim the century invented it. Newspapers have formed so central a part of the discourse which has organized our social life since the 1830's that their very name—‘daily,’ ‘quotidian’—has reappeared in that of the notion by which … cultural theory has tried to seize the complex of practices which surround and frame us. …

(119)

In the same way, the newspaper in Larra's Spain became a reflection of what the publishers, and more importantly the writers, saw as being typical, everyday themes. Also important to the success of any newspaper was the popularity of the contributing authors and their ability to entertain and inform. These concepts assumed several forms, best exemplified by Larra's articles.

Unfortunately, there is very little information about newspaper circulation and readership for this period, but certain assumptions can be drawn from existing data. First, the population of Madrid during the period 1828-1837 was approximately 320,000,⁸ which included the surrounding districts. No data is available for this period to indicate the ratio of persons capable of reading or of affording the newspaper. However, the district did experience a sudden increase in newspapers immediately after the death of Fernando VII, the subsequent abolition of censorship and the convocation of the Cortes. Seoane concurs with Fermín Caballero that during this period 120 newspapers were established throughout Spain, of which 49 were official bulletins instituted in every province (208). Leonard Perry adds that the period also saw growth in the number of newspapers in the capital. In Madrid six new newspapers were founded in 1831, eleven in 1832, fifteen in 1833, and thirty-six in 1834 (Perry 46). This increase in periodicals may indicate the existence of a broad reading public who looked to the publications as a source of information. If this assumption is true, we might also assume that Larra's writings also experienced wide-spread circulation among the people of Madrid (his popularity seems to confirm this assumption), therefore his images and allusions were real and within the grasp of not just a select few. In addition, Larra contributed articles to several of the largest newspapers in Madrid, including the Revista Española (1832), under the direction of José María Carnerero; El Español (1835), under the direction of Andrés Borrego; and El Mundo. Diario del pueblo (1836), under the direction of Santos López Pelegrín (Gómez Aparicio 219). Larra's exposure to the populace made him one of the best recognized journalist in Madrid, and the highest paid during the period 1832-1837. In fact, Larra was the first Spanish journalist to make his living as such (Perry 44).⁹ Therefore, because he published his articles in prominent newspapers, and in the process became a celebrity, it can be assumed that he wrote with his public in mind, drawing on situations and historical personalities that the reading public would be able to identify. If this were not the case, then Larra was obviously catering to the needs and intellect of a privileged sector of the populace, thereby creating an exclusive clientele and limiting the dissemination of his ideas. However, a stance of this nature would be self-defeating. As society's conscience, Larra had to make his perceptions available to everyone.

In many of the articles, Larra became the source of information that would otherwise go unnoticed, or remain hidden from the reading public. Each reference and every allusion was carefully chosen for the meaning(s) it would conjure up in the mind of his readers. An excellent example is his reports of the proceedings of the newly reorganized Ateneo de Madrid. In all there are six individual articles. Each report presents simple facts concerning what happened, but, more importantly, Larra indicates who attended the meetings and the role each played in the development of political doctrine. Interestingly, every person he mentions played a significant role in the formation of the society's political and ideological agenda. Larra indicates in the first article of the series that “Los señores Bordiu, Valle, y Lista, al tomar sobre sí el desempeño de las cátedras de administración, economía política y literatura española, precedidos de ventajosa y justa reputación, hacen al público ilustrado de esta capital y a los aficionados al saber un servicio que difícilmente se pudiera agradecer bastante” (BAE 128: 221). From this information, the reader became aware of who was considered to be the doctrinal authority among the intellectuals of the period, and also what themes were generating interest among the “público ilustrado” and “aficionados al saber” in the capital. It might be said that Larra was designating the models that the public should emulate, and in doing so he was also attempting to mold public opinion to conform to the prevailing liberal beliefs. The position is confirmed in his closing admonition:

Salga el que sepa, y enséñeselo generosamente a sus hermanos; imiten los patriotas ilustrados el ejemplo de los profesores del Ateneo; fórmense sociedades literarias en las provincias, a imitación de la de la capital, y empezaremos a tener en nuestra regeneración una confianza que la fuerza, que puede vencer momentánea, pero siempre incompletamente, no puede inspirarnos, aun cuando fuesen sus trinfos más decididos y rápidos de lo que son hasta la presente.

