SOURCE: "The Historical Value and Historiographie Significance of Jane Addams' Autobiographies 'Twenty Years at Hull-House' and 'Second Twenty Years at Hull-House,'" in Reconstructing American Literary and Historical Studies, St. Martin's Press, 1990, pp. 285-97.

Since the late 1960s, when literary critics discovered the autobiography as a literary genre, much has been written on the literary qualities of autobiographical writings in order to prove the literary significance and value of autobiographies. These endeavours were quite successful if one looks at the long list of scholarly literature on autobiography written since the 1970s. They were successful not only in proving the autobiography's literary significance and in integrating this genre into the canon of literary studies but also in supporting historians who questioned the value of autobiography for historical research—a value that since Dilthey was, at least for "Geistesgeschichte," an undeniable fact.¹ The loss of the autobiography's significance for historical research went along with a "Paradigmenwechsel" in historiography which, like the new interests in literary criticism, resulted mainly from the political events of the late 1960s. Structural analysis and quantification replaced narration as the main mode of historiographical presentation. Categories like subjectivity and intuition or "Einfiihlung" into the historic subject, which Dilthey claimed were a means to come to terms with evaluating actions or a certain kind of behaviour,² were denounced as interpretative arbitrariness.

Today the political conditions that shaped literary criticism and historiography in the late 1960s and 70s have changed. In the social and political climate prevailing in most western democracies new philosophical and sociological concepts have been formulated which question such notions as progress, sense and history. Neo-structuralism, postmodernism, or posthistoire—to name just three of the many expressions for the new theories³—have opened up new perspectives. At the same time, the social significance of historiography has declined. "Alltagsgeschichte" or Micro-History tried to increase the attractiveness of historiographical writing to a broader audience by looking for new modes of presentation; this often involved a return to the simple form of narration. In turn, this has been criticized by those who still adhere to structural analysis as a dangerous form of social romanticism which neglects critical aspects of history.

Confronted with these developments, it not only seems necessary to rewrite literary history but also to rethink the function of historiography.⁴ Looking at the problems and questions facing our profession today, I would like to develop some propositions concerning how the profession might react to current challenges; I will argue historically by examining an historical subject, the autobiographies of Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House and Second Twenty Years at Hull-House. I will first put forward some arguments for characterizing Jane Addams' autobiographical writings as historical as opposed to fictional accounts. Thereafter I will examine her presentational techniques and discuss the advantages and disadvantages of her mode of presentation. My argument is that one should integrate Jane Addams' autobiographies into the tradition of new history with which Charles A. Beard was closely identified and therefore take them as historical rather than fictional accounts. Accepting the fact that her autobiographies have to be taken as historiography one might look at her historiographical method which uses narration without abandoning totally meta-reflections or theoretic-philosophical consideration as a way out of the deadening effects of overemphasized theoretization.

I

Arguing against the fictionalisation of autobiographical writing in 1977, Robert Sayre stated that autobiographies offer the student of American Studies broader and more direct contact with American experience than any other kind of writing.⁵ He proves his argument by pointing to a fact already mentioned that autobiographies have been the subject of literary criticism only since the early 1970s.⁶ However, he stresses the point that the character of autobiographies—documentary or fictional—is nevertheless difficult to determine.⁷ Autobiographies are history in that they are source materials, which contain and interpret facts, preserve the past, and draw lessons from it. They are literature in that they must please and entertain as well as teach. Like both history and literature, they must select and narrate. They have to organize their materials, address an audience and, in more subtle ways, find links between the actor-writers who are in them and the readers, then or generations later, who must be engaged, drawn in.⁸

Pointing out economic, social and political controversies which influenced current and historical facts and circumstances was an aim followed especially by progressives, journalists and professionals from about 1900 onward. They wrote critically on subjects such as monopolies, immigration, the shame of the cities, modern marriage, women's suffrage, and so on. These intellectuals often conveyed their experiences and ambitions using the autobiographical genre.⁹ Since autobiographies are meant to pinpoint the individual's role on the stage of history,¹⁰ the significant increase in the number of autobiographies written during the era of "Progressivism"¹¹ must be interpreted as expressing the changed concept of self and civilization in America during that period.¹²

Reflecting this significant historic development in America, autobiographies as history and documentary have an ultimate value no novel, drama, or fiction can ever have. These autobiographies widened the areas of public trust, breaking down the old restrictive civilization with its dangerous assumption that it alone offered a rewarding life.

