SOURCE: “The Date of Lamentations V,” in The Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. LVII, No. 1, July, 1966, pp. 46-56.

[In the following essay, Lachs contends that the fifth chapter of Lamentations was written around 168-65 b.c.e., justifying the conclusion with his interpretations of its verses.]

Ancient tradition ascribes the authorship of the book ofLamentations to the prophet Jeremiah and interprets its content as referring to the destruction of the First Temple by the Babylonians in 586 b.c.e.¹ Down to modern times few have questioned this assumed authorship or the event described. One notable exception in this regard was R. Abraham Ibn Ezra who, in his introduction to Lamentations, made the following observation: “… and this is not the scroll burned by Jehoiakim for we do not find [in Lamentations] two statements of God which are contained in the book of Jeremiah. One verse reads (Jer. 36.2) ‘Take thee a roll of a book and write therein all the words that I have spoken unto thee against Israel, and against Judah, and against all the nations.’ The other verse is (ibid. 36.29) ‘Why hast thou written therein saying: The king of Babylon shall certainly come and destroy this land?’ In the scroll of Lamentations there is no mention of Babylon or of its king.” He raises doubts not only as to Jeremiah's authorship but as to the historical context as well. His commentary to the body of the book is exclusively grammatical and etymological in character and in it he avoids historical treatment of the material. At the beginning of chapter three he cites the rabbinic tradition of Jeremiah's authorship but also offers an alternative explanation to the passage without indicating his own preference.²

With the emergence of scientific biblical criticism, most scholars have rejected Jeremiah's authorship of Lamentations; few, however, have departed from the position that the background of the five chapters is the period of the destruction of the Temple in 586 b.c.e. They maintain that these chapters were all written not too many years after this event. Biblical scholars, in the main, have concentrated their energies on the question of the unity of the book—i.e. single or multiple authorship. Numerically the consensus favors the latter; the outstanding proponent, however, of the single authorship theory, in recent years, was the late Prof. Y. Kaufmann whose proof of this thesis is far from convincing.

At the end of the last century, S.A. Fries advanced the theory advocating the Maccabean period for chapters four and five of Lamentations.³ Unfortunately his work was poorly presented and poorly documented, as a result it was attacked and rejected.⁴ We feel that there is indeed sufficient evidence to make a case for Maccabean dating of chapter five of the book. Although each element in our line of argument does not constitute positive proof, taken collectively they do produce a plausible hypothesis.

It is obvious to the reader, even upon a cursory examination of chapter five of Lamentations, that it differs radically from the four preceding chapters. Structurally chapters 1-4 are alphabetic acrostics while the fifth, although apparently in imitation of them i.e. it contains twenty-two verses corresponding to the number of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet, lacks the acrostic form. Chapters 1-4 are, in content, elegistic while chapter five is a prayer. The meter of chapters 1-4 is the qinah meter i.e. two parts of unequal length, the first has four accents, the second three. The verses in chapter five have four stress accents.

Aside from the structural differences there remains the question of content and frame of reference. Admittedly a prayer of this kind could fit a variety of historical events involving the Temple and the city of Jerusalem. It is our contention that neither the destruction of the Temple in 586 nor the sacking of the Temple by Ptolomy in 320⁵ fits the material. The chapter seems to be set against the background of the attack on Jerusalem in 168 b.c.e. by Antiochus IV and the events following.