(BAE 128: 223)

It must be understood that when Larra wrote this article (1836), the Ateneo had only been in existence for one year. This is also significant because the Ateneo was unable to organize itself until after the laws of censorship were revoked and the freedom of the press (i.e., public opinion) was made lawful. In 1835 the Queen Regent María Cristina approved the Ateneo's reorganization.¹⁰ With Larra's admonition there is the subtle insinuation that what these men (i.e., those of the Ateneo) taught was to be taken as approved doctrine, after all the organization had been sanctioned by ruling monarchy. The result, at least in Larra's mind, appears to be the enlightenment of the reading public to a more progressive and more stable domestic situation. With the new role-models came the hope of a new, more vigorous society.

The importance of Larra's complex system of allusions and references goes beyond what he communicated to his contemporaries. These references became an important base for understanding the individuals and circumstances that shaped not only Larra but also became the basis of a Spanish ideology and literary form, which in turn had its repercussions throughout the rest of the nineteenth century and into the twentieth. Larra drew from an extensive field of historical and literary personages to construct his articles. These painstaking and elaborately created images give the scholar and historian an intimate view into the beliefs and influences that shaped the attitudes of a Spanish liberal. Larra's interest in discovering new forms of expression based on established models and abundant use of references has taken several forms throughout his articles. I would like to show how the historical and literary personages play essential roles in the development of Larra's articles.

LARRA AND HIS STYLISTIC SOURCES: A CASE FOR ORIGINALITY

Larra developed a highly stylized form of writing based primarily on satirical and costumbrist journalism, often imitating works produced by Addison, Steele, Boileau, Jouy, Quevedo and Cadalso. First, we shall begin by examining an article by Gioconda Marún entitled “Apuntaciones sobre la influencia de Addison y Steele en Larra” (1981). This is a fundamental article because in it the author clearly outlines certain affinities between the costumbrist style developed by Larra and the model found in Addison and Steele's The Tatler and The Spectator. Marún has determined that “la influencia inglesa en el costumbrismo español no se mide por la semejanza con algunos ensayos, sino porque sus ideas progresistas, racionales y liberales—configuradoras de una sociedad mejor, tanto para el hombre como para la mujer—pasaron a formar parte del mundo cultural no inglés” (382). Larra's need to hispanize his observations distinguishes his writings from others that strictly relied on imitating foreign models. By altering what he learned from Addison and Steele to meet his needs as a Spanish social commentator, Larra recreated the model, one that would then serve his immediate needs. Marún continues by stating, “Es también nuevo, porque a diferencia del costumbrismo meramente descriptivo, éste lleva implícito una actitud especulativa. Sus cultivadores no son meros observadores de la realidad—lo que ya existía antes—sino que teorizan y filosofan sobre lo observado” (382). It is within the parameters of this journalistic paradox that Larra chose to present his view of the world. For example, “El castellano viejo” depicts the bourgeois society in the throes of ignorance and mediocrity; “Vuelva Ud. mañana” typifies the lackadaisical attitude and bureaucratic inefficiency prevalent in Spanish government. The similarities between Larra, Addison and Steele are well documented in Marún's article, so will therefore be left out of this discussion. Rather, we will concentrate on what this type of information provides to the scholar and the historian.

By placing Larra in the context of his predecessors (i.e., Addison and Steele), an entirely new vision of who exercised significant influence on writers, like Larra, in the early nineteenth century becomes apparent. This continuum also helps the critic to understand ideological trends in the twentieth century that have their beginnings in Larra (i.e., the Generation of 1898). In short, by observing whom Larra admired and imitated, the scholar-historian can recreate a genealogy of “mentors” and “apprentices” which traces the roots of the costumbrist style from Larra's predecessors down to his twentieth-century disciples. What seems to be fundamental to this socio-ethic style is an emphasis on the ability of literature to educate. Marún correctly asserts that “Larra comparte con los ensayistas ingleses la necesidad de educar al pueblo, ya que sólo la educación puede estirpar los vicios y ridiculeces señalados … Larra como Addison y Steele esgrime el costumbrismo ético-social para reformar la conducta humana, para lograr el desarrollo completo del ser y su sociedad” (386). Therefore, Larra's ultimate goal did not differ significantly from that which was proposed by the neoclassists (i.e., reformation through education). Understandably, Larra did not limit himself to imitating only the English journalists. Rather, he subtly mixed several adopted styles, adapting them to his specific needs, and to the needs of the reader.

