SOURCE: Laylah, Muhammad Abu. “Ibn Hazm's Milieu.” In In Pursuit of Virtue: The Moral Theology and Psychology of Ibn Hazm al-Andalusi, with a translation of his book Al Akhlaq wa'l-Siyar, pp. 13-54. London: TaHa Publishers, 1990.

[In the following excerpt, Laylah evaluates the totality of Ibn Hazm’s work as a scholar, critic, psychologist, moralist, and historian.]

We know from Ibn Hazm's own writings that he lived in al-Andalus in times of great political turmoil. He describes the confusion of the civil war, he names his outstanding contemporaries, and he himself clearly played a great part in the political and intellectual life of the period. In particular, he participated in public debates with Jews, Christians and Muslims, and he was an authority in every branch of knowledge. It is therefore surprising that his name is mentioned in return by only a very few of these contemporaries; though of course it is possible that the civil war itself brought about the destruction of many records.

There are only a few pages about Ibn Hazm in contemporary Arab sources, but then about a century after his death two Jewish writers mentioned him: Ibn Daûd (died c. 576 ah; 1180 ad) referred to his argument with Ibn Negrila,¹ and Salomo ben Adereth (633-710 ah; 1235-1310 ad) wrote in Hebrew a refutation of Ibn Hazm's theories on the Pentateuch,² but, unfortunately, apparently without having read Ibn Hazm's own writings. However, Ibn Hazm's own writings supply us with autobiographical details.

In modern times scholars of both east and west have shown a great interest in Ibn Hazm's achievements. The twentieth century is an age of specialists in almost every field of human endeavour and any student of history is often struck by the breadth of knowledge and learning which the great men of the pre-specialist world show. Their intellectual interests ranged easily across subjects which now seem quite incompatible with one another. Among the great polymaths of the Islamic world Ibn Hazm has a distinguished place.

Ibn Hazm was more, however, than simply a representative of an age in which science and the arts were closely intertwined. His writings show a mind passionately engaged in all he undertook; persistent yet fresh. If we look at him in the context of medieval Spain he is the most outstanding figure of that country at that time, the most knowledgeable and lively scholar. He is the most accomplished and stubborn debater, inexhaustible in discussion of important topics. Ibn Hazm was an active politician, a creative author, a great historian, a jurist and many other things. In al-Andalus there may have been others who resembled him in one field, but he alone was eminent in all these fields, and has left many manuscripts of his works. If you were restricted to one person as a source to tell you everything about Islam, he would be your choice. He provides knowledge in every field, he is an encyclopaedia in himself, but, unlike an encyclopaedia, he does not give dry summaries but enthusiastic detail. He is a man of letters and a poet, a jurist and a historian, rationalist and theologian, philosopher and moralist, logician and teacher, educationalist, theorist, physician and genealogist, biographer and autobiographer. Ibn Hazm is an active politician and lawyer; he is a pioneer of comparative religion; he is a speaker and preacher, grammarian, philologist and linguist, psychologist and sociologist. Above all, he is sincere, devout, he writes what he believes to be right, and presents his criticism with great care and precision.

A Bedouin was once woken in his tent by a man from Seville singing to the moon a verse he had memorized from his King al-Mu‘tamid Ibn ‘Abbâd's poetry:

Set your heart at peace,
Stop its fluttering.
Make it settle;
Stop being driven along by your thoughts.
Sorrow and carefulness, what can they
bring back to you?(3)

The Bedouin was so moved by its beauty that he could not believe that a man could compose such verses and have time to be a good king as well. What would he have thought of Ibn Hazm's multifarious activities and achievements? According to Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Humaydi (d. 488 ah; 1095 ad), Ibn Hazm was a great poet, without rival in this field, never lacking inspiration, able to compose spontaneously, in every genre.⁴

There has been a noticeable shift recently in the Spanish attitude to the part played by Islam in their own medieval history. The Muslims who lived in their midst in the Middle Ages are now seen to be part of their national heritage and acknowledged as contributors to the history of Spain. Previously the focus was on the conflict between the Arabs and the Spanish, Islam and Christianity. Nineteenth-century nationalism set the Cross in front of the Crescent, glorying in the defeat of the latter. Serious Spanish scholars are now searching for indigenous blood in their Muslim forbears. The conclusion that they reach, that the Arabs who entered the Iberian peninsula were small in number, amounting to thousands not millions, that most of them married local women, free women or slaves, means of course that the two populations were integrated to a great extent.⁵ We should therefore bear in mind that the founders of Muslim civilization on Spanish soil were not all of pure Arab blood, but intermingled with the Jews and Spanish.⁶

We shall not take long here to go into further detail about this trend in modern Spanish scholarship, but we welcome it—and its conclusions—to some extent. It is a great step forward for Islam to be regarded not as synonymous with Arabs, since it is a religion which has spread wider than its Arab beginning. This is why it is now better to use the term “Spanish Muslims” than the term “the Arabs in Spain”. One result: a year ago a Spanish Muslim contacted me and told me about an institute which has been set up in Spain. It is called the Institute for the Promotion of Islam and Peaceful Cooperation. This is very different from the years of contention and hatred, when the clergy preached war on the Moors. There are many old enmities in the world which serve no useful purpose. We should work for a world of peace and understanding.

Another result of this new attitude is that in 1963, the city of Cordoba erected a lifesize statue of Ibn Hazm in front of al-‘Attarin Gate [the Gate of Perfumers], which led to the place where he was born and brought up—Balat Mughith—it was also the way by which he went to the chief mosque to pray and to teach. The Spanish now take a pride in Ibn Hazm as a son of their soil (and a tourist attraction).

IBN HAZM'S GENEALOGY

A few words about Ibn Hazm's genealogy: Two genealogies have survived, a long one and a short one. The long one came from Ibn Hazm himself and goes back to his ancestor Yazîd, who was a Persian by origin, and converted to Islam at the time of his namesake, Yazîd Ibn Abi Sufyân. Nothing further is known about this ancestor, and the information we have is unverifiable. The historians tell us that Ibn Hazm's great great great great grandfather Khalaf was the first of his family to come to Spain and to settle there. His grandfather Sa‘îd was the first to establish the family home in Cordoba. But Ibn Hayyan insists that the great grandfather, Hazm, was the only known ancestor of Ibn Hazm and was a humble man from among the Spanish citizens of Labla.⁷ We will not dwell longer on this genealogy. It is enough to know that Ibn Hazm was a Muslim who was at least the fourth generation resident in Spain, and his mother and other female ancestors may have been Spanish. He himself said about the Umayyad Caliphs that every one of them was fair haired, taking after their mothers, so that this had become a hereditary trait with them.⁸ Ibn Hazm himself never travelled outside al-Andalus. Whatever he was, Arab Qurayshite,⁹ Turkish,¹⁰ Greek,¹¹ Spanish, or if he perhaps had some Jewish¹² or Christian blood¹³ in his veins, what interests us is the man as he was, the man as a thinker.

EARLY LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL MILIEU

Ibn Hazm, whose full name is ‘Ali Ibn Ahmad Ibn Sa‘îd Ibn Hazm, lived in the period between 384-456 ah (994-1056 ad). His father Ahmad, the remarkable scholar and vizier, brought him up in an aristocratic way. In his childhood he was only allowed the company of women, and perhaps a few male guards. He learned the Qur’an, calligraphy, poetry and the elements of languages other than Arabic, such as the Romance language, which was current in official and Muslim quarters.¹⁴ From the very beginning of his life Ibn Hazm was troubled by palpitations of the heart.¹⁵

He studied under the great scholars of the time. A glance at their names shows that they varied widely in character, interests and specializations. Among them was the traditionalist Ibn al-Jassûr (d.401 ah; 1010 ad), who taught Ibn Hazm when he was about fifteen years old. The historian and man of letters, Ibn al-Fâradi (d.404 ah; 1013 ad); the Maliki jurist Ibn Dahhûn (d.431 ah; 1039 ad); Abu al-Khiyâr Sulaymân Ibn Muflit the Zâhiri jurist (d.426 ah; 1034 ad); the philologist Ibn ‘Abd al-Wârith (d.4th Century ah; 10th Century ad) and Ibn al-Kattâni (d.420 ah; 1029 ad), who taught Ibn Hazm philosophy, logic and natural sciences.¹⁶

While still young, Ibn Hazm attended the official meetings of the Caliphs, their secretaries of state, their judges, scholars and the leading personalities of their society.¹⁷ This gave him confidence and experience so that he did not hesitate later to express his opinion and ideas, in no matter what field. History records two great incidents: the first is his appearance in the presence of the Hâjib ‘Abd al-Malik Ibn Abi ‘Amir in the year 399 a.h. (1008 ad), where he heard the poet Sa‘îd al-Lughawi (d.410 ah; 1019 ad) reciting a poem. The poet was so impressed by Ibn Hazm's obvious admiration that he gave him a copy of it in his own hand as a memento.¹⁸ The second incident is when he appeared with his father when Hisham the Second was falsely declared to have died. He was an eye-witness of the latter's false funeral, and has left an account of it. At the time of the false declaration he was still young, perhaps about fifteen years old.¹⁹

Ibn Hazm occupied the post of minister three times, and was also thrown into prison at least three times.²⁰ His engagement in scholarly and political activities and natural thirst for knowledge never prevented him from marriage and fathering children. It is known that he had three sons, whom he educated and taught.²¹ Abû Râfi‘ al-Fadl, one of Ibn Hazm's sons, left an account of the number of his father's works. Abû Râfi‘ himself became a historian of the state of Banu ‘Abbâd.²²

Ibn Hazm left to us, to the Muslim world and to the whole world of scholarship, a camel-load of books, amounting to an estimated four hundred volumes, a total of about eight thousand pages.²³ This is despite the fact that he was plagued by various illnesses, was actively engaged in politics, suffered the threat of imprisonment, exile and separation from his family, nor did he live to a great old age. He was only just over seventy when he died.²⁴ Nearly all his books were written in his own hand. We should remember that the slave-girls taught him calligraphy in his childhood home. He continued to read and write until the last year of his life.