One of these progressive autobiographies is Jane Addams' two-volume account Twenty Years at Hull-House and Second Twenty Years at Hull-House. She writes about the origin of the idea of settlement, as well as about developments in contemporary world politics such as the First World War. She also reports about social opposition and reflects on her experiences at Hull-House, Chicago. Although the purpose of both books is to relate the history of Hull-House Chicago, the first American social settlement, both books have a sharply autobiographical character since Jane Addams' own career was so closely intertwined with Hull-House. This and the fact that both books are written in the first person singular induced me to call them autobiographies. Jane Addams herself did not designate them as such; indeed, the author herself felt compelled to make apologetic remarks in her introductions—probably so as not to let the subjective character of her account become too prominent.¹³ Jane Addams' description of the first steps in realizing the concept of social settlement was supposed to help other projects to overcome their initial difficulties. She writes:

Because settlements have multiplied so easily in the United States I hoped that a simple statement of an earlier effort including the stress and storm, might be of value in their interpretation and possibly clear them of a certain charge of superficiality.¹⁴

Jane Addams' autobiography explicitly takes the reader into account. She gives her narration a special function: that of enabling the reader to get an accurate inside-account of the beginnings of social settlement in the United States.¹⁵

As has become a frequent practice in current historiography, Jane Addams reflects about the plot she has chosen. She deplores the necessity of abandoning chronological order in favor of a topical account; she justifies this by arguing:

… during the early years at Hull-House, time seemed to afford a mere framework for certain lines of activity and I have found in writing this book, that after these activities have been recorded, I can scarcely recall the scaffolding.¹⁶

Through coping with the social challenges of every-day life at Hull-House, Jane Addams had gained insight into social contexts which she tries to communicate to the reader by means of using deliberately selected evidence from her experience. The system chosen becomes itself subject of her preliminary reflections. She notes how hard it has been to determine which incidents and experiences should be selected for recital; she points to her fear that although she might give an accurate report of each isolated event she might yet give a totally misleading impression of the whole, solely by the selection of the incidents.¹⁷

While the problematization of the subjective selection of the events described in the preface to Twenty Years at Hull-House focuses on the text and its degree of objectivity, the introduction to Second Twenty Years at Hull-House disassociates itself from the actual text to continue the legitimization of the content of her book on a philosophical meta-level. With her account Addams would like to point at one of the few incentives which really motivate human conduct. In her opinion, it was such a motive which promoted her work at Hull-House. The history she writes about her settlement project is meant as an effort to define this motive as well as to illustrate it.¹⁸ For this reason her history is based on deliberately selected stories that should serve as an explanation for the experiences of her every-day life at Hull-House. She explains to the reader:

If conclusions of the whole matter are similar to those I have already published at intervals during the twenty years at Hull-House, I can only make the defense that each of the earlier books was an attempt to set forth a thesis supported by experience, whereas this volume endeavors to trace the experiences through which various conclusions were forced upon me.¹⁹

One of these conclusions drawn from her experiences is the gender-specific function of narration that Jane Addams describes in Second Twenty Years at Hull-House and which I would like to elaborate, both to give an example of the stories that form the history of Hull-House and to point to one detail in Jane Addams' autobiographies that reflects the documentary value of her account.

In Second Twenty Years at Hull-House Jane Addams reports about the "Devil Baby at Hull-House."²⁰ This chapter deals with the rumor that a devil-baby was cared for in Hull-House. The imaginary creature attracted numerous visitors who all wanted to see it, so that they would be able to talk about it. Jane Addams does not narrate this story to entertain the reader between more serious chapters dealing with Progressivism or the First World War. By reproducing the story, Jane Addams tries to demonstrate a special functional pattern that characterizes the narration of mystical horror stories.

The Devil Baby, so the rumor has it, was the result of the punishment of a blasphemous deed and sinful words of a man in the presence of his pregnant wife. Because of the wicked conduct of her husband the woman gave birth to a devil-like creature. This story, Jane Addams writes, had a social function especially for two groups of women. For older women, who by seeing the baby would become centers of attention in their neighborhoods, the narration was a means of regaining social interest and would thus help them to become less lonely. Secondly, Jane Addams writes, this story was a favourite of younger women who had to cope with uneducated and inconsiderate husbands. With the example of the Devil Baby, Jane Addams felt, they hoped to be able to make their husbands believe that uncouth behavior would be punished by a divine force. In this context the narration of the story had a social control function. The chapter of the Devil-Baby points to the relevance of story-telling as a female means of social or marital control in this specific historical context of female social interaction. Looked at from a scholarly point of view, the documentary character of Jane Addams' autobiographies becomes obvious. They give evidence of social and political patterns prevailing during the first decades of this century. The female interactional behavior mentioned by Jane Addams might prove a worthwhile field of research either in historically oriented sociology or gender studies.