Another significant influence came from Nicholas Boileau-Despreaux, the late seventeenth-century satirist and poet. The prominent critic Alan S. Trueblood carefully analyzes the similarities between Larra's “El castellano viejo” and Boileau's “Satire III”. Despite the similarity between Boileau's work and Larra's, the approach is unmistakably his own. Again the focus is on hispanizing the text and educating the reader through quotidian examples. Trueblood states that “el ideal de Larra era la fusión del costumbrismo pintoresco al uso con los métodos seguidos por los grandes satíricos del pasado. Y al adaptar a un tema contemporáneo un esquema creado por Boileau, lo hizo en total acuerdo con su postura literaria independiente” (531). As Trueblood discovers, Larra's originality becomes apparent not predominantly in the form that his articles take or in their themes, but rather in his treatment of societal types and situations. Thus Larra used established models as the basis of his work, but during the creative process revised the linguistic style to conform to his already highly developed concepts of change and progress. In his comparison of “El castellano viejo” (1832) and “Satire III” (published between 1661-1700), Trueblood draws several textual parallels, but concludes that where Boileau tended to express his ideas in a disjointed, almost static fashion, Larra created a dynamic, fluid text that gained energy throughout its development (534). The end result of this “accelerated dynamic” is an intrigue that completely enveloped the attention and interest of the reader, while at the same time subtly introducing a sharp criticism of the social environment.

There are obviously many individuals who influenced Larra's writing style. Of these individuals I have already mentioned Addison and Steele, and Boileau. The complexity of Larra's synthetic style can be further illustrated with two additional articles that attempt to pinpoint the major influences in his “El mundo todo es máscaras, todo el año es carnaval” (1833). In his 1920 article entitled “Notes on Jouy's Influence on Larra”, W. S. Hendrix presents a schematic overview of similarities which exist between Larra's article and Jouy's “Le Carnaval et le Bal de l'Opera”. In one brief paragraph, Hendrix attempts to show the changes Larra made, concluding that “Larra's essay is incomparably superior to Jouy's in interest, content and style” (41). In a footnote, he suggests that some of Larra's (or Jouy's) inspiration for the character Asmodeo and other contextual situations may be traced to Le Sage's “Diable Boiteux” (41n). Interestingly, Hendrix has only casually touched on a very important quality of Larra's articles: the eclectic nature of his sources.

Larra's use of familiar texts and images becomes the focus of a study by Benítez Claro in Visión de la literatura española (1963). Interestingly, he only superficially considers the sources and influence found in Larra's “El mundo todo es máscaras” by suggesting the presence of Quevedo and Vélez de Guevara. In his chapter “Influencias de Quevedo en Larra”, Benítez Claro suggests that “Larra ha podido inspirarse directamente en Vélez de Guevara, organizando sus visiones al modo de las de El Diablo Cojuelo, de cuyo Asmodeo se deja conducir; pero la procedencia mediata de sus escenas está en Quevedo, aun teniendo en cuenta la influencia de éste en la obra de Guevara” (231). This doubtless thematic sequence from Quevedo (Los suenos [1627]) to Vélez de Guevara (El Diablo Cojuelo [1641]), to Le Sage (“Le Diable Boiteux”), to Jouy (“Le Carnaval et le Bal de l'Opera”) and, ultimately, to Larra (“El mundo todo es máscaras”) demonstrates clearly the various strata of influence that ultimately shaped and molded Larra's article. More importantly, this observation advocates the position that Larra consciously drew on external sources to develop his ideas, in this way establishing ideological and stylistic boundaries in which he could function effectively.¹¹ By drawing from pools of commonly understood ideas and figures, Larra had only to modify the message or the environment of the text to communicate quickly and effectively his belief. His visible use of sources displays a confidence in his own originality and purpose for writing. The use of commonly held models, and the liberal use of names through the articles, assured Larra that the reader would not become distracted from focusing his attention on the message, rather than focusing on the form or content. This does not mean that Larra lacked originality. Larra did not allow his reader to become overly engrossed in intricate plot developments, but rather, allowed the form and message to become integral parts that functioned simultaneously to communicate his perceptions. This is precisely the reason why a close consideration of Larra's role models becomes so essential to deciphering, not only his articles, but also the works of other early nineteenth-century authors.