In the year 171-170 the Egyptians under Eulaeus and Lenaeus, who acted on behalf of the young king Ptolomy VI Philometer made war on Antiochus IV. Antiochus defeated the Egyptians before they had even crossed the desert. On his return in the summer of 170 he invaded Jerusalem, entered the Temple, confiscated much of the gold and valuables and slaughtered many of the Judaeans.⁶

Again in 169-168 Antiochus met the Egyptians and again was victorious. This victory was short lived because Rome intervened and Antiochus had to withdraw from Egypt. On his return he entered Jerusalem, once again slaughtered many thousands and even more he took into captivity and slavery. He sacked the Temple and stripped it of gold and silver as before.⁷ After this sacking of Jerusalem Antiochus left a garrison of Macedonians under the leadership of Appolonius and built the fortress Acra near the Temple. This was followed by a number of oppressive and degrading edicts among them: A restriction on the observance of the Sabbath and on performing the rite of circumcision under penalty of death.⁸ Daily sacrifices in the Temple were abolished—most likely in the summer of 168.⁹ About five months later, on the 25th of Kislev, a heathen altar,,the Altar of Desolation” was erected on the site of the old altar and a swine sacrificed on it. The Temple became a shrine to Zeus Olympus.¹⁰

The sources for this period are First and Second Maccabees and the Antiquities of Josephus. In these works the language, events described and mood relected offer striking parallels to chapter five of Lamentations. We suggest, therefore, that this chapter was written against the background of these events sometime between 168-165 b.c.e. before the victory of Judah Maccabee and that it was subsequently appended to the other four chapters. We shall illustrate this thesis by an examination of the verses seriatim.

CHAPTER FIVE

V. I. …

This is the invocation of the prayer. The author contrasts the former state of the people with the present condition of degradation.¹¹ The tragedy is more than a defeat at the hands of an enemy; the hallowed mode of worship had been supplanted by the religious rite of the victor, hence the emphasis on “shame.” … This mood is paralleled in I Macc.: “And great was sadness in Israel, everywhere; both rulers and elders groaned. Maidens and young men languished, the beauty of the women was altered. Every bridegroom took up lamentation and she that sat in a bridal chamber mourned. Shaken was the earth over those who dwell therein and the whole house of Jacob was clothed in shame.”¹²

V. 2. …

The reference here seems to be the Temple overrun by the foreigner, i.e. the Syrian. … The importance of this verse is that it indicates that Jerusalem is inhabited by the foreigner. This agrees with the policy of Antiochus who built the Acra and stationed a garrison in Jerusalem; it does not fit the period of Nebuchadnezzar's victory, for he wanted the city destroyed, not inhabited.¹³

V. 3. …

The great slaughter and captivity brought about by Antiochus left thousands orphaned and widowed. Because of the confusion which followed it was not known if a man had been killed in the sacking, alive in hiding or had died in captivity hence “like widows” … rather than “widows.” …¹⁴

V. 4. …

The author choses two illustrations to show the present plight of the Judaean—they were reduced to purchasing their water and paying for their wood. The latter is paralleled by the practise of the Seleucid kings of levying a tax on wood. Antiochus III, for example, who was favorably disposed towards the Judaeans removed this tax from them.¹⁵ It may reasonably be assumed that Antiochus IV reinstituted it. The first phrase i.e. the purchase of water is not as clear. Perhaps there was a tax on the water as well.¹⁶

V. 5. …

This verse contains a linguistic problem¹⁷ and a difficulty as to reference. It is perhaps a description of the insurgents under Judah Maccabee who roamed the wilderness and were constantly harassed by the Syrian troops. We suggest that it be read before v. 9 which appears to be a continuation of the description of their hardships.

V. 6. …

This is one of the key verses for Maccabean dating. Were one to explain this verse as referring to the period of the destruction of the First Temple there are basic difficulties involved. When did the Judaeans appeal to the Egyptians for food? What is the meaning of Asshur? At that time Asshur was no longer a power. Were one to argue that Asshur is Babylon¹⁸ the passage is still difficult; how could the Judaean appeal to Babylon for assistance when Babylon was the menacing enemy?