I should like to warn against anyone imagining that Ibn Hazm was a mere scribbler, a transcriber of other people's ideas, since he has left such a huge number of books. Ibn Hazm has never been accused of this. On the contrary, he has been criticized for being too creative, and for stepping out of line as regards orthodox scholarship and belief.²⁵ His very productiveness was a cause for him to be attacked by his opponents. Unfortunately not all of his books have survived. Many are lost. Some were publicly burned as a mark of punishment. This happened by a command of al-Mu‘tamid Ibn ‘Abbâd in Seville. Ibn Hazm commemorated this incident in a short stanza of four lines, in which he says that he does not worry at all that his books are destroyed since their contents are stored in the treasure chest of his memory.²⁶ This is evidence of his indestructible spirit; it is also interesting evidence of the fact that he memorized all his books. Unfortunately in the history of al-Andalus as elsewhere, there have been incidents of books having been burned.²⁷ But fortunately for us and also for Ibn Hazm, some of his most important books have survived. His Encyclopaedia of Comparative Religion and the History of Religion—al-Fisal fi’ l-Milal wa’l Ahwâ’ wa’l Nihal—is now available in various editions (these are not good editions; they await critical attention). His lengthy book on comparative law, al-Muhalla, and his great work, al-Ihkâm fî ‘Usûl al-Ahkâm, are both available and are widely used by scholars everywhere. And how could we overlook his unique book on love and lovers, Tawq al-Hamâma—The Ring of the Dove, in which he reveals many important facts about himself as a man and poet, his colleagues and friends, and particularly about the women of al-Andalus. In this context it is useful to note that Ibn Hazm's poems in Tawq al-Hamâma show a sense of high chivalry, enthusiasm, and dignity. This book can be read in many different Arabic editions and also in many other languages. Ibn Hazm's books on history, his biography of the Prophet Muhammad, books on logic, ethics, his treatise on various subjects, are available at the present time.

Ibn Hazm's books are a witness to his great learning and depth of knowledge. He says of himself that he was born with a longing for fame and victory. He considered it a defect of character and set himself to cure himself of it. He succeeded in ridding himself of these longings and devoted himself to scholarship.²⁸

IBN HAZM'S VIEWS ON SCIENCE, LEARNING AND SCHOLARSHIP

Ibn Hazm provided us with a very useful categorization of the different types of literary works. He said that there are seven reasons to write a book. First, a writer may have something original to say. Secondly, he may complete something which has been left incomplete. Thirdly, he may put right something that is seen to be wrong. Fourthly, he may clarify and explain a mysterious or complicated matter. Number five, he may shorten another person's work that is too long, without omitting anything vital. Six: he may collect information from various separate sources. Seven: he may assemble things that have been scattered like beads, and thread them together again. He says that these are the only categories in which scholars and perceptive people can write.²⁹ Ibn Hazm classifies his own book on logic in the fourth category, namely books which explain a difficult matter and clarify its terms.³⁰ The subject of logic was already worked out before his time; he did not add to it but explained it; however, in so doing he also corrected some erroneous ideas which people held about it, and, as he collected his information from various sources, it also overlaps with the latter categories. Authors all belong to these seven categories and can only be judged and declared better or worse according to their industry in digesting information. One man may be an expert in a very restricted field.³¹ Ibn Hazm goes on to say that anyone who merely copies another person's work, merely juggling the order and not adding anything or correcting it or explaining it more clearly, or anyone who merely adds something unnecessary or even substitutes something correct for something incorrect—is a man ignorant and careless, without shame or self-respect.³²

Having listed all the categories of possible books, acceptable and unacceptable, he says that truth cannot be obtained except by laborious research, and laborious research entails a great deal of reading in all religions, searching out sayings, theories, hearing the evidence of other parties and subjecting it to careful examination, looking at the nature of things and also studying the opinions, religions, sects, schools of thought, and matters of controversy of many peoples, and reading their texts.³³ Ibn Hazm differs from those Muslims who forbade the reading of all books but the Qur’an and Hadith, taking these as their only source of knowledge. Ibn Hazm countered their argument by saying that in the Qur’an Allah speaks of the atheists who say that the world has no end,³⁴ and the Zoroastrians who believe in two gods,³⁵ and the Trinitarians who believe in three;³⁶ Allah mentions them in order to show the contradictions and negations contained in their doctrines. Ibn Hazm said that it was essential for the searcher after truth to read the Qur’an, its interpretation, linguistics, and laws, and the Hadith of the Prophet, the history of peoples ancient and contemporary, geography, astronomy and the biography of the Prophet, which provides a model of good behaviour which brings benefits in this world and the next; but above all, the searcher after truth should have a full knowledge of the original languages from which the books were translated, in order to be sure that he understands the true sense of the works.³⁷

It is important to note Ibn Hazm's call to scholars to learn languages besides that of the Qur’an, and not to depend only on translations. This indicates that he himself must have known some foreign languages. In my previous writings about Ibn Hazm I have suggested that he knew other languages. Here I should like to add some solid evidence for this suggestion. In his book on logic, Ibn Hazm criticizes the translators, using such phrases as “this is the word used by the translators, and it is confusing.”³⁸ In another place he says, “For this, we have translated it.”³⁹ Moreover, and even more important, he says, “You should know that in the Arabic language the question ‘By what?’ and the question ‘By which?’ may be similar and interchangeable, having the same meaning since anyone who has mastered the Latin language would be able to distinguish between these two concepts in enquiries, because Latin uses a different word for the general and for the choice of alternatives.”⁴⁰ This indicates that he knew Latin. Why does Ibn Hazm not state clearly which other languages he himself knew? It is possible that his pride in the Arabic language was so great that he did not think it anything to boast of that he also knew Hebrew, Greek and Latin. We do not suggest, however, that Ibn Hazm's knowledge of other languages is the reason for his remarkable success. Ibn Khaldûn, the great historian and philosopher, knew only Arabic, but his own works are known throughout the world.

Ibn Hazm never rejects any science which helps man. He promoted logic at a time when it was not welcomed by orthodox Muslims. He applied his literalist theories to doctrinal matters both Islamic and non-Islamic. He applied logic to all kinds of scholarship and science, to religion as well as grammar, philology, poetry, medicine and chemistry, engineering and astronomy. It helps experts in all these fields to define their terminology, to set up analogies, etc.⁴¹

Ibn Hazm gives his definition of ‘ilm, knowledge: he says that anything you know is called ‘ilm, knowledge. This includes the science of commerce, needlework, shipbuilding, agriculture, horticulture, building and construction works, etc, and all useful things necessary for life. He attacks those Muslims who oppose some branches of knowledge, some sciences, saying that they have no bearing on the Qur’an or on Islamic rites. He points out that the Prophet Muhammad commanded us to study medicine.⁴²

Ibn Hazm believes that knowledge or science should serve humanity; it is not a luxury, a useless hobby, studied merely for self-satisfaction. He criticizes those who study logic and go no further. He says that they are like people who have the means to build but never do build anything.⁴³

Ibn Hazm follows here the traditional Aristotelian concept of logic: “… because logic was thought to be, not one of the substantial parts of philosophy, like metaphysics or natural philosophy or ethics, but rather a method or discipline useful as a tool in all enquiries, whatever their subject-matter.”⁴⁴ For this reason the Organon heads the list in the traditional ordering of Aristotle's works.⁴⁵ In Ibn Hazm's view, surveying is useful because it helps to locate water; civil engineering helps to lift heavy loads and develop useful machines. He does not encourage the study of astronomy, because in his view it brings no practical achievements. It requires long years of experiment and observation over several generations since the orbit of one planet can take 10,000 years.⁴⁶ If Ibn Hazm lived in our time he might change his mind since such great strides have been made in space technology. But it is certain that Ibn Hazm, the great reformer and debater, would criticize Russia and America in their use of this science for destructive purposes; they only want to win superiority.

Ibn Hazm would be very unhappy about the separation of science and religion. He believed that all branches of knowledge depend on each other.⁴⁷ He continually stresses the morality inherent in things, the morality of man, the morality of knowledge. That is why his discussion of knowledge is part of his book on morality.⁴⁸

Ibn Hazm is in favour of encyclopaedic learning, knowing something about every branch of knowledge. This time he is quoting one of his teachers, Yunus Ibn ‘Abd Allah Ibn Muhammad, known as Ibn al-Saffâr, the chief judge of Cordoba, who told him that if a person takes some knowledge from each branch he will be able to feel at home in any society and join in any discussion.⁴⁹ This theory must have greatly influenced Ibn Hazm, who later became a veritable encyclopaedia, yet he also advises students to keep quiet about matters that they do not understand.⁵⁰ Ibn Hazm realizes that there are differences between people with regard to ability and natural aptitude for learning. If someone is not able to keep up with every branch of knowledge, he should specialise in one and leave the rest to others; the result is a community, a scholarly collective that knows everything. As in building a house, it is necessary to have some workers to carry the stones and bricks, someone to paint, a carpenter to fit the window frames; all the specialist workers together create the house.⁵¹ This theory can be applied to scholarly matters, and also to life itself. Everyone should make his contribution to the life of the community. He quotes his teacher Abu ‘Abd Allah Ibn Muhammad Ibn al-Kattâni, who told him and the other students, “Look at the loaf of bread in your hand. How many hands have prepared it for you—the sower who sowed the seeds, the reaper, the miller and so on and so on.”⁵²

In Ibn Hazm's view, every person should study the subject for which he has a natural inclination. He says, for example: “Anyone who has a natural inclination towards a branch of knowledge, even if it is inferior to other branches, should not abandon it, or he would resemble someone who plants coconuts in Andalusia or olive trees in India, where they would give no fruit.”⁵³

He says that we should not offer to teach those who are not worthy of it.⁵⁴ Here he does not mean that knowledge is only for the elite, distinguished by money and position. This would be wrong, since Ibn Hazm does not attribute superiority to breeding or class. He himself preached the cause of free education.⁵⁵ He meant that knowledge should be spread among those who are prepared to learn and who possess certain virtuous qualities. He says that nothing does more harm to knowledge than the outsiders who enter its field and think that they know everything and can do good, when in fact they are ignorant and corrupt. He stresses that we should instil knowledge according to the ability of the students.⁵⁶ He obliged the student to travel in the quest for knowledge if there is no opportunity to study in his own area.⁵⁷ In Ibn Hazm's view, knowledge is not measured only by its material results, but also its spiritual benefits. Scientists should not work apart from God; knowledge is a gift from God, freely available to all, but God can take it back at any time. For example, a philosopher may face a situation which makes him forget all his wisdom, and maybe lose all his intelligence. Many read greatly and achieve little; others read less and are able to create a great deal. The best knowledge, in Ibn Hazm's view, is that which brings you close to God.⁵⁸

IBN HAZM AS A MAN, THINKER AND JURIST

Ibn Hazm was inventive, and interested in many things. He adopted, and defended, the theory that the earth is round.⁵⁹

In his book al-Taqrîb, Ibn Hazm recorded that his teacher's father invented a system of raised letters for blind readers similar to Braille's.⁶⁰

He discussed not only jurisprudence and religious matters but also music. His observations on music are very important and accurate.⁶¹ But, he does not encourage the study of alchemy and magic, agreeing with Ibn Khaldun (d.809 ah; 1406 ad) in this.⁶² In Ibn Hazm's view the claim of the alchemists that the elements could be changed was nonsensical and a waste of time.⁶³ Of course he could have no idea of the discoveries of modern physics.