Larra's stylistic models play an important role in understanding his life and writings, but the historical figures (i.e., politicians, monarchs, etc.) to whom he frequently refers serve as a reflection of his political stance and, therefore, his social ideology. Larra carefully integrated important references in his articles that illustrated the tension that existed between certain political figures or parties. For example, let us consider “El último adiós y nosotros, ¿nos morimos o qué hacemos?” (1834). In this text, which appeared nine months after the death of Fernando VII, Larra creates a fictional discourse between don Carlos, Joaquín Abarca, the pretendent's Minister of Government, and don Miguel of Portugal. The setting is Portugal as the first two characters are attempting to evade capture by Rodil and his troops. As don Carlos and Abarca proceed through a series of questions and answers, Larra transforms them into caricatures whose actions and comments border on the ridiculous. At one point, don Carlos asks Abarca, “¿Tienes tropas ahí, Abarca, tú, por casualidad?”, to which Abarca retorts, “Precisamente en este bolsillo, no … ; aquí no tengo más que el pañuelo, y en estotro el relicario …” (BAE 127: 405). Throughout the discourse Larra transforms the would-be monarch into a hysterical buffoon who at one point exclaims in desperation, “¡Todo el mundo viene tras mi!” (BAE 127: 405). However, the criticism is a two-edged sword, because not only does Larra attack don Carlos, but places him on equal ground with don Miguel of Portugal, who also claimed the rights to a throne in opposition to a female heir. Midway through the article, the attention shifts to an encounter between the two would-be monarchs. During the course of their conversation, don Miguel reveals the futility of opposition stating, “¡No hay remedio! Un Rey de Portugal se perdió. … Yo haré como el rey don Sebastián. Nadie sabrá de mí. El mismo Rodil, en los partes que dé, nada dirá; la Gaceta misma de Madrid, la misma extraordinaria, ni una palabra dirán de mi paradero. Lo he jurado. Adiós: San Antonio me valga, abogado de las cosas perdidas” (BAE 127: 405). Don Miguel's response carries within it a subtext that further elucidates the unproductive nature of trying to gain support for a situation that is already perceived as a lost cause, and the need simply to disappear; it is the reference to don Sebastian. The latter was king of Portugal in the sixteenth century. While still in his youth he assumed the throne, but feeling the need to satisfy his sense of adventure initiated several crusades. The young monarch was vehemently opposed by the Queen Regent, doña Catalina, who convinced the court not to aid him in any way. After two failed attempts to launch his crusade against the “infidels”, don Sebastian set out on his own with a small army. He was never heard from again. This historical cross reference between don Carlos, don Miguel and don Sebastian gives needed depth to a seemingly frivolous satire. Larra used the concept that history repeats itself to emphasize and indirectly fortify the desperate situation facing the absolutist monarchs (i.e. pursuit by the liberal forces), and more importantly to illustrate the absurdity of the Carlist movement.

As can be seen, Larra drew from an immense pool of historical figures in order to construct his vision of Spain. Obviously, from the criticism I have examined, this is an aspect of Larrian studies that has been mostly ignored by modern scholars.

Larra's articles are an intricate crossword puzzle of names and influences that intertwine to create a new universe of ideas. Through the present study the scholar-historian discovers sources of political belief, literary influence and scientific thought that not only formed the basis of Larra's articles, but indirectly affected the public's beliefs. Let us consider some of the most significant components this study has revealed.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF HISTORICAL AND LITERARY CHARACTERS TO AN UNDERSTANDING OF LARRA

By systematically tallying the number of times certain names appear in Larra's articles I have uncovered an interesting array of individuals who either directly or indirectly modified his perceptions. Accordingly, I have discovered that Larra referred to 1054 different persons throughout 255 political, costumbrist and theatrical articles. This final count of historical and literary personages does not reflect the names that repeat themselves more than once. For example, of those individuals whom I have discussed thus far, Larra refers to Quevedo thirteen times; to Jouy seven times; and to Addison five times. Other significant figures are mentioned with greater frequency, among them Cervantes (20 times), the Moratins, Leandro or Nicolás, (37), Virgil (16) and Molière (21). The repeated references to these individuals and others indicate whom Larra considered important role models. The deeper question lies in precisely how much these figures affected his perspective and technique. These are certainly questions that future studies will attempt to unravel.

Larra derives his information and inspiration from two main sources: Spanish culture and French culture. … The remaining groups that exercised significant influence were Italian, Greek, Latin, English, and German. However, more interesting are his references to non-typical ethnic groups, including Belgian, Scottish, Swedish, Swiss, Hungarian, Mexican, American and Dutch (most likely Larra became acquainted with these foreign works through French or Spanish translations). I believe that the latter group provides a clearer understanding of the breadth and depth of Larra's education. Obviously, he possessed a unique understanding of the world and who played a significant role in literary, political, artistic and scientific development. The use of such a broad spectrum of characters challenges the scholar and historian to consider several pressing questions. First, if Larra's purpose was to reeducate the reading public through the use of a representative group of historical and literary models, how effective was his communication and did the people fully comprehend him? Second, if the response to the first question is affirmative, then with what type of society is the scholar-historian dealing? An understanding of these extensive references would presuppose a very well-educated public. However, if the answer to the first question is negative, then it might be concluded that Larra only fancied a literate reading public and acted accordingly. This premise would indicate something analogous to a man desperately attempting to communicate through a closed window. The observer can see his every move and delight in his eccentric gestures, yet never really understand the urgency of his message. Therefore, the following information becomes valuable as a means of opening the window and revealing the man behind the articles.

