John Lyly

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SOURCE: "John Lyly," in The Greek Romances in Elizabethan Prose Fiction, The Columbia University Press, 1912, pp. 248-56.

[In the following excerpt, Wolff traces Lyly's source for Euphues to Giovanni Boccaccio's Tito and Gisippo, and then continues his exploration of Lyly's derivations.]

John Lyly1

The connection between Lyly and Greek Romance rests partly upon proof, and partly upon probable conjecture. There is proof that the plot of "Euphues" is derived from Boccaccio's tale of "Tito and Gisippo" (Decam., X. 8). There is probable conjecture, by such authorities as Wilhelm Grimm, Erwin Rohde, and Gaston Paris, that Boccaccio's tale is indebted to a Greek original. This indebtedness may be secondary, by way of the Old French poem "Athis et Prophilias," which is known to be one of the sources of "Tito and Gisippo" and which is believed to be derived from a late Greek Romance now lost; or it may be primary,—several of Boccaccio's tales (see post, p. 370) showing clearly that he was in contact with Greek fiction. But whether primary or secondary, the transmission of specific elements from Greek Romance to Boccaccio, and from Boccaccio to Lyly, is almost certain.

From Boccaccio Lyly takes not only narrative material, but narrative technique as well: the division of similar material into similar stages and scenes—its "articulation"; and the employment of pathos, of soliloquy, and of dialogue. In both "Euphues" and "Tito and Gisippo" a young stranger sojourning in a city becomes the friend of a young citizen, who is betrothed to a girl of great beauty and noble birth. To her the citizen introduces his friend, who falls in love with her at sight. The new lover retires to his chamber, and in a soliloquy determines that his love must prevail over his friendship. During his lovesickness, the citizen visits him, inquires the cause of his distress, and offers his own services. The stranger dissembles his love.—So far the two stories are the same, both in material and in construction; but here they part company. Boccaccio's is a tale of true friendship:—the stranger at length acknowledges his love and the citizen surrenders to him his betrothed. Lyly's is a tale of fickleness in love, and of friendship betrayed:—the stranger continues to dissemble, covertly wins the affection of his friend's betrothed, becomes her acknowledged lover, and is later jilted for his pains. But it is safe to say that Lyly took the beginning of his story, with its evolution and articulation, from Boccaccio; and it is difficult not to think that he also took a hint for his continuation: let the stranger go on dissembling, and poetic justice will require that he be jilted. The derivation of "Euphues" from "Tito and Gisippo" is confirmed by numerous verbal parallels.1a

If, now, Boccaccio got either this narrative material or this narrative technique, mediately or immediately, from a Greek Romance, then it will be certain that Lyly, at one or more removes to be sure, also inherited the Greek legacy. That Boccaccio did learn the lesson of narrative form from Greek Romance cannot, of course, be demonstrated; but it is quite probable; and, as far as I know, there is no reason why it should not be true.

The discussion of Boccaccio's source requires us to consider various versions of the mediaeval "Legend of Two Friends."… "Athis et Prophilias" is rich in matter, and highly developed in narrative art. In it, and in it alone, is there any descriptive "setting" (Athens and Rome), any division of the plot into stages and scenes, any attempt at characterization by means of dialogue, soliloquy, or pathos. It is evidently Boccaccio's chief source.2 When it differs from his other source,—the "Disciplina Clericalis"—Boccaccio prefers "Athis et Prophilias" in all but three cases…. Perhaps it would be truer to say that the story in the "Disciplina" differs chiefly from "Athis et Prophilias" in being so crudely told as simply not to offer Boccaccio the narrative material and articulation that he wants. Boccaccio, then, taking from the "Disciplina" several details towards the end of his story, takes nearly everything else from "Athis et Prophilias"; takes, indeed, those very details of articulation and pathos,—the visit to the betrothed, the soliloquy, the conflict between love and friendship, the inquiry, the dissimulation, etc.,—which later, Lyly gets from "Tito and Gisippo."