In addition, Jane Addams' autobiographies have to be categorized as historiography because of the detailed explanation she gives of how the emplotment of her account took place. If one accepts Kate Hamburger's proposition that the crucial distinction between "autobiography" and "fiction" is not to be found in comparing what is written to the "world outside" but that the distinction seems to exist only inside the writer's own head,²¹ it is obvious that we have to speak of historiography when considering Jane Addams' books. The autobiographies not only rest on fact; Jane Addams' writing was meant to be historiography.

II

The question of the form of historiography that Jane Addams uses is both historical and systematic. We all know the changes that have taken place in the modes of presentation in historical studies. Which modes existed, and how and when they changed is an historical or diachronic question. The systematic question refers to a set of problems which can be traced in each of the historiographical cases marking the historical development of historiography. The systematic question aims at the relationship that exists between the different modes of presentation and the story being told in this particular way. Both perspectives have to be considered in analyzing Jane Addams' presentational techniques.

In accordance with Jane Addams' intention, narrative elements dominate in both books. The narration is guided by a certain set of ideas, which help to explain the chain of events and the manifold experiences. As Jane Addams explains in the introductions, this selective approach is applied during the conceptualizing stage as well as in formulating the message of the text.

Jane Addams' history of Hull-House is a sequence of intentionally selected stories. The characteristics of the single story correlate with the description developed by Hayden White in his "Metahistory":

… like "chronicle" "story" refers to "primitive elements" in the historical account … both represent processes of selection and arrangement of data from the unprocessed historical record in the interest of rendering that record more comprehensible to an audience of a particular kind … Historical stories trace the sequences of events that lead from inauguration to (provisional) terminations of social and cultural processes.²²

However, unlike a simple story, Jane Addams' mode of narration is not chronological; rather it is guided by systematic aspects, which are related to the history of Hull-House by special relevancy. For the reader, the reason for the sequence of the single chapters appears to be not always convincing. There are chapters which could also be found in scholarly historical studies like "Social Service and the Progressive Party," "Aspects of the Woman's Movements" or "Immigrants under the Quota." These chapters are followed by others whose content may be categorized as a fairy tale story-telling. This characterization especially applies to the already mentioned second chapter of Second Twenty Years at Hull-House which deals with "The Devil Baby at Hull-House." However, it is exactly the selective character of her history which makes her autobiography, from a sociological point of view, an historical rather than a fictional document. The structure and functional meaning of narration in Twenty Years at Hull-House and Second Twenty Years at Hull-House correspond to the theory that is developed by the sociology of knowledge to explain the social function of history.²³ Using the premise that narration, the telling of stories, is a prerequisite for the organisation, transformation and communication of experience, the sociology of knowledge argues that people are always involved in stories. We experience our world in such a way that we perceive and select our experiences with regard to the possibility of forming them into a story. We judge experiences of our every-day life as relevant or significant by whether they can be arranged into stories; in turn, by being arranged experiences gain a concrete meaning in the course of time. Inversely, when there are events that we perceive as being of a special relevance we try to arrange them into a story and integrate them into the over-all history of our life. The narrative structure of the story connects the beginning and the end not only as a factual course of events but as a conceptual configuration. The way stories are formed in a coherent history provides the background for a meaningful, structured continuity of the life of the person who is telling this particular history.²⁴

Jane Addams started her work at Hull-House without a social theory or ideology;²⁵ however, during the years of her work she did form a kind of theory in order to explain to herself her experiences and to use the theoretical conclusions to select the experiences to be written about in her autobiography. This leads to the question of whether she formulated a coherent set of social ideas that could be labeled a social theory. The answer is negative. There is no explicit social theory that directs the argument and the narrative of her two books. However, there are theoretical or philosophical reflections related to the story being told. These short passages reveal her thinking and her moral demands. In this respect, her philosophical reflections depend on the historical discourse. The stories perform the function of explication and illustration of philosophical insights. Beyond this, to a certain extent the narratives in Twenty Years at Hull-House and Second Twenty Years at Hull-House reflect how her philosophical ideas have developed.²⁶

The interrelationship between Jane Addams' daily social practice and her philosophical ideas is without doubt one reason for the marked action-oriented quality of her reflections. Another reason is her dedication to John Dewey's pragmatism.²⁷ Philosophical considerations are worthless if they are not adaptable to social action.