Each of the Tables (See Appendix) indicate the direction Larra took in educating and developing the reading public. Note that Tables 2, 4, 6, and 8 summarize the centuries when each of the writers, scientists, political figures and artists exercised the greatest influence. This information reveals his strong tendency to refer primarily to individuals affected by European intellectualism, especially in the eighteenth (15 percent) and nineteenth century (21.35 percent). This point is further augmented by his relative dependence on non-hispanic European sources which account for 43.4 percent of the literary references (Table 9). Larra considered the universal quality of literature as a vital element for the dissemination of progressive ideas. Thus, the statistics support the thesis that for Larra a purely Hispanic identity was only possible once universal antecedents were integrated into the public's discourse. This may explain Azorín's contention that a fundamental element to understanding Larra, and his definition of Spain, was the application of universal themes to situations exclusive to Spanish society. Through the abundant use of literary and historical figures Larra began to lay the foundation of what he perceived to be the ideal society, using aggregate types that he constructed from models found in post-revolutionary Europe. Not all of his examples are positive. Evidence exists that he also showed the opposite side of the situation, often ridiculing or satirizing those who represented the countercurrent of progress (i.e., Fernando VII, Calomarde, Caesar, Richelieu, Napoleon, etc.).

A fundamental source of Larra's ideals was literature and related forms of expression, including the theater and the arts. One area where he excelled was in his critiques of the theater. It must be recognized that the period in question (1828-1837) found the Spanish stage in need of serious reform. Not only were the buildings and costumes in disarray, but the actor's techniques had become exaggerated and parodic. Through his writings, Larra was careful to make specific reference to inappropriate gestures or to praise performances well executed. Often he would purposefully contrast a popular Spanish artist (i.e., Lamadrid, Latorre, Romea, Rodríguez, etc.) with a non-Spanish counterpart (i.e., Talma, Taglioni, Grissi, Kean, Coulon, etc.). This technique proved beneficial as a means of refining the public's critical abilities (i.e., señora Edwige is severely chided for her lack of talent). Larra often used these critiques as a springboard for more serious commentary about society and its ills. In much the same way that Shakespeare envisioned man as a performer and the world a stage, so too Larra envisioned the stage and the representations as paralleling life.¹² Therefore, we find justification for referring to 136 artists (Table 5) in 92 critical articles. Interestingly, nearly 20 percent of those he mentions are of Italian extraction. This is significant in light of the popularity of the Italian opera in Spain and its superior representation, tasteful musical scores written by Bellini, Rossini and Donizetti, memorable performances by Taglioni and Grissi.¹³ In these performers Larra detected a spark of inspiration that the Spanish stage lacked and knew had to be adopted if the theater was to reach its potential.

Another area where nationality played an important role was the sciences. Nearly half of all the references to botanists, doctors, and other scientists come from French sources (Table 3). Again, Larra contrasted or compared the French models to their Spanish counterparts. For example, Larra discusses the launching of an hot-air balloon by Manuel García Rozo on April 28, 1833 from the Parque Retiro in front of a crowd which included members of the Royal family. Larra used historical and literary figures in each article to create a certain tone which either affirmed his belief in Spain's possibilities or negated them. Both articles appeared under the same title, “Ascención aerostática,” and were published on April 30 and July 16, 1833. He begins the first article by announcing the event and the inventor, but after only two short paragraphs enters into an extensive historical review regarding previous attempts at balloon flight. Throughout the essay he makes specific references to Pilatre des Roziers, Blanchard, Robertson, Charles, Montgolfier, Bealètti and Garnerín who, though accomplished scientists, failed in their attempts to execute successful flights without incurring personal injury. In this article Larra sets a historical precedent in order to vindicate Rozo's failure in 1833. Larra states, “La ascención de Bealètti, en tiempo del señor Carlos IV, la de Robertson, la de madama Garnerín, y la de nuestro español Rozo, todas se han desgraciado” (BAE 127: 214). The remaining paragraphs provide possible reasons for the failed experiment and concludes that despite the disappointment, the “público de Madrid dió en su compostura una nueva prueba de su ilustración …” (BAE 127: 215). Thus, the first article vindicates Rozos and defends his efforts.