Ibn Hazm's cheerful nature and also his ready wit and creativity are illustrated by his explanation of the nature of poetry. He said that a poem without lies and exaggeration is not poetry. He gives two examples. First:

Night is night, day is day, mule is mule, ass is ass, cock is cock, pigeon is pigeon and resembles it in that both are birds and have beaks.⁶⁴

A poet who produced this would be the subject of scorn and laughter. But a poet who dug up lies and exaggeration would produce acceptable work:

The pain and weeping grow accustomed to lodging in his body. Love whittles him away to the point of invisibility. He is invisible even to our thoughts, except as a thought. He is even harder to see than a thought. We have heard his weeping from nearby. You seek the person where the sound of weeping comes from. It is not his strength that keeps him alive, but the fact that pain made him melt away so completely that death could not find him.⁶⁵

Ibn Hazm should be an example to us, as a scholar and as writer. He was obviously widely-read. He showed a curious mind from an early age. When he heard one of the slave-girls in his father's house sing a stanza, he would know the name of the poet who had written it.⁶⁶ When he listened to a good poet his face immediately reflected his enjoyment, as mentioned in the context of Sa‘id. He preferred nothing to the search for knowledge and the spreading of it.⁶⁷ He himself wrote a poem saying that it was the ambition of his lifetime to learn and to spread knowledge. Once an idea for a poem had lodged in his mind he followed it through to the end, cutting himself off from his surroundings until it was complete and written down.⁶⁸

When Ibn Hazm found himself the target of criticism from the Maliki jurists and students, in Valencia and Cordoba, he devoted himself to jurisprudence and spent three years in its study under eminent jurists, only then declaring himself ready for debate.⁶⁹ Ibn Hazm was in his element in public debate and even, as stated, studied law to be able to argue with the jurists on their own ground.

When he comes upon a good idea which helps to solve a religious or scholarly problem, he gets very excited and enthusiastic, happier even, according to Ibn Hazm, than the day he left al-Mutbaq prison.⁷⁰ He always studies for a reason; he is always looking for answers. He read the Hebrew Torah, the Septuagint and was acquainted with the Samaritan Torah, so as to be able to debate knowledgeably with the Jewish learned. He studied the entire Old Testament, with the exception of the five minor prophets. Ibn Hazm holds up a faithful mirror to the multi-cultural society in which he lived. He provides invaluable and interesting information about the Jews.

It is evident that Ibn Hazm himself had a very large collection of books which covered all branches of knowledge. In debate he used to tell his critics, “I have such-and-such a book which you hold dearly” or “Here is the book, come and check.”⁷¹ He also read from the library of the Caliph al-Hakam, and read over fifty letters written by the Caliph al-Nasir to his officials,⁷² and sought information in the meetings of the court and of the mosque, from public meetings and gatherings. He collected information from the written word and the spoken, from men and from women. He debated and lectured in the synagogue, and perhaps also in the church.⁷³

As you will realize by now, Ibn Hazm was not a dried-up scholar but a complete man who threw himself into life. We can build up a picture of him. He suffered from heart palpitations in his childhood, dry eyes and an enlarged spleen, and lost his mother, then his brother, sister-in-law and finally his father. As a consequence of the bloody civil war which broke out in Cordoba in 399 ah (1009 ad)⁷⁴ he lost his house and belongings. His friends, the slave-girls of his father's house, were scattered hither and thither. He suffered other disappointments and trials as we have seen already, but he did not go under, he did not regard himself as a victim; he learnt from these experiences. He did not stop criticizing the corrupt rulers and their demagogues.⁷⁵ He antagonized all the conflicting parties in al-Andalus, scholars and politicians alike. Ibn Hazm does not lose himself in the midst of his traumatic experiences. He stands firm. How could he forget his father's advice?—“If you want to live as a rich man, be prepared to accept a change to an inferior position at any moment.”⁷⁶ Is it not a great thing that such a man as Ahmad Ibn Hazm, the second highest man in al-Andalus, advises his son that he should be prepared to accept a fall in position at any time? It is more usual for rich men to advise their sons to protect their fortunes and to add to them.

Ibn Hazm loves peace and justice. He spoke against the civil war, being fully aware of its bad effects. He said, “It stops the blossom coming to fruit.”⁷⁷ From his childhood Ibn Hazm is always conscious of God's presence in his life, controlling it. He may attend a meeting for amusement but never hesitates to correct intolerable behaviour. He defends women and protects their rights, and would talk to them without restriction, although he never made love to any except his wife. He joked and was pleasant, but in moderation.⁷⁸ He admitted to having faults; he said, “I have an inclination to make jokes, but I try to control it and not annoy people when I make a joke.”⁷⁹ But lack of humour is a sign of narrow-mindedness and arrogance and equally to be avoided.⁸⁰

Ibn Hazm loves children and he criticizes the Book of Joshua [7:18-26] in which Joshua gives orders that Achan son of Carmi should be stoned to death and his cattle and children should be burned. In Ibn Hazm's view the children have no guilt, and the cattle have no sin—why should they be killed?⁸¹ He defends the rights of slaves, and the right of everyone to a free education.⁸² Ibn Hazm knew the weakness of human nature, and the strength of temptations. Concerning the sins and faults which emerge from physical temptations, and which inhibit faith and doctrine, we find that Ibn Hazm is tolerant and forgiving. He is sympathetic with men who love women, even with men who love boys. He has an exact knowledge of the temptations of women and of men, the appointments and lovers' meetings; nevertheless he overlooks many such things, because they are human. He does not criticise but asks Allah's forgiveness on them to wash away their sins.⁸³ He does not draw a sanctimonious contrast between his own piety and their behaviour. He is humble and does not speak from an ivory tower. Abu ‘Abd Allah ibn Kulaib of Kairouan asked Ibn Hazm what he should do with his lover, should he see her? Ibn Hazm's answer was “You should try to cheer up your spirit by seeing her, even if she does not want to see you.”⁸⁴ Ibn Hazm regards such faults as temporary, that, like a sickness, can be cured. We have already said that Ibn Hazm respected women, rejecting the ideas current at the time that women were more liable to corruption than men. In his view a woman could be a prophetess, such as Mary and Sarah, who spoke to the Angel; they could be rulers, though not as high as the rank of Caliph. In his book Naqt al-‘Arûs he gives us this information: “A woman called Thamal al-Qahramâna sat as a judge during the time of al-Muqtadir. In her presence sat the judges and jurists with her.”⁸⁵ Ibn Hazm passes no comment here, showing that he was not disturbed by the fact that a woman acted as a judge. In the same book there is quite a lot of information about women and their role in history.⁸⁶

In his book al-Fisal, Ibn Hazm mentioned two Jewish scholars, whom he declared to be great, sincere and truth seekers.⁸⁷ Ibn Hazm referred also to Saadia Gaon (269-331 ah; 882-942 ad), as a great theologian,⁸⁸ and acknowledged the ability of Ibn al-Nighrîla (383-448 ah; 993-1056 ad), as the most accomplished scholar and debater among the Jewish community.⁸⁹

Ibn Hazm praises Ishmael Ibn Yunus al-‘Awar (the One-Eyed), the Jewish physician who, according to him, was a skilful and expert physiognomist, who held the theory of the equivalence of proofs.⁹⁰ According to Ibn Hazm this means “It is impossible for one system so to triumph over another system, or for one theory so to vanquish another that truth will shine forth clearly and unmistakably, distinct from error beyond any doubt. Rather, it may be that the proofs for any one theory are as valid as those for any of the other theories. They say that whatever is established through dialectics may be destroyed by dialectics.”⁹¹

Ibn Hazm's argument against the theory of the equivalence of proofs enables us to discover more about the background and the course of scepticism and relativism as one aspect of the path that led to the philosophy of Ibn Rushd⁹² (Averröes (520-595 ah; 1126-1198 ad)). In this context, Ibn Hazm refers to another Jewish thinker, Ismâ‘îl Ibn al-Qarrâd,⁹³ who propagated a universal religion.

Ibn Hazm has a critical eye when he looks at society. He first analyses his own nature, mentions his own defects of body and mind, and how he has overcome them.⁹⁴ He then criticises the society of his time, the religious leaders and thinkers belonging to different religions. But do not think that he only spotted their faults and was blind to their good qualities. His criticism of the Jewish people and Judaism does not need stressing. Ibn Hazm criticised the Christians as severely as he did the Jews, but he admitted that the Christians were also a great nation, possessing philosophers and wise men in spite of their belief in the Trinity.⁹⁵ His arguments with the Christian chief judge of Cordoba, about the sensual pleasures in Paradise, were productive and peaceful.⁹⁶ Ibn Hazm is also the greatest political critic of the petty kingdoms, and also a great defender of the people's rights. He says that the society of his time was sinking into unlawful matters, and in his view this was due to the corrupt rule of the petty kings. The petty kings took poll-tax from Muslims as well as Jews and Christians. For political reasons they strengthened the position of the Jews and made them tax-collectors. They exacted heavy taxes from the people on their cattle, farms, commercial undertakings, their herds of sheep and sales of honey, and everything that could be sold in the market. Some of these rulers allowed Muslims in some areas to sell wine in order to collect more taxes from them.⁹⁷ Ibn Hazm calls these people, the petty kings, “usurpers”⁹⁸ who had taken the land by force and were kept in power by hypocrites and opportunists.⁹⁹ Ibn Hazm sees all this as contrary to Islam. Islam does not approve of oppression, or of requiring more of a people than they can deliver, otherwise the state will not work towards the prosperity of the people.

Ibn Hazm stresses the internal weakness of the petty kings, and their political ineptitude. He says that they would even worship crosses if they knew that the worship of crosses would benefit them. They already took the help of Christians against their co-religionists. In his criticism, Ibn Hazm gives us a vivid picture of the farms and markets of al-Andalus, and what the people were growing on their lands. From him we know for example that in Larda they mined gold.¹⁰⁰ Ibn Hazm's description of his country is like a physician's description of a dying person. Despite this, Ibn Hazm does not deny all good qualities to the petty kings.