In all probability these details—conventions they almost seem to be—come from a lost Byzantine novel. Grimm ("Kleinere Schriften," Vol. III), concluding his discussion of the Second Part of "Athis et Prophilias" (a regular romance of chivalry, not here tabulated), remarks (pp. 269-270): "Der erste Theil dagegen [the Part we are here concerned with] zeigt die vornehmen und überfeinerten Sitten des griechischen Kaiserthums, äusseres Gepräge und zur Schau getragene Tugenden"; and (p. 274) "Ich vermuthe, die ursprüngliche Quelle dieses ersten Theiles ist eine neugriechische Bearbei-tung der Sage von den beiden Freunden gewesen, abgefasst etwa im elften Jahrhundert … Eine Spur des vermutheten byzantinischen Werks aufzufinden habe ich mich jedoch vergeblich bemüht."

Gaston Paris ("La Litt. fr. au Moyen Age," 51) is quite certain that "Athis et Prophilias" has a Greek original: "…À partir des croisades, les rapports des Francs avec les Grecs devinrent directs, et plusieurs romans, qui n'existent plus en grec, mais que différents indices nous permettent de reconnaître comme byzantins, furent mis en français sans passer par le latin, et sans doute grâce à une transmission simplement orale. Tels sont…. Athis et Porphirias [sic: this is one form of the name] par Alexandre de Bernai…; la deuxième partie de ce très long poème paraît une suite d'aventures de pure invention: la première est un conte grec dont nous avons diverses formes (une entre autres dans le Décaméron de Boccace)."

And Rohde ("Der Gr. Rom.," p. 541, n. 2) thinks that Boccaccio may have been in immediate contact with the Greek. He queries: "Ob nicht fur seine Darstel-lung der Sage von Athis und Prophilias, Decam. X 8, Boccaccio ein mittelgriechisches Gedicht benutzt haben mag, welches zu dem uns erhaltenen altfranzösischen Gedicht über diesen Gegenstand eine Parallele bildete?"

Upon the possible existence of a Greek original a curious light is shed—a light which may perhaps be only the light of a will-o'-the-wisp,—by Goldsmith's version of the tale…. This differs in so many particulars from every other version with which I am acquainted, that it may quite possibly be derived from some source other than "Tito and Gisippo." Goldsmith, whether truly or falsely, professes that it is "Translated from a Byzantine Historian."

(I) The story opens as follows: "Athens, long after the decline of the Roman Empire, still continued the seat of learning, politeness, and wisdom. Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, repaired the schools which barbarity was suffering to fall into decay, and continued … pensions to men of learning…. In this city, and about this period, Alcander and Septimius were fellow students together…. Alcander was of Athens, Septi mius came from Rome." The historical setting, then, is consistently placed within Byzantine times. (2) When Septimius, who had been on the point of dying for love of Alcander's betrothed, Hypatia, was at length married to her, "this unlooked for change of fortune," says the story, "wrought as unexpected a change in the constitution of the now happy Septimius"—a trait of style quite characteristic of Greek Romance. (3) Further emphasis is thrown upon Fortune by the lack of emphasis upon friendship. As Septimius does not recognize Alcander until the latter has already been cleared by the confession of the real murderer, Septimius does not accuse himself to save his friend, and there is no generous contest between them as to which shall die to save the other. (4) Alcander's retreat to a tomb is in the vein of Greek Romance (cf. "Habrocomes and Anthea," and "Babylonica"). (5) So is Alcander's being sold into slavery (cf. Leucippe's enslavement). (6) That one friend should actually sit in judgment upon the other, and, without recognizing him, be about to condemn him to death, is again the characteristically bizarre final trial scene of Greek Romance (cf. Chariclea, restored to her father, and, unrecognized, condemned to death by him). (7) The points where Goldsmith professes to have abridged his original are precisely those at which diffuseness would have been characteristic of Greek Romance. "It would but delay the narrative to describe the conflict between love and friendship in the breast of Alcander on this occasion…. In short, forgetful of his own felicity, he gave up his intended bride." This points backward to long soliloquies, and long psychological analyses of his "conflicting emotions." Later, when he was prosecuted by Hypatia's kinsmen, "his innocence of the crime laid to his charge, and even his eloquence in his own defense, were not able to withstand the influence of a powerful party." This points backward to the long forensic harangue which, if Goldsmith really used a Byzantine original, might well have been there. Finally, after Alcander's escape from Thrace, "travelling by night, and lodging in caverns by day, to shorten a long story, he at last arrived in Rome." This points backward to a Reiseroman. All three of the matters which Goldsmith perhaps abridged—analysis of emotion, forensic harangue, and the moving accidents of travel—are just the kind of thing that is actually found in excess in Greek Romance. Either Goldsmith had made so thorough a study of this genre as to be able to put his finger accurately upon its characteristics, and to modify accordingly (when he wished to manufacture an imitation) the material he found in some non-Byzantine version, or—he was telling the truth. There is nothing inherently improbable in the supposition that while reading widely for one of his hack Histories, Goldsmith did come across this tale in some "Byzantine Historian."