The second article, half as long as the first, creates a conversation between Larra and a friend who discuss what was apparently a second attempt by Rozo to inflate the balloon and get airborne. The dialogue is less informative and more satirical as the two men try desperately to locate the man and his balloon, only to discover after returning to Madrid that Rozo was unable to lift off more than a few feet. In this article the historical references are replaced with literary allusions (i.e., Quijote, Sancho Panza, Clavileño and Dédalo). The contrast between the first article, which defends the physicist, and the second, which ridicules him, presents an interesting view of Larra's frustration. The initial article reflects his optimism that Spain, and her scientists, were no different from men and women in more advanced countries (i.e., France) who also tried and failed. However, the second article returns to a more pessimistic perspective regarding Spain's ability to progress by satirizing Rozo and his efforts. He concludes,

Quién tiene la culpa? No lo sé; lo que sí sé, y eso lo sé mejor que nadie, señor mi amigo el del anteojo, es que en mi presencia no volverá a hacer de estas ascensiones ningún aeronauta; que éste chasco pesado para dos veces, y que, consista en lo que consista, al ver un anuncio de ascensión, diré, así como decía el loco: “Quitá allá, que es podenco; quita allá, que éste es Rozo”.

(BAE 127: 255).

Larra's use of sources gives dimension and meaning to an otherwise insignificant subject. He draws the reader's attention to events which enhance Spain's image as a progressive country. However, this sense of intellectual security is fleeting. Larra quickly bursts the illusion by reminding his public of the many flaws which still pervade Spanish society.

As I have already noted, this information is fundamental to understanding the influences and beliefs which Larra believed would enlighten his reading public, and thereby, effect necessary social changes in Spain. Overall, Larra divides his allegiance almost exactly between Hispanic (47٪) and non-Hispanic (53٪) sources (Table 9). This may indicate his strong desire to maintain the integrity of Spanish culture, while at the same time encouraging change through an understanding of the outside world. However, the several levels of meaning integrated into the text may have gone unnoticed or misunderstood by the reader in much the same way modern readers overemphasize the text while overlooking the historical and literary references. To solve this problem, a closer, more pragmatic evaluation of Larra's articles is necessary.

This brief review of materials shows unequivocally that to study the historical and literary figures in Larra's writings is to delve into the artistic, social, psychological and historical development of one of the most prominent and influential journalists of the early nineteenth century. More importantly, this study provides a comprehensive index of persons whose influence shaped the intellectual, political and aesthetic values of a nation on the threshold of a new epoch of enlightenment and progress, or so it seemed to Larra. Therefore, in order to understand the direction which Larra hoped Spain would take, the scholar-historian must learn to interpret the textual clues (i.e., historical and literary figures) which stand as models of the developmental course that would form the foundation of liberal ideology.

Notes

1. Lorenzo-Rivero notes, “Larra y Galdós presentan unas actitudes frente a la vida muy paralelas en su condena de cuanto les desagrada. Las circunstancias político-sociales también son extraordinariamente similares” (85). Almost certainly Galdós was familiar with Larra's writings, and possibly even influenced by them. Lorenzo-Rivero later comments that “Galdós considera al joven Duende (Larra) un inmaturo y un lenguaraz malhumorado satírico, cuyos escritos no predicen nada de su grandeza …” (87), another strong evidence that the realist novelist was aware of and read Larra's articles.

2. See Azorín's Un discurso de la Cierva, pp. 43-56.

3. Larra probably best exemplifies the nonconformist attitude of the dandy. Sánchez Estevan states, “La intensa vida pasional, sin hipocresías, de Larra, no cabe duda de que asustó a sus contemporáneos. Roca de Togores llega a decir que su conducta era «criminal» (¡!). Ferrer del Río nos habla de «su índole viciosa». Cayetano Cortés de «extravíos y errores que empañaron su reputación y su buen nombre»” (95).

4. Melcher states: “There seemed to be two ways thus to épater le bourgeois. The obvious strategy called for violent repudiation of everything associated even remotely with the bourgeoisie, whereas a more subtle technique, adopted by Henry Monnier and some of his friends years before it was defined by Baudelaire, consisted of a coldly disdainful refinement upon middle-class conventions which transformed them into parody” (122).