He wrote a book about the merits of al-Andalus,¹⁰¹ which shows a degree of patriotic feeling.

IBN HAZM AS CRITIC AND DEBATER

The Arabs and Muslims laid the foundation of literary criticism before Ibn Hazm. Criticism was their touchstone, used to check and evaluate their poetry and linguistics. They applied a critical eye to the Hadith literature. This gave birth to activities known as mustalah al-Hadith, “the terminology of Hadith,” and “al-Jarh wa’l-Ta‘dîl,” “authentification and rejection.” There are many books of criticism of theology, poetry, rhetoric and literature. But criticism went beyond the world of books. It also took the form of debates between logicians and linguists, public debates, sometimes in the presence of the Caliph himself.¹⁰²

Several schools of criticism are known to have existed, dealing with theology, philosophy and logic. This massive literature was known to Ibn Hazm; he assimilated it and benefited from it, as is clear from his own works. But there was still room for his own contribution, an empty space for him to put his feet, waiting for him to create something new. He built up his own theory of criticism unlike those that had gone before.

He sets out his guiding principles of criticism. In his view, the wise man should accept what is proven, and reject what is unproven. It is not for us to force tongues to declare defeat when the argument is over, but we should oblige our souls to accept the outcome and our tongues to acknowledge it. True evidence cannot be contradictory: a thing cannot be both wrong and right. If something is proved right you should accept it and abandon your previous opposition. “Do not refrain from accepting it for one hour.” If you find something confusing, you should clarify it and not rely on your opponent being unaware of it, because someone else may raise it in his presence later. When the truth is on your side, do not bother about the people, however many they are, or how reputable, or high-ranking. Truth ranks higher and takes precedence over everything else, and deserves all our veneration. In declaring the truth, he says, “Do not worry about the rank of the people. A superior person can still be wrong, unless he is infallible like the Prophets. If this superior person had seen the truth as you have seen it, he would have immediately taken it up. If not, he is not as great as he seems.”

Ibn Hazm himself was quick to admit that his opponent was right if the argument proved it.¹⁰³ He said, “Do not be misled by the many correct points that someone can make—he may then make a mistake in something very obvious, after arguing correctly about very complicated and abstruse matters.”¹⁰⁴

Nothing distinguished Ibn Hazm more than his critical ability and insight. The basis of his theory may be defined as follows:

1. Analysis and study of the text per se.
2. Close attention to linguistic form.

Ibn Hazm is sharply sensitive to nuances of language. He himself was a great logician and linguist. He was able to coin terms for all the many subjects he dealt with. He lays so much emphasis on the function of the words that he will only accept what is in the text, and rejects what is additional commentary from critics. He also used translation to examine whether a passage had a real meaning capable of being transferred to another language.¹⁰⁵

He criticized commentators who used unnecessarily complicated phrases.¹⁰⁶ He also criticized authors who used too many metaphors, as in the Psalms of David.¹⁰⁷ He gave his own comments on translations, especially in the field of the Torah, and logic.¹⁰⁸ He frequently argued with Jewish and Christian scholars about the significance of a single word.

He employs history in his criticism, looking at internal and external circumstantial factors that may have affected the text.¹⁰⁹ He accepts the obvious meaning of a word and rejects far fetched interpretations. In his view the latter lead to dispute and eventual corruption and distortion, and lead us away from the main purpose of the author, whether Prophet or lawyer. However, he does not hesitate to go beyond the obvious meaning of a word if there is evidence that it is necessary as in the matter of the divine attributes in the verses which paradoxically appear to be anthropomorphic.¹¹⁰

His theory of criticism depends on collecting a wealth of textual evidence. This is the basis of the beliefs of the Zahiri school.¹¹¹ In his criticism of the Torah we find him quoting more than seventy-five passages.¹¹² He himself kept closely to the text accepted and acknowledged by his opponents. He displayed the internal contradictions in the text under discussion. He compared the texts against such other texts as were available to him.¹¹³

It is possible to reconstruct his critical views but we shall give here a brief account of the method of his criticism and debate in the field of literary criticism, religious dialogue and controversy.

In one of my articles I have talked about the objectivity of Ibn Hazm's method, particularly in his book al-Fisal:

This is revealed in several ways, but most importantly in the soundness of his quotations and his use of reliable source material. Ibn Hazm's concern for objectivity is demonstrated by his willingness to discuss seriously his theories with eminent scholars of different faiths, especially the Christian and Judaic.¹¹⁴

As a theologian he not only developed the Zâhiriyya (literalist) doctrine devised by Dâwûd ibn ‘Alî al Isfahânî (d.270 ah; 883 ad), at a time when Spain was dominated by the Malikite school of thought, but he also championed the cause of comparative religion, producing the encyclopaedic five-volume al-Fisal which investigates the entirety of religious life known in Spain at the time.¹¹⁵ There is nothing of the ivory tower in this vast enterprise. Ibn Hazm knew religious persecution at first hand and his insistent demands that scholars should investigate religion with exactitude and without prejudice sprang from personal experience. He himself was a model of the value of active debate with men of other faiths as well as Muslims and during a brief period spent in the atmosphere of religious toleration in Alméria engaged in active debate with Jews and Christians; debate which he recorded in faithful and fascinating detail in al-Fisal.

It was this contact with men of different belief that seems to have influenced his minute investigation of the Christian Gospels. It is instructive to reflect how few are the theologians who have been willing to study the scriptures of other religions in a genuine attempt to understand precisely how and why they differ. Ibn Hazm's researches into the Gospels were, in one respect, the fruits of his own intense personal faith in Islam. His analysis of inconsistencies between the four Gospel stories—conducted, it must be remembered, in the 11th century—bear a remarkable similarity to 19th and 20th century historical biblical criticism undertaken by Christian scholars. Such studies are now quite acceptable, but the establishment of this modern method of investigating the Christian scriptures met with fierce opposition when it was introduced.¹¹⁶ In this context, Ibn Hazm was eight centuries ahead of his time.

However, although Ibn Hazm's investigation of the Gospels was highly personal he, like other Muslims, found sanction for it in the Islamic scriptures. Unlike Christianity, aspects of Islam positively encourage the believer to consider the sacred texts of other faiths. The Qur’an contains references to both Judaism and Christianity, acknowledging their existence while declaring that they have departed from their original genuineness and harmony with Islamic doctrine. Furthermore, the question of comparative doctrine occupied Muslims as different canonical schools in their faith were established and such questions were easily transferred to other religions. We should not forget, either, the close proximity in which Muslims lived with other religious communities, a factor experienced in Alméria by Ibn Hazm. Close contact led to intellectual curiosity about non-Muslim patterns of belief and Muslim administration of non-Muslims necessitated some knowledge of the practices of Jews and Christians.¹¹⁷

Ibn Hazm's work, both his extant writing and the contemporary debate he records in al-Fisal, testify to the value of a genuine scholarly interest in other religions. In Ibn Hazm's case the study of the Gospels actually strengthened his conviction that the Christian scriptures had suffered distortion during their transmission and interpretation, and his conviction that the Christian doctrines of the Trinity and Resurrection were late developments and could not be supported from the Gospels.¹¹⁸ This strengthening of his own faith, however, never led him to an easy dismissal of Christianity. His work stands as a plea for better religious understanding based on a serious approach to the structure of other faiths. Verbally he shows impatience, and at times scorn for what he sees as the lack of authority in those texts his Christian contemporaries hold dear, but the pattern of attack in his writing is the attack of a scholarship that ultimately takes the opposition seriously.

IBN HAZM'S CRITICISM AND ARGUMENTS

Here we give a few examples of Ibn Hazm's criticism and arguments. In al-Fisal, Ibn Hazm refers to his debates with the Chief Judge of Cordoba. These meetings are examples of the direct transmission of Ibn Hazm's thought. The Christian judge who repeatedly attended the latter's classes, discussed with him the nature of sensual and physical pleasure in the afterlife. The judge objected to Ibn Hazm's position concerning the subject whereat he replied:

Jesus said to his disciples at the Last Supper, “I tell you, I will not drink of this fruit of the vine from now on until that day when I drink it anew with you in my Father's Kingdom.”

(Matthew 26:29)

Ibn Hazm supported this with a reference to Luke 16:19ff. This reference concerns the story of the rich man and Lazarus. Lazarus, who suffered misfortunes in his lifetime, goes to Paradise and receives comfort there, whilst the rich man is sent to hell. When, in the torment of hell-fire, the rich man looked up and saw Abraham with Lazarus by his side, he called to Abraham to send Lazarus to dip the tip of his finger in water and to cool his tongue with it, he being in agony in the fire. Ibn Hazm used the reference to the cooling of the tongue to demonstrate that physical pleasure, as in the relief of tormented senses, is indeed possible in the afterlife—be it in Paradise or Hell. (Ibn Hazm expanded this argument elsewhere in al-Fisal with reference to Mark 14:25, Luke 22:28 and Genesis 3:19 and 18:21).¹¹⁹

The Chief Judge with whom Ibn Hazm debated and the times of his debates are not identified in al-Fisal. However, research undertaken by the present author reveals that the judge was called Asbigh Ibn ‘Abd-Allah ibn Nabîl, who became a judge by the order of al-Hakam, who also dismissed him for his arrogance in 363 ah; 973 ad. Concerning the date, the debate must have taken place between 418-422 ah, 1027-1030 ad, a time which coincides with the end of Ibn Hazm's political activity.¹²⁰ It is also evident that at this time Ibn Hazm wrote a long, controversial poem attacking a Muslim renegade, who initiated the attack on Islam and Muslims.¹²¹

Such face-to-face confrontation, as with the Chief Judge of Cordoba, extended into the melée of theological debate and the major theological disputes of the day. Of particular significance in this context is the participation of Ibn Hazm in the genealogy debate. This important issue concerned the disparities between Matthew and Luke in their account of genealogy. Ibn Hazm objected to a Christian interpretation of the disparities, derived from Africanus (c.160-c.240) that they illustrated a legal and natural account of descent. This particular view was held by a contemporary Christian and was refuted by the author of al-Fisal who asked how such a solution could be arrived at when the actual form of the genealogy does not permit a two-fold distinction.¹²²