This rather complicated discussion, which has wandered far from Lyly, may now be recapitulated:

(a) Lyly's "Euphues" gets its earlier portion—both narrative material and narrative structure—from Boccaccio's "Tito and Gisippo."

(b) Boccaccio's "Tito and Gisippo" gets this same narrative material and narrative structure from "Athis et Prophilias."

(c) "Athis et Prophilias" probably gets its narrative material and narrative structure from a lost Greek Romance. At least, so think Grimm and Gaston Paris.

(d) Besides using "Athis et Prophilias," Boccaccio may have been in immediate contact with its Greek original, and may have derived directly therefrom some of this narrative material and narrative structure. At least, so thinks Rohde.

(e) The Greek original of "Athis et Prophilias" and of "Tito and Gisippo," or another Byzantine version of the same theme, may have been used by Oliver Goldsmith.

On the whole, it seems easier to believe than not to believe that "Euphues" is one of a series of tales the conventions of whose structure are a tradition from Greek Romance.3

Notes

1 In "Campaspe," I. i, 64 f., 70 f, there is a probable allusion, and in "Mother Bombie," I. i, 26 ff., an unmistakable allusion, to the "Æthiopica." "Euphues," however, shows no traces of the influence of Heliodorus.

In "Gallathea" I. i, 28-34, the antithetical description of the flood is unmistakably from A. T., IV. xii. But "Euphues" gets nothing from Achilles Tatius, except possibly some traits of style (see post, p. 256 n. 3).

1a S. L. Wolff, "A Source of Euphues" (Modern Philology, April, 1910), gives the proofs in full. M. Feuillerat ("John Lyly," pp. 34 n. 2, 74-5, 274-5) asserts that the love-story in "Euphues" is autobiographical. The passage in Forman's diary upon the strength of which M. Feuillerat, almost without argument, makes this assertion, is, to say the least, unconvincing. But even supposing the material of the love-story to come from Lyly's life, the form of it—its articulation, pathos, soliloquy, dialogue—comes from Boccaccio. Mr. J. D. Wilson's convincing article, "Euphues and the Prodigal Son" (The Library, October, 1909), does not negative my conclusions. It demonstrates, rather, that one strand more of literary tradition, besides those already recognized, enters into the composition of "Euphues."

2 Landau's and Lee's treatments of the sources of Decameron, X. 8, quite fail to do justice to "Athis et Prophilias."

3 It is rather a temptation to think that Lyly's style, "Euphuism," owes something to that of the Greek Romances. I have, however, found no direct evidence on this point. The similarities, striking as they often are, can probably be explained as due to the general diffusion of Ciceronian and late Greek rhetoric throughout Europe during the Renaissance. To this rhetorical material the Greek Romances undoubtedly contribute; but it would be difficult to say just what. Nevertheless the following passages suggest Achilles Tatius rather specifically.

Euphues, I. 322-3: "If it were for thy preferment and his amendment, I wish you were both married, but if he should continue his folly whereby thou shouldest fal from thy dutie I rather wish you both buryed." (Antithesis: marriage and burial.)

Euphues, I. 210. Euphues soliloquizes: "The wound that bleedeth inwarde is most dangerous,… the fire kept close burneth most furious,… the Ooven dammed up baketh soonest,… sores having no vent fester inwardly…" Cf. A. T., II. xxix ad fin (cf. III. xi; VII. iv).

Euphues, I. 201: "And so they all sate downe, but Euphues fed of one dish which ever stoode before him, the beautie of Lucilla." Cf. A. T., I. v (Clitophon at first sight of Leucippe cannot eat, but makes his meal of contemplating her beauty). V. xiii (Melitta makes her meal of contemplating Clitophon).

Euphues, I. 208: Euphues retiring love-sick to his chamber, "Amiddest therefore these his extremityes between hope and feare," soliloquizes. Cf. A. T., II. xxiii (Clitophon in Leucippe's chamber) and cf. VI. xiv (Clitophon in prison).

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Introduction—The Sources of the Euphuistic Rhetoric