Since we suggest a late date for this chapter a citation from a late source is legitimate. In rabbinic literature Asshur is employed as a term for Syria.¹⁹ Applying this meaning to Asshur in this verse we then find a perfect couplet—Egypt and Syria (Asshur) representing the Ptolomies and the Seleucids. The author is bemoaning the fact that the Judaeans, through their leadership, shifted allegience between Egypt and Syria. The best example of this was the power struggle between the Tobiades and the house of Onias, one siding with Syria, the other with Egypt. … Each side of the Judaean leadership wanted certain economic advantages which would accure were Jereusalem made a polis, and they appealed either to Egypt or to Syria for this very purpose.²⁰

V.7. …

This approach i.e. suffering for the sins of the fathers is contrary to the view held both by Jeremiah and Ezekiel²¹ who both maintained individual responsibility for actions and a denial of inherited guilt. This is a strong point ruling out not only authorship of Jeremiah but it reflects the thinking of another age. Here the consequence of the acts of others must be borne. The author laments the acts of former generations in that they forsook their God and adopted the Greek way of life. He sees in this the cause of the recent misfortunes which had befallen the people. Had the Judaean remained faithful to his own culture and religion the calamity would have been averted. This verse can be compared with the following: “At that time there came forth from Israel certain lawless men who persuaded many saying, ‘Let us go and make a treaty with the heathen around us because ever since we separated from them many evils have come upon us.’”²² These “evils” may well refer to the economic problems of the Judaeans because they were not able to compete with the Hellenistic communities.²³

V.8. …

The servants are the mercinaries left as a garrison in Jerusalem under Appolonius, a servant of Antiochus IV and the power of this force was represented by the Acra which the writer portrays as being unconquerable. This phrase … is one indication that this chapter was composed before any victory by the insurgents had taken place.

V.9. …

The lives of those fighting the Syrians were in danger because the enemy patroled the edges of the wilderness and also held the towns which were the source of food.²⁴

V.10. …

One of two interpretations can be given for this verse. It is either a description of the suffering experienced by the troops in the wilderness or by the victims of crucifixion²⁵ (see below v. 12). If the latter meaning is taken then it should be read after v. 13.

V.11. …

Part of every invasion or attack involved plunder and the rape of the female population. …

V. 12. …

The death penalty spared no one, prince or elder who violated the edicts of the Emperor.²⁶

V. 13. …

This is a continuation of the description of the crucifixion scene. The second stich deals with the victims “stumbling while carrying the stake.” The first part of the verse, however, is difficult.

V. 14. …

Because of the persecutions and the sadness of the mood of the people social and communal gatherings naturally ceased.²⁷

VV. 15-18. …

These four verses all refer to Jerusalem and the Temple after the latter had been converted into a heathen shrine. Verse 15 records the terms … indicating that the Temple was the place of joy and happiness²⁸ but now all this had changed. … It is interesting to note the expression “altar of desolation in Maccabees²⁹ and similar pharases in the book of Daniel.³⁰ Although it is almost commonplace to connect foxes with a place of desolation³¹ the word might well be used here figuratively in the sense of despoilers as in the phrase …³² referring to the Syrians and the Hellenists who defiled the Temple. There may be another reason for the choice of this term—an allusion to the Greeks who cavorted as foxes in the worship of Dionysis; for the celebration of the Dionysia is mentioned in Maccabees.³³

VV. 19-22. …

These four verses constitute the epilogue of the prayer. The author expresses confidence that the Temple will be restored as the permanent dwelling of God (v. 19). He appeals to God to turn His anger from the people for His rejection of them has been too long and difficult to bear (vv. 20, 22). In v. 22 he invokes God's assistance to cause the people to turn in repentance and to renew their way of life as of old i.e. before they had strayed into foreign practises.

Notes

1. Cf. Targ. Lam 1.1. … The Bible speaks of Jeremiah composing lamentations on the death of Josiah (II Chr. 35.25) which Josephus claimed were extant in his day (Antt. X, 5, 1).

2. Ibn Ezra to Lam. 3. 1. …

3. S. A. Fries, “Parallele zwischen den Klageliedern Cap. IV, V undder Maccabäerzeit” in Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentlische Wissenschaft (ZfAW) XIII (1893) pp. 110-124.