This debate was of particular relevance to Ibn Hazm who was himself a great genealogist. His concern with these contradictions was not merely pedantic or historical, but was quite clearly within the context of the divinity of Christ. With this in mind, Ibn Hazm saw the divinity of Christ as untenable. His objection was based on the genealogy of Christ as traced through the paternal line. This he regarded as misplaced and indeed ultimately wrong, for he held that if any line of descent was to be ascribed to Jesus it could only be through his mother.¹²³

Involving the divinity and status of Christ, this issue was one of the central areas of theological debate and dispute. The status of Ibn Hazm's voice in this debate must, according to historical evidence, have been extremely high. He was, it is to be remembered, not only a supremely gifted academic, but also the only man in the Iberian peninsula to enter theological dispute on matters of such importance.¹²⁴

Among the biblical passages condemned by Ibn Hazm as immoral and therefore false, is Genesis 12:13, in which Abraham advised Sarah to say that she was his sister so that Pharaoh would not kill him and take her for a wife. Ibn Hazm is even more incensed about Genesis 20:11-13, where Abraham states that Sarah actually was his sister. The author of al-Fisal had argued with Samuel Ibn al-Nighrila Halevi on this matter. The Jewish scholar told his Muslim opponent that the word “sister” in this passage can also mean in Hebrew a kinswoman. Ibn Hazm riposted by referring to Genesis 20:12; the phrase which he emphasizes is: “It is not from my mother's side, but she is a daughter of my father.” This clearly states that Sarah was his half-sister. Ibn Hazm maintains that the least that can be said about this passage is that it allows abrogation; in other words if Abraham's wife were indeed his half-sister, the position does at least open the way for the change in marital laws later introduced by Moses. Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac Rashi (432-499 ah; 1040-1105 ad) seems to accept that Sarah was indeed Abraham's half-sister, and explains it as the accepted practice of the time.¹²⁵

Ibn Hazm also wonders how Sarah could have attracted the King of Gerara [Genesis 20:1-14], when she was so old. He took her after she had given birth to Isaac in her nineties. She herself told the angel that she was old and barren. After the baby was born she would have been even older and certainly more tired.¹²⁶

Ibn Hazm concludes his critical examination of the Pentateuch by referring to Deuteronomy 34:5-6, where it is mentioned that Moses died and was buried and nobody knew where his grave was. Ibn Hazm finds that this passage provides evidence to support his argument against the Bible, that it is history written by human agents, not a revelation from God. It is impossible that such a passage was revealed to Moses during his lifetime. It might be justified as a foretelling, were it not that the whole passage is in the past tense.¹²⁷ It is important to note that the ancient Jewish tradition in its extreme form states that “Moses wrote the whole Pentateuch, including a (prophetic) account of his own death and of the events immediately following”, or even in its more moderate form (mentioned in the Talmud), it says that “Moses wrote everything except the concluding section of Deuteronomy, which was written by Joshua.”¹²⁸ In this context it is useful to refer to the Spanish Jesuit, Benedict Pereira (c.1535-1610 ad), who maintained that “there was a considerable number of additions made to the Pentateuch”.¹²⁹ It is to be noted that Benedict Pereira may have been influenced by Ibn Hazm's work.

Here we give one more example of Ibn Hazm's debate, but this time with a fellow Muslim scholar. Once Ibn Hazm debated with a poor jurist, Sulaymân ibn Khalaf al-Bajjî (d.474 ah; 1081 ad), and he won the argument. The poor jurist began to excuse himself, saying, “I had to study at night, reading by the light of the lamp of the market-guards.” Ibn Hazm replied, “I was disadvantaged too; I had to read from gold and silver discs, resting on footstools.” The point he was making is that the possession of wealth may be as much a hindrance as poverty is.¹³⁰

Ibn Hazm was a phenomenal memorizer. He was famous for it in his own time and afterwards. Even his enemies and critics always acknowledged that his learning was vast and deep.¹³¹ Despite the great amount of information stored in his mind he was a great creative author. Here I do not agree with Ibn Khaldun that too great a store of memorized poetry and literature inhibits the personal muse.¹³² Ibn Hazm and Imam al-Shâfi‘î, who were great memorizers and poets, can disprove Ibn Khaldûn. Some later scholars have observed that because Ibn Hazm was such a great Háfiz, memorizer, he made some mistakes, sometimes confusing the narrators in Hadith literature.¹³³ This criticism has some basis. For example, Ibn Hazm mistakenly counted the book Shi‘r Quma as a Talmudic writing.¹³⁴ He ascribed to John Chrysostom (the Golden Mouthed) (c. 347- 407 ad), the idea that the tree on which Jesus hung was the same tree from which Adam ate.¹³⁵ I could not find it among the known writings of John. He mistakenly ascribed the book al-Intisâr wa’l Radd ‘Alâ Ibn al-Râwandî al-Mulhid … by Abû al-Hasan ‘Abd al-Rahîm al-Khayyât (d.300 ah; 912 ad) to Abû Bakr ibn al-Bâqillanî (d.403 ah; 1014 ad), the author of Kitâb al-Tamhîd.¹³⁶ Ibn Hazm says that after the Jews came from Babylon no Prophet arose among them, while in fact Haggai was a Prophet and Zachariah was also a post-exile Prophet.¹³⁷ But he may have his own reasons for excluding these prophets. Perhaps he regarded them as minor figures with no message to convey.

Ibn Hazm the critic explained how to lead the public, how to correct them, how to enter debate with others, how to start a conversation: the debater should seek to establish the truth tactfully and wisely, help his opponent to arrive at the truth and not drive him away from it; he should not exploit any lapses or confusion on the part of his opponent, but help him to understand. When we enter into conversation with someone, we should not express agreement with wrongdoers. If we do so we shall regret it later. Do not argue with your friends or your contemporaries. This will make enemies and may lead to legal action, and brings no benefit. Faced with a choice, a man should always choose God and the truth.¹³⁸

Anyone who gives advice and warnings should employ gentleness and wisdom. He should use gesture wisely, smiling not frowning; he should try not to give direct advice or warning, but look as if he is just expressing his own opinion. He should be brief and to the point and know when to stop. In his attacks on wrongdoers he should not confront them directly, but praise those who act rightly so that the wrongdoers may take an example from them.¹³⁹

An adviser and preacher should show good intention. Good intentions are the basis of every action in Islam. Here Ibn Hazm is holding up the Prophet Muhammad's method as the ideal; indeed it is the method used by all the Prophets when trying to convert others.¹⁴⁰ Arab men of letters have written at length on the same subject. It has been reported that the Prophet Muhammad said “We Prophets of God are by nature slow to speak.” That is why the words spoken by Muhammad are not too many to be counted or too many to be memorized as an aid to good behaviour.¹⁴¹

In this context a speaker should not repeat himself again and again. Once Ibn al-Sammâk asked his slave-girl (who had been listening to him) “What do you think of my speech?” She said “It would be more beautiful if you did not repeat yourself.” He said, “I say things twice so that everyone will understand.” The slave-girl said, “Before the people who haven't understood understand it, the ones who did understand will be bored.”¹⁴²

In a divided twentieth-century world we could, perhaps, learn a lesson from the theology of Ibn Hazm. It is sad to consider just how much ignorance exists concerning the most deeply-felt religious pre-occupations of the people of the world. The fiercest intolerance is often the result of ignorance and the failure to try to understand. A highly-specialized age does not have to be an age which dismisses the values of debate and persuasion.

Ibn Hazm never showed himself willing merely to live in peaceful co-existence with men of other faiths. The energy with which he argued with his opponents, his remarkable attention to every detail of analysis, and the firmness with which he maintained his own doctrinal position indicate an active and demanding search for the truth. The Muslim-Jewish and Christian dialogue described in al-Fisal is informed by this search, a search that is not incompatible with tolerance but which shows a real willingness to understand and investigate.

IBN HAZM AS A PSYCHOLOGIST

Ibn Hazm was a skilled psychologist and sociologist. He was politically active. He showed great concern not only for scholarship but also for public affairs and practical leadership. His views on the role of politicians and public servants are of great significance. His suggestions are constructive and wide-ranging, so much so that we cannot cover them all here.

There has been no serious study of Ibn Hazm's theories on psychology. Those who have studied his book on love and lovers have given some account of his views on psychology, but not enough to give a complete picture of him as a psychologist. Psychology, after all, is the precise observation and analysis of human behaviour and activities, and is therefore not a science which can be studied in seclusion. It involves mixing in society and keeping company with all kinds of persons. Human society itself is the research material for sociologists and psychologists.

Ibn Hazm himself is sensitive and perceptive by nature. The environment in which he grew up helped him to develop his critical and analytical faculties. His long stay as a child and youth in the harem among women of different nations and cultures made him extraordinarily observant of differences. He is perhaps at his best when he analyses female psychology, both free and enslaved.¹⁴³

Ibn Hazm's contact with the Caliph and leading personalities in the state helped him to understand the psychology of ministers and officials. He unveiled their interior world, stripping them of their badges of office and showing them as humans. He analysed the psychology of his friend Muhammad Ibn Abi ‘Amir who was quick to change friends and quickly bored with any surroundings.¹⁴⁴

When you read Ibn Hazm's book on love and lovers you are continually reminded that he is a psychologist and sociologist. He spoke of lovers' schemes, their dreams and daydreams. He analysed the feelings of all kinds of people, kings and public officials, the lower classes and humble people. He also threw light on the psychology of Christians and Jews, their thoughts and beliefs. He studied their allegiances and traditions in the light of their psyche. He studied the psychology of the debaters and of the common people. We say this in order to indicate the range of Ibn Hazm's interest in psychology. It is again too wide a matter to be dealt with fully here; but we will illustrate it with a few specific points. Our examples concern anxiety, intelligence and the emotions. But before we deal with these matters we should emphasize that Ibn Hazm was a man of action with a message to deliver; for him psychology was a means to an end, not study for study's sake.