5. Larra was not unfamiliar with groups like the Jeune-France. He belonged to several fraternities, including the Academia del Mirto, the Parnasillo and the Poderosa Orden de los Caballeros de la Cuchara, and probably most important to this article was the Partida del Trueno, which Sánchez Estevan claims may have served as a model for “Los calaveras” (47). In Mis memorias íntimas, Fernández de Córdova discusses his contact with members of these literary groups. He describes adventures with the Partida as a “busca de aventuras y lances por las calles de la capital, vigiladas apenas por los serenos …” (91). He even recounts one of Larra's acts of mischief, “Larra una noche, con un cubo de almazarrón de que se había provisto y una brocha, embadurnó toda la caja amarilla del cabriolé del duque de Alva [sic], que a la puerta de una casa esperaba con otros coches …” (91). Often their celebrations were so jovial and loud that neighbors would ask them to disperse or the authorities would be called.

6. Melcher writes, “Many of the younger men, pursuing the cult of their own individuality, set out deliberately to oppose all accepted notions. … Ironically enough the very cult became such that it tended paradoxically to submerge individuality in the pursuit of passing fads, since the artists were willing to forego complete independence in order to better show the bourgeois that their eccentricities were an organized manifestation against his comfortable smugness. With the common aim of providing amusement for themselves and an outlet for their scorn … they united into various groups or societies” (122).

7. For example, The Spy ends with a short letter from George Washington in which the “spy” is lauded for the service he gave to his country, “Circumstances of political importance, which involve the lives and fortunes of many, have hitherto kept secret what this paper now reveals. Harvey Birch has for years been a faithful and unrequited servant of his country. Though man does not, may God reward him for his conduct.” Then the narrator concludes, “It was the SPY OF THE NEUTRAL GROUND, who died as he had lived, devoted to his country, and a martyr to her liberties” (Cooper 437).

8. This is according to an 1833 census (SEE Mitchell 77).

9. Perry states, “La escasa remuneración económica que los escritores de su época reciben es una consideración muy importante para Larra, porque él vive de su pluma y por que considera, a los que ejercen esta profesión con distinción, contribuyentes al bienestar nacional y como tal dignos de su justa recompensa. En la opinión de Larra los que escriben son muy mal pagados. A pesar de que ‘Fígaro’ es uno de los periodistas más cotizados de su época tiene sus dificultades económicas” (44).

10. Victoriano García Martí has collected many documents in El Ateneo de Madrid (1835-1935) regarding the formation of the Ateneo de Madrid in 1835. One document indicates that “reunióse la comisión varias veces durante el mes de noviembre; obtuvo de la Reina Gobernadora la Real orden, fechada 16 del citado mes, autorizando la fundación de un Ateneo literario que, ofreciendo un punto de reunión a todos los hombres instruídos, contribuyese a la mutua comunicación de sus ideas y a ponerles, por medio de los periódicos y obras extranjeras, al nivel de los progresos que las ciencias hacían diariamente en otros países para que pudieran transmitirlas a los demás en las cátedras desemeñadas gratuitamente por algunos de sus socios …” (55).

11. Other interesting studies compare Larra with Cadalso (Moreno Hernández 45); with Torres Villarroel (Lorenzo-Rivero Torres, p. 139); and, with Lamannais (Varela 287).

12. In his critique of Catalina Howard (1836), Larra complains, “Al teatro vamos a divertirnos, dicen algunos candorosamente. No; al teatro vamos a ver reproducidas las sensaciones que más nos afectan en la vida; y en la vida actual, ni el poeta, ni el actor, ni el espectador tienen ganas de reírse; los cuadros que llenan nuestra época nos afectan seriamente, y los acontecimientos en que somos parte tan interesada no pueden predisponernos para otra clase de teatro. …” (BAE 128: 186).

13. See “Teatros. De la separación de la ópera italiana, y del Teatro Nacional.—De la empresa de ópera italiana.” (BAE 128: 172).

Bibliography

Larra Bibliography

Adams, Nicholas B. “A Note on Larra's El Doncel.” Hispanic Review 9 (1941): 218-221.

Azorín. Rivas y Larra: Razón social del romanticismo en España. Vol. 18. Obras completas. Madrid: Caro Reggio, 1921.

Caravaca, Francisco. “Notas sobre las influencias literarias del costumbrismo de Larra.” Revista Hispánica Moderna 29 (1): 1-22.

Fox, E. Inman. “Historical and Literary Allusions in Larra's ‘El hombre menguado’.” Hisnanic Review 28 (4): 341-349.

Hendrix W. S. “Notes on Jouy's Influence on Larra.” The Romanic Review 11 (1920): 37-45.