The way her philosophical ideas are integrated into the text makes for a successful combination of analytical and narrative elements. Inspite of her presentational mixture the liveliness of the narration remains so distinct that one sometimes feels as if one were reading a fictional text rather than an historical account. How can one explain the lively historiograhical style which prevails in both volumes? One reason for the liveliness is the close relationship between knowledge and personal experience in Jane Addams' subject matter. In scholarly historiography this relationship normally does not exist. In most cases there is a deep gap between the historian and his/her subject, resulting from the distance of time and content. This distance frequently deadens the presentation of history.²⁸

The loss of liveliness in historical narration has already been described and criticized by Walter Benjamin in his essay Der Erzähler.²⁹ In developing his criticism, Benjamin uses an argument similar to the one which Charles Beard uses in a passage quoted later in this article. Walter Benjamin characterizes historical narration as a narrative neutral point, because historiography tends to become more and more mere knowledge and is thus purified from subjective breaks resulting from personal experience. In this context, Walter Benjamin deplores the crisis of narration as a crisis of the formation of experiences, a crisis from which Jane Addams' narration does not suffer because she is so personally involved in her subject matter.

Although Jane Addams uses narration extensively as a mode of presentation she does not narrate for narration's sake. Nor does she neglect the message emanating from the conclusions she draws from her experiences. She employs narration as an act of constituting sense or meaning. Narration utilized in this way has not only a secondary function of mere representation, but performs a primary function, that of constituting elementary frame-works for meaningful action. The work of Jane Addams demonstrates that the division between narration and discourse (analysis) as modes of presentation, a division that has been discussed ever since Droysen published his Historik,³⁰ simply does not exist as an either-or. Both modes of presentation are interconnected and neither can be used independently of the other. Differing from the modern, often scientifically oriented historiography in which the accumulation of facts to prove an historical argument is the historian's main occupation, Jane Addams as a non-professional historian uses rhetoric and even poetry. Jane Addams writes history according to the classic ideal of historiography which has been increasingly superseded by structural and quantifying starting points in social history. She narrates, however, without losing a critical perspective and without abandoning personal opinions and subjectivity.

The content and mode of Jane Addams' historiographical account of the history of Hull-House reflect conceptual demands formulated by scholars representing the "New History." In 1912 James Harvey Robinson, a Columbia colleague of Charles Beard, complained that historians seemed to justify facts for their own sake.³¹ Mere name-listing and an emphasis on extraordinary events destroyed perspective, even when the narrative was told in an interesting manner. He argued that the question of whether the fact or occurrence was one which would aid the reader in grasping the meaning of any period of human development or the true nature of any momentous institution was the only true principle of selection.³² This, however, is exactly what Jane Addams' concept of selection was.

Because settlements have multiplied so easily in the United States I hoped that a simple statement of an earlier effort, including the stress and storm, might be of value in their interpretation and possibly clear them of a certain charge of superficiality.³³

Not only the selective approach but selection as such corresponds to Beard's views on history which are elaborated in his presidential address, "Written History as an Act of Faith," delivered before the American Historical Association at its meeting in Urbana, Illinois, in late December 1933. Citing Benedetto Croce he characterized history in the following way:

… history is contemporary thought about the past … but it is history as thought, not actuality, record, or specific knowledge, that is really meant when the term history is used in its widest and most general significance.³⁴

Like Robinson and Beard, Jane Addams does not consider her account as something to learn from; instead she tries to give insights that render her picture of the situation as real as possible in order to prevent misleading interpretations by future historians. This also corresponds to the demands of the historians representing the "New History." They reject the idea that reliable "lessons" can be learned from past events. Such beliefs assumed that conditions remained sufficiently uniform to give precedents a perpetual value. Actually modern conditions changed so rapidly that it would be risky to apply past experience to solve current problems.³⁵ The historians of 1900-1920 who sought economic determinants for history felt the pragmatic urge to make history serve society by curing its social ills. It was not enough to commemorate the past. One needed to apply the current lessons of the Industrial Revolution, experimental science, finance capitalism, and materialist factors to history rather than depend upon ineffectual idealistic conceptions.³⁶ Like scholars who represented one thread of a collective development which also included the legal realism of Holmes, the economic institutionalism of Veblen, and the instrumentalism of John Dewey,³⁷ Jane Addams was aiming at "reality." All these scholars attempted to come more closely to grips with reality, especially with reality in the course of change.³⁸ Their research constituted the academic counterpart of muckraking in journalism and the realist and naturalist writing of authors engaged in a literary revolt.³⁹ Although these scholars and journalists maintained a critical perspective on social and political developments—current or historic—they did not question narration as the presentational technique able to convey their critiques to a broader audience.