Ibn Hazm spoke of anxiety, regarding it as the main cause of disturbance and distress. He laid special emphasis on this aspect of psychology, as is clear from the book here translated. Generally, Ibn Hazm regarded psychology as a branch of medicine, the branch which deals with the soul and with morality.¹⁴⁵

With regard to intelligence, Ibn Hazm believed that some are born intelligent and others acquire intelligence. According to him intelligence is a gift from God, not hereditary and not environmentally conditioned.¹⁴⁶ We can see children of outstanding intelligence born to mentally defective parents, or mentally defective children born to extremely brilliant parents. Ibn Hazm illustrates his view that intelligence is a gift from God by pointing out that God can take it from anyone at any time, by taking away his mental capacities or his reason.¹⁴⁷

Concerning the emotions, Ibn Hazm supplies an unusual and useful image: human nature is like a globe, where the lines around it can meet their opposites at the poles. So a man can be so happy that he cries; and extreme love can turn to extreme hate.¹⁴⁸

Ibn Hazm speaks of false pride. He asked a man “Why are you so proud?” The man replied, “I am nobody's slave.” Ibn Hazm pointed out that most of the people around were likewise not slaves; moreover, some of the people in authority over him were in fact slaves. Freedom was here equated with arrogance and overweening pride. Ibn Hazm noticed the psychology of this, and how such people imagine that they would have been great rulers and great scholars, if they had only had the opportunity.¹⁴⁹

Al-Muhâsibî (died 243 ah; 857 ad) has a similar story. A proud rich heir believed that he was freeborn, but a man came who was able to prove that the heir's dead parents had been his slaves, and the heir's property actually belonged to him.¹⁵⁰ The moral of this story is that one should not boast and be proud of something that may be taken away. God is the true owner of all and we should be grateful to hold things in trust. Material things, by their nature, are not lasting.

It is interesting to note in this context that a proud person always thinks that what he has is good, and what others have is bad. A man who is proud of his work does not strive to improve it.

IBN HAZM'S MORAL INTERPRETATION OF HISTORY

Ibn Hazm uses history as a resource for the training of the soul. He studies history according to his own method and philosophy. This is clear in his works on history both long and short. We will restrict ourselves here to examining how he uses history in his book on morality.

Ibn Hazm regards history as a continuous succession of events. The present stands in the centre between past and future. Man cannot shake off his history. He is firmly embedded in it. History is not a dead record of people who no longer exist, but a storehouse of information and guidance. We should make good use of history and follow the good examples and avoid the actions which have brought ruin to individuals or nations in the past.

He sets out his principles very clearly when he says that we analyse the good and the bad in historical events in order to know which example to follow.¹⁵¹ In other words, God in the holy books speaks of some individuals of higher moral stature and piety; others were immoral and irreligious. God spoke of them not to record history but to provide examples for us. For example, in the Qur’an Pharaoh, the Egyptian king, was pictured as an example of arrogance, disbelief and tyranny, and Moses as an example of patience and steadfastness. Jesus was pictured as an example of obedience, modesty and love of God; Solomon as an example of wisdom; Joseph and his brothers as an example of the evil effects of envy; Qarun, a rich Jew, as an example of arrogance and overweening pride; Lukman as an example of a wise father who taught his son how to hold faith in God and His omniscience; the people of Lot, who practised homosexuality in their community, destroyed by God; the people of Noah, destroyed by God's flood; Mary is a good example of obedience to God; God supplies her with food and drink when the people desert her.¹⁵² To sum up, the prophet Muhammad is seen as an example of all good merits.¹⁵³ Ibn Hazm takes history as a resource-bank of human wisdom.

IBN HAZM'S POLITICAL VIEWS IN RELATION TO MORALITY

Ibn Hazm has a knowledge of politics from both sides, practical and theoretical. He had personal experience of holding office; and his father and his father's friends had held public office while he was growing up. As far as the practical side of politics goes we cannot pinpoint any political achievements by Ibn Hazm. Even when he served as prime minister to the friend of his youth, ‘Abd Al-Rahmân ibn Hishâm known as al-Mustazir (411 ah; 1023 ad), the fact that he was imprisoned several times, the short period of his ministry, his fugitive life from city to city, are evidence of his failure in politics. This was due to the disturbed conditions of the time. He was not a person to change his policies to suit the crowd. He was adamant in clinging to what he believed to be right. He reacted quickly to events. One of his biographers explained his failure in public office as being due to his preoccupation with scholarly debate.¹⁵⁴

However in the theoretical side of politics, Ibn Hazm was a master. He wrote of the function of the Caliphate and the Caliph;¹⁵⁵ he wrote social criticism; he wrote about the rulers of his own time. There are some ideas of political theory in every book that he wrote. In his book al-Fisal he pointed out the necessity of appointing a ruler to lead the nation. The ruler does not have to be the best man in the nation, but he does have to be just, and to rule according to the word of God. He criticized and rejected the Shi’ite idea of the infallibility of the imam, and also their belief in heredity.¹⁵⁶ In his book on morality and behaviour, he speaks of the absolute importance of justice, the catastrophic destruction and confusion caused by civil war.¹⁵⁷

Ibn Hazm listed ten rankings that can be achieved in the hereafter. The first is for the scholar who teaches people and educates them, and acts according to his own teaching. Without scholars, religion would die away; they are the heirs of the Prophets. The second rank is reserved for rulers who are just. A just ruler benefits equally from the advantages that he brings to his people; he shares in the rewards that result. Even while he sleeps he is earning profit equal to the amount earned by the workers that he has enabled to find employment. In the Hadith, the messenger of God says that those rulers who act justly will sit on a footstool of light, by the right hand of God.

The third ranking is assigned to those who strive to follow God's way and fight His enemies. The fourth ranking is for those who plant trees and other useful sources of food. Anyone who ever picks food from a tree that they have planted will bring them reward. Ibn Hazm tells of a man who pulled up a vine that his daughter had just planted, saying that we were not created to plant things. Ibn Hazm says that he was a very foolish man, out of step with nature and his duty. Ibn Hazm's message is that we should strive actively to improve the world, and the provision of food for others will take our sins away.

The other rankings in the hereafter are, briefly, apportioned for avoiding the capital sins, such as killing; for avoiding magic; for repentance; the eighth is reserved for those who stand in the middle of the road, between paradise and hellfire, and so on.¹⁵⁸

Ibn Hazm refers again and again to the fitna, civil war and decay, when society falls into confusion, and men do not know for whom they should fight, and people listening to a debate would shift sides for no reason other than that they liked shouting and cheering. The petty kings were at war with each other, in a civil war which divided the country to the point that there were no victors and no defeated. No single authority provided leadership; there were many conflicting parties.¹⁵⁹ Elsewhere, Ibn Hazm informs us that there had been four rival Caliphs at one and the same time.¹⁶⁰ Our author's keen observation is illustrated by his comment on the blossom, which symbolizes the life and beauty of the world destroyed by warfare. The noble and aristocratic Ibn Hazm chooses blossom for his image to show that war destroys not only the produce of the countryside but also its beauty.¹⁶¹

It is interesting to point out that in an ancient Arab poem ascribed to Imru’ al-Qays a war before it starts is compared with a young girl decked in ornaments who attracts the young and inexperienced. But when fighting rages and burns over the country, it is like an old woman no longer capable of attracting admirers; her hair is thin and all her beauty has gone and she inspires no one by her odour to kiss her or embrace her. Ibn Nighrila, the most learned Jewish scholar of Ibn Hazm's time, wrote a very similar poem in Hebrew.¹⁶²

As has been referred to above, he speaks of heavy taxes, the abuse of power, etc. Ibn Hazm's advice to politicians and people in public service is of central importance:

Do not take power unless you know how to set it aside again. Otherwise you will harm yourself and your behaviour will be detestable.¹⁶³

It should be remembered that Ibn Hazm himself had held ministerial posts several times, retiring voluntarily afterwards, in order to devote himself to scholarship. He is therefore able to speak from personal experience, not only from political theory. He no doubt frequently observed his fellows fighting to protect their own positions and to come even closer to the Caliph. He will also have witnessed the constant intriguing among the politicians of his time, especially among the petty kings.

Here Ibn Hazm is touching upon a sensitive part of human nature. Political ambition is a human weakness. Whether the post in question is important or comparatively insignificant, the holder of the post is usually determined to remain in it. Even a post requiring the highest moral standards may tempt its holder to embrace immoral means in order to stay in it.

In every age we see prominent people manipulating the system for the sake of their own ambitions. They cripple society and increase the problems of their nation, preventing worthy individuals from coming forward to benefit society. High position should be open to all. Ibn Hazm is calling for equal opportunity. The posts should go to those who will best serve the nation. If anyone knows that he has the post for life and will never have to defend his position, or be accountable for his successes and failures, publicly and honestly, then he lays himself open to develop psychological illnesses or moral failings, such as megalomania, self-righteousness and arrogance, brushing off any criticism and making many enemies.

As mentioned above Ibn Hazm made a detailed study of the position of the Caliph or head of state. Ibn Hazm's overriding principal aim was political stability. The Caliph is appointed by the people; if he acts against their interests and against their religion he may be dismissed by the people.

Ibn Hazm wrote a whole book on the subject of politics, under the title In Politics, but this book has unfortunately not survived, except in fragments quoted in works by other authors. We have evidence that the book was still current in 896 a.h. (1490 ad), since Abu ‘Abd Allah Ibn al-Azraq quoted it in his book Badâi‘ al-Silk fî Tabâi‘ al-Mulk.¹⁶⁴ The same author seems to have also made use of Ibn Hazm's book on morality, but neither he nor any of his contemporaries credits any of the ideas to him by name. However, it is clear that the book benefitted several generations, even if they do not acknowledge the fact.

In this [essay] an attempt has been made to indicate something of the life of Ibn Hazm, and the historical and personal factors that shaped his thought and attitudes.

His education was unusual, and unusually varied. He moved from the enclosed feminine world of his father's mansion to contact with eminent scholars and learned friends in a sophisticated and respected social setting. Under the pressure of political upheaval and consequent family decline, his experience was broadened to take in personal and stimulating contact with both Christians and Jews, of which he later made use in his writings on comparative religion.

The independence of his mind led him on a restless search for a personally satisfying method of comprehending religious matters, and caused him successively to reject the Maliki and Shafi‘i schools of jurisprudence. He finally adopted the Zahiriyya school of thought and became its founding father in its developed form. Persecuted by his countrymen and by both the political and theological authorities during his lifetime, and leading an almost nomadic life, he nevertheless wrote prolifically and earned the admiration of a small circle of pupils and even some of his critics.

The picture is one of a man of enormous intellectual capacity and curiosity with a remarkably wide output of writing over a broad range of subjects. His personal isolation and the climate of hostility and instability in which he lived seems to have been responsible for both his strengths and his weaknesses. His extremism leads him at times into surprising comments; his great strengths are those of unswerving commitment to his own methodology and views in the face of powerful opposition and a rare intellectual integrity which will be diverted by no one.

In this [essay] we have dealt with Ibn Hazm's criticism, psychological observations, political views in relation to morality, and concept of history. Our analysis shows that Ibn Hazm is a moralist in the fullest sense of the word. In all his works, whether secular or religious, he never fails to say something about moral conduct.