Larra, Mariano José de. Obras completas I, II & IV. Seco Serrano, Carlos. Biblioteca de autores españoles. Vols. 127, 128 & 130. Madrid: Real Academia Española, 1960.

Lorenzo-Rivero, Luis. “Unamuno y Larra frente al problema de España.” 313-320 in Hispanic Studies in Honor of Edmund de Chasca. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1975.

———. “Afinidades de Galdós con Larra. Género literario y temática.” Studia Neophilologica 56 (1984): 85-97.

———. “La estructura del ensayo en Ortega y Larra.” Ortega y Gasset Centennial / Centenario Ortega y Gasset. Madrid: José Porrúa Turanzas, S. A., 1985.

———. “Torres Villarroel y Larra satíricos afines.” Estudos Ibero-Americanos, 14 (2): 139-151.

Martín, Gregorio C. “Larra: Periodista uruguayo.” Estudos Ibero-Americanos 2 (1976): 235-244.

Marún, Gioconda. “Apuntaciones sobre la influencia de Addison y Steele en Larra.” Hispania 64 (1981): 382-387.

Moreno Hernández, Carlos. “Cadalso y Larra: El fracaso del hombre de bien.” CLF 12-13 (1986-87): 45-68.

Perry, Leonard T. “Larra y su visión del periodismo en España.” Estudos Ibero-Americanos 11 (1): 43-53.

———. “Positive Criticism in the Artículos costumbristas of Mariano José de Larra.” Círculo 9 (1980): 17-25.

———. “La mesa española en el Madrid de Larra.” Mester 10 (1981): 58-65.

———. “Ambivalencia en ‘La nochebuena de 1836,’ de Larra.” Arbor 112 (1982): 87-97.

———. “Larra's View of the Middle Class as Perceived through His Artículos costumbristas.” Círculo 11 (1982): 93-98.

———. “Larra: Una evaluación de la literatura española en su ‘Don Cándido’.” MSpr 77 (1983): 57-63.

———. “‘El Café’: Eslabón significativo en los artículos de Mariano José de Larra.” Language Quarterly 23 (1984) 22-24.

———. “El neoclasicismo: Una evaluación por Larra en su ‘Don Timoteo o el literato’.” Círculo 16 (1987): 113-119.

———. “Las diversiones públicas en los artículos de Mariano José de Larra.” QIA 63-64 (1988): 308-316.

Rodríguez, Alfredo. “Larra, Ortega y las casas de Madrid: Ensayo sobre el ensayo.” 181-185 in Hull, M. H., Jr. pref. Ortega y Gasset Centennial / Centenario Ortega y Gasset: University of New Mexico / Universidad de Nuevo México. Madrid: José Porrúa Turanzas, 1985.

Sánchez Estevan, Ismael. Mariano José de Larra (Fígaro). Ensayo biográfico redactado en presencia de numerosos antecedentes desconocidos y acompañado de un catálogo completo de sus obras. Madrid: Imp. de Lib. y Casa Edit. Hernando, 1934.

Scari, Robert M. “Progreso y tradición en las obras de Sarmiento y Larra.” Cuadernos Americanos 204 (mayo-junio 1976): 77-85.

Trueblood, Alan S. “‘El castellano viejo’ y la ‘Sátira III’ de Boileau.” Nueva Revista Filológica Hispánica 15: 529-538.

Varela, José Luis. Larra y España. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1983.

———. “Dolores Armijo, 1837. Documentos nuevos en torno a la muerte de Larra.” 601-612 in Studia Hispanica in Honorum R. Lapesa Vol II. Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1974.

———. “Lamennais en la evolución ideológica de Larra.” Hispanic Review 48 (1980): 287-306.

———. Larra y España. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1983.

General Bibliography:

Azorín. Un discurso de La Cierva. Vol. 14. Obras completas. Madrid: Caro Reggio, 1921.

Benitez Claros, Rafael. Visión de la literatura española. Madrid: Ediciones Rialp, S. A., 1963.

Cooper, James Fenimore. The Works of James Fenimore Cooper. Boston: Houghton, Osgood and Company, 1880.

Fernández de Córdova, Fernando. Mis memorias íntimas. Vols. 192-93. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1966.

Gómez Aparicio, Pedro. Historia del periodismo español. Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1967.

Melcher, Edith. The Life and Times of Henry Monnier 1799-1877. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1950.

Mitchell, B. R. European Historical Statistics 1750-1975. 2nd Ed. New York: Facts on File, 1981.

Seco Serrano, Carlos. Godoy: El hombre y el político. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1978.