4. See M. Löhr, “Sind Thr. IV und V Makkabäische?” in ZfAW, XIV (1894) pp. 51-60.

5. Cf. Josephus, Antt. XII, I.

6. This historical summary is taken from S. Zeitlin, The Rise and Fall of the Judaean State (Phila., 1962) pp. 85-89. Cf. I Macc. 1. 16 ff; Josephus, Antt. XII, 5.

7. I Macc. 1. 29 ff; II Macc. 5. 1; Josephus, Antt. loc. cit.

8. I Macc. 1. 45, 48; II Macc. 6. 6, 10. See also Josephus, loc. cit.

9. Cf. I Macc. 1. 45, 54. Zeitlin op. cit. p. 89.

10. I Macc. 1. 21; II Macc. 6. 1-2; Antt. loc. cit. Cf. Dan. 11.

11. Translating not “Remember O Lord what is come upon us” but “Remember O Lord how it was with us.”

12. I Macc. 1. 25-28. Text and translation here and elsewhere in this article are from the Books of Maccabees of Jewish A pocryphal Literature of the Dropsie College. …

13. II Kings 25. 8 ff; Ps. 79. 1; Is. 64. 9-10 et al.

14. On the slaughter and the captivity see: I Macc. 1. 30 ff; Josephus, Antt. XII, 5. The fullest description is in II Macc. 5. II ff. In this last citation v. 14 we read, “Within three days eighty thousand were destroyed, forty thousand in hand to hand fighting, an equal number to those slaughtered were sold into slavery.”

15. Cf. Josephus, Antt. XII, 3.

16. Cf. King Demetrius' letter to the Jews (I Macc. 10. 25 ff) “. … Continue to be faithful to us, and we will requite you well for what you are doing in our behalf. We will grant you many exemptions, and give you gifts. For the present, I free you and release all Jews from the poll taxes, from the customs on salt and from the crown tax.” (ll. 27-29) Perhaps a water tax was one not yet remitted.

17. … See other suggestions in Kahana ad hoc.

18. Eg. Jer. 2. 18 et al.

19. Cf. Ket. 10b. … See also Yoma 10a. …

20. See Zeitlin, op. cit. p. 81.

21. Jer. 31. 29; Ezek. 18. 2 et passim.

22. I Macc. 1. 11.

23. See Zeitlin's note to I Macc. ad loc.

24. … On the hunger of the Judaean troops cf. I Macc. 3.17 “… then, too, we are faint, for we have had nothing to eat today.” In Antt. XII, 7 where Josephus follows I Macc. most closely we find, “ … he saw that his soldiers were backward to fight because their number was small and because they wanted food, for they were fasting.” The last phrase is probably Josephus' interpretation rather than fact.

25. On the hunger of the victims of crucifixion and fever frequently accompanying their agonies, see for example: Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. III, 8 where he describes the sufferings of the martyrs in Egypt who were crucified and died of hunger.

26. Cf. I Macc. 1.26, cited above, where prince and elder are taken as a couplet. …

27. Compare the mood in I Macc. 1. 39 “Her feasts were turned into sadness, her Sabbaths into a reproach, and again (ibid. 1. 26) “both rulers and elders groaned; maidens and young men languished.”

28. Cf. Ps. 48.3; Is. 60. 15; 65. 18; Hos. 2. 13; Ps. 149. 3; 150. 4; Jer. 31. 12.

29. I Macc. 1. 54. …

30. Dan. 9. 27. … Cf. also Dan. 11. 31.

31. Cf. Ezek. 13. 4. …

32. Cant. 2. 15.

33. II Macc. 6. 7 “… and when the festival of the Dionysia took place, they were compelled to march in the procession for Dionysis, garlanded with ivy wreaths.” One of the practices connected with this celebration was that the participants dressed up as animals, more often as fawns and goats but at times as foxes. All of these animals had meaning in the worship of Dionysis. The fox is singled out here either because of the allusion to the fox as a despoiler or its connection with abandoned places.