Notes

1. Abraham Ibn Daûd, The Book of Tradition, (Sefer Ha-Qabbalah), ed. and trans. by Gerson D. Cohen, (Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1967), p. 277.

2. R. Salomo b. Abraham b. Adereth, Sein Leben und Seine Schriften … (J. Perles, Breslau, Schletter, 1863), pp.1-24.

3. Ibn al-Abbâr, Al-Hulla al-Siyrâ’, ed. by Husayn Munis, (Cairo, Matba’at Lajnat al-Ta’lif wa’l-Tarjama wa’l-Nashr, 1963), vol. 2, p. 58.

4. Judhwat al-Muqtabas fi dhikr wulât al-Andalus, (Cairo, al-Dar al-Misriyya lil Talif wa'l-Tarjama, 1966).

5. See Angel Gonzales Palencia, al-Shi‘r al-Andalusi wa Ta’thîru fi’l-Shi‘r al-Urubbi, a lecture delivered in the Spanish Institute, (Colombia, New York), and later was published in the Modern Spanish Journal, first year, number 2, January 1935, and translated into Arabic by al-Tahir Makki in his book, Dirâsat Andalusiyya, (Cairo, Dar al-Ma‘arif, 1980), pp. 193ff.

6. See Angel Gonzales Palencia, al-Shi‘r al-Andalusi, pp.193f; and Sanchez Albornoz, Ibn Hazm Qima Aspaniyya, quoted and translated by al-Tahir Makki, Dirâsat ‘An Ibn Hazm wa kitâbu Tawq al-Hamâma, pp. 139f.

7. See e.g., ‘Ali Ibn Ahmad Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb li Hadd al-Mantiq, in Rasâ’il Ibn Hazm al-Andalusi, ed. by Ihsan ‘Abbas, (Beirut, al-Mu’asasa al-‘Arabiyya lil Dirâsat wa’l-Nashr, 1983), p. 93; Sa‘id Ibn Ahmad, Tabaqât al-Umam, introduced by al-Sayyid Muhammad Bahr al-‘Ulum, (Baghdad, al-Najaf, al-Maktaba al-Haydariyya, 1967), p. 98; al-Humaydi, Judhwa, p. 308; Muhyi al-Dîn ‘Abd al-Wâhid al-Marrakushi, al-Mu‘jib fî Talkhîs Akhbâr al-Maghrib, ed. by Dozy, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1881), p. 32; and Muhammad Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity With Special Reference to the Work of Ibn Hazm, pp. 1ff.

8. Ibn Hazm, Tawq, pp. 48f.

9. See Suhayr Abu Wâfiya's introduction to Ibn Hazm's al-Usûl wa'l-Furû‘, ed. by Muhammad ‘Atif al-Irâqi, et al, (Cairo, Dâr al-Nahda al-‘Arabiyya, 1978), vol. 1, pp. 8ff.

10. See the title page of al-Sulaymaniyya Codex of Ibn Hazm's book al-Fisal, in Raghib Basha's library in Turkey, numbered as 815 and 816.

11. See the Italian orientalist Gabrieli, referred to in Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, p. 3.

12. See e.g., R. Dozy, Spanish Islam, pp. 575ff; R. A. Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs, p. 426; and S. M. Imamuddin, Some Aspects of the Socio-Economic and Cultural History of the Muslim Spain (711-1492 A.D.), Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1965), p. 149.

13. See e.g., Dozy, Spanish Islam, pp. 575ff; Edward Sell, Islam in Spain, (Vepery, Madras, Diocesan Press, 1929), pp. 104f; and M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, p. 3.

14. Al-Nubahi, Târikh Qudât al-Andalus, (Beirut, al-Maktaba al-Tujariyya lil-Tiba‘a wa’l-Nashr, n.d), pp. 99ff.

15. Ibn Hazm, Tawq, pp. 79f; see also Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, pp. 5ff.

16. Ibn Hazm, Tawq, see e.g., pp. 102f, 140, 155, 157, 166; Abu ‘Abd Allah Shams al-Din al-Dhahabi, Siyar al-Nubalâ’, ed. by Sa‘id al-Afghani, (Beirut, Dar al-Fikr, 1969), pp. 6f.

17. Ibn Hazm, Tawq, p. 49; and al-Humaydi, Judhwa, p. 63.

18. Al-Marrakushi, al-Mu‘jib, pp. 22f; al-Humaydi, Judhwa, p. 241.

19. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 1, p. 47; see also Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali Ibn Bassâm, al-Dhakhîra fi Mahâsin Ahl al-Jazîra, ed. by Ihsan ‘Abbâs, (Beirut, Dâr al-Mustashriq, 1922), part 1, vol. 1, pp. 91ff; and Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, p. 337.

20. Ibn ‘Abd Allah Yaqut, Irshad al-Arîb, (Beirut, Dâr al-Mustashriq, 1922), vol. 12, p. 237; Lisân al-Din Ibn al-Khatîb, al Ihâta fi Akhbâr Gharnâta, ed. by M. A. ‘Inân, (Cairo, al-Khanji, 1397 AH; 1977 AD) vol. 4, p. 115; and Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, pp. 9ff.

21. See Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, pp. 345f; and Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, p. 9.

22. Al-Marrâkushi, al-Mu‘jib, p. 33; Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, p. 347; and Abu al-Qâsim Khalaf Ibn Bashkuwâl, al-Sila, (Cairo, al-Dar al-Misriyya lil Ta’lif wa’l-Tarjama, 1966), part 2, p. 464.

23. Al-Marrâkushi, al-Mu’jib, p. 33; and M. Abu Layla, An Introduction to the Life and Work of Ibn Hazm (II), The Islamic Quarterly, vol. 29, number 3, pp.83f.

24. See Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp. 130, 203 and 210; Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, p. 346; M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, p. 6.

25. See e.g., Risâlatan Lahu Ajaba fîhima An Risâlatayyn Su'ila fîhima Su’âl Ta’nîf in Ibn Hazm, al-Radd ’Ala Ibn al-Nighrila al-Yahûdi wa Rasâ’il ’Ukhra, ed. by Ihsan ‘Abbâs, (Cairo, al-Madani, 1960), pp. 86ff; and al-Humaydi, Judhwa, p. 309.

26. Yaqût, Irshâd, vol. 12, p. 252.

27. Ahmad Ibn ‘Idhâri, al-Bayân al-Mughrib fi Akhbâr al-Andalus wa’l-Maghrib, ed. by Colin and E. Provençal, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1951), vol. 4, p. 59.

28. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp. 131f.

29. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, pp. 103f.

30. Ibid.

31. Ibid, p. 104.

32. Ibid, pp. 103f.

33. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, p. 344.

34. 17:49; 36:79; 45:24.

35. 22:17.

36. 5:72-73.

37. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, p. 344.

38. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, p. 112.

39. Ibid, p. 256.

40. Ibid, p. 109.

41. Ibid, p. 102; see also Hajjî Khalîfa, Kashf al-zunûn, (Tehran, al-Maktaba al-Islamiyya, 1387 A.H.), vol. 2, p. 1860.

42. Ibn Hazm, Risâla fî Marâtib al-‘Ulûm, in Rasâ’il Ibn Hazm al-Andalusi, ed. by Ihsan ‘Abbâs, (Beirut, al-Mu’asasa al-‘Arabiyya lil Dirâsat wa’l-Nashr, 1983), p. 80, Ibn Hazm's Risâla fî Marâtib al-‘Ulûm translated into English by A. Chejne, pp. 82ff and 193ff. See also Muhammad Ibn Yusuf al-‘Amiri, al-I‘lâm Bimanâqib al-Islâm, ed. by Ahmad A. Ghurâb (Cairo, Dâr al-Kitâb al-‘Arabi, 1967), pp. 84-97 and F. Rosenthal, The Classical Heritage in Islam, (U.S.A., University of California Press, 1975), pp. 63ff.

43. Ibn Hazm, Marâtib al-‘Ulûm, p. 89.

44. J. L. Ackrill, Aristotle the Philosopher, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 79.

45. Ibid.

46. Ibn Hazm, Marâtib al-’Ulûm, p. 68.

47. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, p. 102.

48. See Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq wa’l-Siyar, pp. 102ff.

49. Ibn Hazm, Marâtib al-‘Ulûm, pp. 71f about Yunus Ibn ‘Abd Allah; see al-Humaydi, Judhwa, pp. 384f.

50. Ibn Hazm, Marâtib al-‘Ulûm, p. 80.

51. Ibn Hazm, Marâtib al-‘Ulûm, p. 83.

52. Ibid.

53. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, p. 105.

54. Ibid, p. 104.

55. Ibn Hazm. al-Akhlâq, pp. 104; and Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, pp. 345ff.

56. Ibn Hazm. al-Akhlâq, pp. 107f.

57. Ibn Hazm, al-Talkhîs Li Wujûh al-Takhlîs in al-Radd ‘Ala Ibn al-Nighrila, p. 160; and M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, p.16.

58. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp. 105ff. See also Abu Tâlib Muhammad Ibn Abu al-Hasan al-Makkî, Qut al-Qulûb (Beirut, Dar Sadir, n.d.) vol. 1, pp.339ff and Muhyi al-Dîn Ibn al-‘Arabi, Rasâ’il, Risâla Ila al-Imâm Fakhr al-Din al-Râzi, (Haydarabad, Deccan, Dâ’irat al-Ma‘ârif al-‘Uthmâniyya, 1367 A.H.; 1948 A.D.), pp.6ff.

59. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 5, p. 144.

60. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, p.192; see also Abu Layla, “Ibn ‘Abd al-Wârith al-Andalusi al-Mukhtari‘ al-Haqîqî li Braille”, al-Muslimoon, vol. 1, number 32, p. 19.

61. Ibn Hazm, Marâtib al-‘Ulûm, p.60.

62. Ibid, pp. 68ff.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, pp. 354ff.

65. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, pp. 354ff.

66. Ibn Hazm, Tawq, pp. 145f.

67. Al-Humaydi, Judhwa, p. 310.

68. Ibn Hazm, Tawq, pp. 145f.

69. Al-Dhahabi, Siyar, p. 29.

70. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, pp. 346.

71. Ibn Hazm, Risâlatan lahu … in al-Radd ‘Alâ Ibn al-Nighrila, pp. 103, 105, 107.

72. Ibn Hazm, Jamharat Ansâb al-‘Arab, ed. by ‘Abd Al-Salam Harun, (Cairo, Dar al-Ma‘ârif, 1962), p. 100; and Ibn Hazm, Naqt al-‘Arûs, ed. by Shawqi Dayf, (Cairo, Cairo University, Majallat Kulliyyat al-Adab, December, 1951), p. 52.