III

To return to the starting point of this paper: I argued that Jane Addams' autobiographies have to be considered as historiography able to combine analytical and narrative elements in a quasi-ideal way. Jane Addams' autobiographies are more than just a recital of her career. They are an inside-story of at least three aspects characterizing Progressivism: the concept of social settlement, the women's suffrage movement and pacifism. Jane Addams' work can be identified as owing much to the Columbia School and as such provides an argument against the short-sighted condemnation of narration characterizing the discussion about the "new" histories of our time. Although we all have realized that learning from history, that the concept of "historia magistra vitae," is obsolete and even dangerous, learning from historic forms of historiography may be something different. Perhaps Jane Addams can teach us to give faith to the narrative form that Beard and his contemporaries considered an unquestioned element of historiography—although they took nearly everything else belonging to traditional historical writing as anachronistic. Narration is a historiographical mode which is necessarily connected with history, which constitutes history and as such should not be antagonized from the ambition of putting the results of historical research into analytical frames.

NOTES

¹ Wilhelm Dilthey, Pattern and Meaning in History, New York: 1962; Roy Pascal, Design and Truth in Autobiography, Cambridge: 1960.

² Wilhelm Dilthey, "Die Methoden der Geisteswissenschaft," in Hans-Ulrich Lessing, ed., Texte zur Kritik der historischen Vernunft, Göttingen: 1983, pp. 256-266; Jörn Rüisen, "Geschichtsschreibung als Theorieproblem der Geschichtswissenschaft. Skizze zum historischen Hintergrund der gegenwärtigen Diskussion," in R. Koselleck/H. Lutz/J. Rüsen, eds., Formen der Geschichtsschreibung, Theorie der Geschichte. Beitrage zur Historik 4, Miinchen: 1984, pp.14-35.

³ See Manfred Frank, Was ist Neostrukturalismus?, Frankfurt a.M.: 1984.

⁴ See Jön Rüsen, "Wie kann man Geschichte vernünftig schreiben? über das Verhältnis von Narrativität and Theoriegebrauch in der Geschichtswissenschaft," in J. Kocka, Th. Nipperdey, eds., Theorie und Erzählung in der Geschichte, Theorie der Geschichte.Beiträge zur Historik 3, München: 1979, pp. 300-333.

⁵ Robert F. Sayre, "The Proper Study—Autobiographies in American Studies," American Quarterly 29, 1977, 241.

⁶ R. F. Sayre, "The Proper Study," 242.

⁷ See James M. Cox, "Autobiography and America," in J. Hillis Miller, ed., Aspects of Narrative, Selected Papers from the English Institute, New York/London: 1971, p. 146; Louis A. Renza, "The Veto of the Imagination: A Theory of Autobiography," New Literary History 9, 1977/78, 1-26; Darrel Mansell, "Unsettling the Colonel's Hash 'Fact' in Autobiography," Modern Language Quarterly 37, 1976, 115; Francis R. Hart, "Notes for an Anatomy of Modern Autobiography," New Literary History 1, 1969/70, 485.

⁸ R. F. Sayre, "The Proper Study," 242.

⁹ See e.g. Robert Stinson, "S. S. McClure's My Autobiography: The Progressive as Self-Made Man," American Quarterly 22, 1970, 203-212.

¹⁰ James M. Cox, "Autobiography in America," pp. 144-45.

¹¹ See Louis Kaplan, A Bibliography of American Autobiographies, Madison: 1962. Unfortunately there exists no special bibliography for women's autobiographies for the first half of this century. For the period after 1945 Patricia K. Addis filled this gap. Patricia K. Addis, Through a Woman's I: An Annotated Bibliography of American Women's Autobiographical Writings 1946-1976, New Jersey: 1983.

¹² See Milan James Kedro, "Autobiography as a Key to Identity in the Progressive Era," History of Childhood Quarterly 2, Winter 1975, 391-407; Robert F. Sayre, "The Proper Study," 254.