73. Ibn Bassâm, al-Dhakhîra, part 1, vol. 1, pp. 132 and 163ff; and Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 2, pp. 103f; see also Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, p. 10.

74. Ibn Hazm, Tawq, pp. 147, 153, 154.

75. Ibn Hazm, Risâlat al-Talkhîs li Wujûh al-Takhlîs, in al-Radd ‘Alâ Ibn al-Nighrîla …, pp. 45f and 173f.

76. Al-Humaydi, Judhwa, p. 126.

77. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, p. 129.

78. Ibn Hazm, Tawq, p. 171.

79. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, p. 130f.

80. Ibid.

81. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 2, p. 3.

82. See Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, p. 18.

83. See e.g., Tawq, pp. 65, 79, 80, 96, 97.

84. Tawq, pp. 73f.

85. Ibn Hazm, Naqt, p. 84.

86. Ibid, pp. 68ff.

87. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 1, p. 123.

88. Ibid, vol. 3, pp. 121 and 125.

89. Ibid, vol. 1, pp. 107 and 103.

90. Ibn Hazm, Tawq, p. 35, and Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 5, pp. 193f.

91. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 5, pp. 193f; see also M. Perlmann, “Ibn Hazm on the Equivalence of Proofs,” The Jewish Quarterly Review, vol. 40.

92. E. Gilson, Reason and Revelation in the Middle Ages, (New York, 1938), pp. 37ff; see also M. Perlmann, “Ibn Hazm on the Equivalence of Proofs”, p. 279.

93. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 5, p. 193.

94. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp.129f.

95. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 5, p. 187.

96. Ibid, vol. 2, pp. 77f.

97. Ibn Hazm, al-Talkhîs li-Wujûh al-Takhlîs, in al-Radd ‘Alâ Ibn al-Nighrîla, pp. 175f.

98. Ibid, p. 177.

99. Ibid.

100. Ibn Hazm, al-Talkhîs li-Wujûh al-Takhlîs, in al-Radd ‘Alâ Ibn al-Nighrîla, pp. 173f.

101. Ibn Hazm's book Fadâ’il al-Andalus wa Ahliha, ed. by Salâh al-Dîn al-Munajjid, (Beirut, Dar al-Kitab al-Jadid, 1387 AH; 1968 AD).

102. See Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasûl Allah, translated by A. Guillaume (London, Oxford University Press, 1980) pp. 270ff; A. Mingana (trans.) The Apology of Timothy the Patriarch before the Caliph al-Mahdi, (Cambridge, Heffer and Sons Ltd, 1928); Abu ‘Ali ‘Amr al-Sakuni, ‘Uyûn al-Munâzarat, ed. by Sa‘d Ghurab (Tunis, Tunis University Press, 1976), pp. 212f, 218 and 232f; and M. Abu Layla, Faith Meets Faith, edited by Gavin D'Costa, (London, BFSS RE Centre, 1988), p. 23.

103. Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, pp. 337f.

104. Ibid.

105. ‘Alî Ibn Ahmad Ibn Hazm, al-Ihkâm fî Usûl al-Ahkâm, ed. by Ahmad Shâkir, reprinted and published by Zakariyya ‘Ali Yûsuf (Cairo, Dâr al-I‘tisâm, n.d.) Part 1, vol. 1, pp. 1ff.

106. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 1, pp.1ff and Ibn Hazm, al-Taqrîb, pp. 1ff.

107. N. Rif’at, Ibn Hazm on Jews and Judaism, pp. 258-72.

108. See F.N. 4 previous page; also N. Rif‘at, Ibn Hazm on Jews and Judaism, pp. 221f.

109. See Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, e.g. vol. 1, pp. 119ff, 147ff; vol. 2, pp. 108ff, also N. Rif‘at, Ibn Hazm on Jews and Judaism, pp. 277ff.

110. See M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, pp. 19ff.

111. Ibid.

112. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 1, p. 147.

113. See M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, pp. 154-248 and N. Rif‘at, Ibn Hazm on Jews and Judaism, pp. 220-294.

114. M. Abu Layla, An Introduction to the Life and Work of Ibn Hazm (II), The Islamic Quarterly, vol. 29, number 2, p. 169.

115. See M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, pp. 19ff.

116. See M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, pp. 72-195.

117. See M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, pp. viiif and H.A.R. Gibb, Arabic Literature, An Introduction, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 115.

118. See M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, pp. 358ff and M. Abu Layla, Faith Meets Faith, p. 32.

119. M. Abu Layla, Ibn Hazm's Influence on Christian Thinking in Research, The Islamic Quarterly, vol. 31, number 2, p. 111.

120. Ibid.

121. Ibid.

122. See M. Abu Layla, The Muslim View of Christianity, pp. 154ff.

123. Ibid.

124. See al-Humaydî, Judhwa, p. 309; also M. Abu Layla, Ibn Hazm's Influence on Christian Thinking, p. 112.

125. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 1, p. 107; see also N. Rif‘at, Ibn Hazm on Jews and Judaism, pp. 226f.

126. Ibid.

127. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 1, pp. 146f also N. Rif‘at, Ibn Hazm on Jews and Judaism, p. 246.

128. See D. Guthrie et al (ed.), New Bible commentary Moses and the Pentateuch by J. W. Wenham (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 42 also N. Rif‘at, Ibn Hazm on Jews and Judaism, p. 246.

129. See Edward J. Young, History of the Literary Criticism of the Pentateuch, in New Bible commentary, p. 34; see also Spinoza, Risala fi’l Lahut wa’l Siyasa, translated by Hasan Hanafi and Fu’ad Zachariyya (Cairo, al-Hay’a al-Misriyya al-‘Amma li’l Ta’lif wa’l Nashr, 1971), pp. 265ff.

130. Yaqût, Irshâd, vol. 5, p. 88.

131. Al-Humaydî, Judhwa, p. 309; al-Dhahabî, Tadhkîrat al-Huffâz, (Hyderabad, Dâr al-Ma‘ârif al-‘Uthmâniyya, 1958), part 2, vol. 2, p. 1148; and al-Dhahabî, Siyar, p. 28.

132. ’Abd al-Rahmân Ibn Khaldûn, Muqaddima, ed. by ‘Alî ‘Abd al-Wâhid Wâfî, (Cairo, Dâr Nahdat Misr, third edition, n.d.), vol. 3, p. 1315.

133. Shihâb al-Dîn Abû al-Fadl Ibn Hajar, Lisân al-Mizân, (Beirut, al-‘Alami, 1971), vol. 4, pp. 198f; and al-Dhahabî, Siyar, pp. 140f.

134. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 2, p. 16.

135. Ibid, vol. 2, p. 75.

136. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 5, p. 60.

137. Ibid, vol. 2, pp. 7f.

138. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp. 154 and 162.

139. See ibid, p. 193.

140. See Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp. 162 and 193; also Ibn Hazm, Jawâmi‘al-Sîra, (Cairo, Maktabat al-Turâth al-Islâmî, 1982), pp. 32ff; Abû al-Fidâ’ Ibn Kathîr, Shamâ’il al-Rasûl, ed. by Mustafa ‘Abd al-Wâhid, (Beirut, Dâr al-Ma‘rifa, 1386 A.H.; 1967 A.D.), pp. 57ff; and Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Khatîb al-Tibîizî, Mishkât al-Masâbih, ed. by M. N. al-Albani, (Beirut, al-Maktab al-Islâmî, 1399 AH; 1979 AD), vol. 3, pp. 1600-1686.

141. See Ibn Qutayba, ‘Uyûn al-Akhbâr, (Cairo, Dâr al-Kutub, 1343 AH), vol. 2, p. 170; also Ibn Kathîr, Shamâ’il, pp. 69-71.

142. Ibid, p. 178.

143. See Ibn Hazm, Tawq, pp. 40, 79, 92f; 147f.

144. Ibid, pp. 104f.

145. Ibn Hazm, Marâtib al-‘Ulûm, p. 238.

146. Ibid, p. 235.

147. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp. 202ff.

148. Ibid, pp. 235f.

149. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp. 220ff.

150. See al-Ri‘âya li Huqûq Allah, (ed. by M. Smith, (London, 1940), E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, N.S., xv, p. 252) quoted in Franz Rosenthal, The Muslim Concept of Freedom, (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1960), p. 114.

151. See al-Akhlâq, p. 195.

152. See e.g. Qur’an 10:83; 11:97; 20:24; 26:44; 29:39; 10:84; 18:66; 19:51; 6:85; 4:172; 19:29ff; 21:79; 27:15,16; 12:1ff; 28:76ff; 31:12ff; 11:27ff; 71:1ff; 3:21ff; 19:16ff; also Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 4, pp. 30ff.

153. See Ibn Hazm, Jawâmi‘al-Sîra, p. 32.

154. Al-Maqqâri, Nafh al-Tîb min Ghusn al-Andalus al-Ratîb, ed. by Ihsân ‘Abbâs, (Beirut, Dâr Sâdir, 1968), vol. 1, p. 489.

155. Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 4, pp. 106ff.

156. See ibid, vol. 5, pp. 3ff.

157. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp. 128, 140, 216f.

158. Ibn Hazm, al-Radd ‘Alâ Ibn al-Nighrîla, p. 150.

159. See Ibn Hazm, al-Radd ‘Alâ Ibn al-Nighrîla, pp. 45f; also Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, pp. 127f; Ibn Hazm, al-Fisal, vol. 5, pp. 193ff; and Ibn Hazm, Tawq, pp. 147f.

160. Naqt al-‘Arûs, pp. 83f.

161. See Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, p. 129.

162. This has been translated into English in the study by David Goldstein, Hebrew Poems from Spain, (London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965). See also Imru‘al-Qays, Diwan, ed. by Muhammad Abu Al-Fadl Ibrahim, (Cairo, Dâr al-Ma‘ârif, 1958), p. 353.

163. Ibn Hazm, al-Akhlâq, p. 155.

164. Abu ‘Abd Allah Ibn al-Azraq, Badâi‘al-Silk fî Tabâi‘al-Mulk, ed. by ‘Alî Sâmî al-Nashshâr (Iraq, Kutub al-Turâth, 1978), vol. 2; see also Muhammad Ibrâhîm al-Kittânî, Sha-dharât min Kitâb al-Siyâsa li Ibn Hazm, (Morocco, Majallat Tatwan, number fifteen, 1960).

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