¹³ With this she refers to that tendency in historiography that disapproves autobiographies as source material arguing that they are too subjective. See Robert F. Sayre, "The Proper Study," 21; Jane Addams, Second Twenty Years at Hull-House, New York: 1930, p. 9.

¹⁴ Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, New York: 1910, p. VIII.

¹⁵ Jane Addams, Second Twenty Years, p. VIII.

¹⁶ Jane Addams, Second Twenty Years, p. IX.

¹⁷ Jane Addams, Second Twenty Years, p. VII.

¹⁸ Jane Addams, Second Twenty Years, pp. 8-9.

¹⁹ Jane Addams, Twenty Years, p. IX.

²⁰ Jane Addams, Second Twenty Years, pp. 49-79.

²¹ Kate Hamburger, The Logic of Literature, Bloomington: 1973, pp. 312, 328-29.

²² Hayden White, Metahistory. The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe, Baltimore/London: 1973, pp. 6-7.

²³ See Alfred Schütz, Collected Papers, II. Studies in Social Theory, The Hague: 1964, pp. 56-61; Thomas Luckmann, "Lebensweltliche Zeitkategorien, Zeitstrukturen des Alltags und der Ort des historischen Bewusstseins," in B. Cerquilini, H. U. Gumbrecht, eds., Diskurs der Literatur- und Sprachhistorie, Frankfurt a.M.: 1982.

²⁴ Alfred Schütz, Thomas Luckmann, Strukturen der Lebenswelt, Vol.1, Frankfurt a.M.: 1979, pp. 73-78; E. Husserl, Vorlesungen zur Phanomenologie des inneren Zeitbewusstseins, Halle: 1928; H. U. Gumbrecht, "Uber den Ort der Narration in narrativen Gattungen," in E. Lämmert, ed., Theorie des Erzählens, Stuttgart: 1983.

²⁵ Jane Addams, Twenty Years, p. VIII.

²⁶ See Ursula Lehmkuhl, "Jane Addams: Theorie und Praxis einer Sozialreformerin," Amerikastudien 33, 1988, 439-457.

²⁷ Anne Firor Scott, "Jane Addams," in Edward T. James/ Janet Wilson James/Paul S. Boyer, eds., Notable American Women 1607-1950. A Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 1, Cambridge: 1974, p. 19: "Perhaps her closest intellectual affinity was with the pragmatism of William James and John Dewey."

²⁸ See Karlheinz Stierle, "Erfahrung und narrative Form. Bemerkungen zu ihrem Zusammenhang in Fiktion und Historiographie," in J. Kocka/Th. Nipperdey, eds., Beiträge zur Historik 3, pp. 85-118; G. Devereux, "Zeit: Geschichte versus Chronik. Sozialisation als kulturelles Vor-Erleben," Ethnopsychoanalyse, Frankfurt a.M.: 1978.

²⁹ Walter Benjamin, Der Erzahler. Betrachtungen zum Werk Nikolai Lesskows, Frankfurt a.M.: 1955.

³⁰ J. G. Droysen, "Historik," in R. Hübner, ed., Vorlesungen über Enzyklopädie und Methodologie der Geschichte, Darmstadt: 1960, pp. 273-275.

³¹ James Harvey Robinson, The New History: Essays Illustrating the Modern Historical Outlook, New York: 1912.

³² Harvey Wish, The American Historian. A Social-Intellectual History of the Writing of the American Past, New York: 1960, p. 268.

³³ Jane Addams, Twenty Years, p. VIII.

³⁴ Charles A. Beard, Written History as an Act of Faith, El Paso: 1960, p. 1. Beard continues: "It is thought about past actuality, instructed and delimited by history as record and knowledge—record and knowledge authenticated by criticism and ordered with the help of the scientific method."

³⁵ H. Wish, The American Historian, p. 268.

³⁶ H. Wish, The American Historian, p. 265.

³⁷ Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians. Turner, Beard, Parrington, New York: 1968, pp. 182f.

³⁸ I.e. they are not aiming at "objectivity" but they tried to approach reality as closely as possible. See for a theoretical explanation of the difference between "objectivity" and "reference to reality" Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht, "Das in vergangenen Zeiten Gewesene so gut erzählen, als ob es in der eigenen Welt wäre. Versuch zur Anthropologie der Geschichtsschreibung," in R. Koselleck/H. Lutz/J. Rüsen, eds., Beiträge zur Historik 4, pp. 485-487.

³⁹ R. Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians.