SOURCE: "Historical Allusions," Studies on the "Havelok-Tale," Upsala, 1903, pp. 64-91.

[In the following excerpt, Heyman attempts to trace many historical allusions in Havelok the Dane to their sources.]

After his short analysis of the English Romance ten Brink says: "Im Havelok haben wir festen geographischen Boden unter uns;¹ doch fehlt auch hier die Brulcke, die von den Personen und Ereignissen der Fabel zur Geschichte oder zur alterer Volkssage hinüberführte—zum wenigsten fehlt eine Brücke, die wir uns ohne Gefahr anvertrauen könnten."²

This is true not only of this English version of the tale but of all the versions.

The question of the basis of the folk-traditions, on which the Havelok-tale is built up, is one which is rendered rather difficult, partly on account of the late records extant, and partly because none of the versions are of a very original character.—The interpretation of the various versions, and—as far as historical and pseudo-historical elements go—the endeavour to trace the statements of the legend to historical facts, are both impeded by the vagueness of the allusions. These latter, moreover, differ widely in the various versions, as we have seen from the analyses given.

The variations are, however, not so great as to throw the least doubt on the identity of the tale in all the versions. The chief episodes and, above all, the leading idea, viz. Havelok's becoming king of Denmark and England or part of it reappear unmistakably in them all.—It is true that only two names, Havelok and Grim (cf. p. 16), are common to all the versions. The change of personal names in medieval tales is, however, a common phenomenon. This variation may depend on the insertion of various episodes at various times, when the tale was told or written down, or on the influence exercised by reminiscences from other tales known to the gleemen or others, who handed down the tradition.

The variety of the elements or motives, of which the Havelok-tale consists, has already (p. 13) been alluded to, and a classification of these motives ventured under the chief headings: "pseudo-historical" and purely "imaginative" or "fabulous". To the first class we assign Havelok-Cuaran³ in his capacity as an exiled Danish prince, who reconquers Denmark and becomes king of that country and later also of all England, as in the English lay, or of only a part of it, as in the two Anglo-Norman versions and the Lambeth interpolation. This is the framework of the Havelok-tale, but at the same time the central idea of the whole story—the purpose of it, so to say.

All the other episodes are of secondary importance, and consist of renderings of more or less common legendary motives, frequent in medieval tales. To the latter class of motives we count those of Havelok's marriage, of his being a kitchenboy, of the flame and the cross, of the horn, of the visions, etc.

The principles, on which the Havelok-tale is built up, are evidently the general ones on which popular tales with an historical basis are formed. Popular imagination is aroused either directly, by reality itself in the shape of some extraordinary person, event or deed, or by a tradition, based on this reality. Both have a lively effect upon the imagination, and are capable of inspiring the patriotic or poetical feelings of the tale-tellers or song-singers with enthusiasm. What is more natural under such circumstances and in a romantic period, than that the hero is credited with supernatural features, and has deeds ascribed to him, which he never committed, or adventures, in which he never took part?⁴

The question is: which historically known events form the basis of the Havelok-tale-—or to which persons or events, stated by history really to have existed or to have taken place, may the pseudo-historical episodes of the tale be referred?

One point is self-evident from the beginning. The pseudo-historical and romanticized folk-traditions, that form the frame in which the legendary and fabulous adventures of the Havelok-tale are inserted, are in some way connected with Anglo-Danish relations.⁵ From the reappearance in all the versions of the scene where the tale plays, the conclusion has been arrived at that the tradition was current among the Danes of the Danelaw (cf. p. 58 sqq.). The final form⁶ in which we know the tale, as extant in the various versions, must, no doubt, be referred to the time in which the Danes were powerful in England.⁷

The whole story is, as it were, a song of praise to the honour of some Danish or, perhaps rather, Anglo-Danish hero, whose great exploit is the union of Denmark and England (or part of it) in the hands of one king.

If, consequently, the events of the last period of the Scandinavian invasion⁸ may be presumed to have excercised a decisive influence on the development of the Anglo-Danish heroic legend of Havelok—for Havelok is in all the versions made king of Denmark—the first origin of the Havelok-Cuaran character seems with equal probability to date back to a still earlier period. Although there are sufficient reasons to justify the view expressed that the Havelok-tale is an Anglo-Danish legend, it will be seen that the hero himself is of Norwegian (-Irish) descent.

The time in which the traditions originated has above (p. 14) been assigned to the middle of the 10^th century. This assertion involves that the Havelok-traditions developed in proportion as the political relations of the Scandinavians and the Anglo-Saxons developed from minor invasions to the ultimate Anglo-Danish union.⁹

It seems as if the hero of the Havelok-legend originally was connected not with this union, which is the greatest event in the beginning of the 11^th century, but with an earlier conquest of the Danelaw by an originally Norwegian viking, who at different periods was king of Dublin and of parts of England.¹⁰

These two facts: that the Havelok-story brings us in connection with the Norwegian invaders, who came from Ireland in the middle of the 10^th century, and that the same story expressly points to the time of the Anglo-Danish union, make it probable that a contamination of two traditions has taken place, or, perhaps rather, that the Havelok-story only by degrees developed into the form, which we have in the English lay.

There are especially three circumstances, from which evidence can be drawn in favour of this view. The chief reason, on which the assertion of Havelok's Norwegian origin may be based, is the occurence of the name Cuaran¹¹ in three of the four versions of the tale. As far as we know, this name is applied only to the historical Olaf Cuaran and to the poetical Havelok Cuaran.

The second reason to suppose that an Olaf was the prototype of Havelok is, that there is a kind of linguistic connection between the names Olaf and Havelok.¹²

The third reason to assume that the Havelok-tale was composed of elements from various historical periods, is connected with the extension of Havelok's kingdom in England. In the very same texts—the two Anglo-Norman versions and the Lambeth interpolation—in which Havelok is surnamed Cuaran, he is made king of but a part of England. Thus he represents an earlier stage of the Scandinavian invasion than the Havelok of the English lay (who is not called Cuaran) and is made king of all England, thus representing a decidedly later stage of the invasion, viz. the Anglo-Danish union.

The word Cuaran is of Irish origin (Irish cuarán) and signifies a shoe, a sock, a sandal, "a shoe fastened with thongs" (Todd), "a brogue of untanned leather or skin, commonly worn with the hairy side outwards" (Skeat).¹³

I have remarked above (p. 68) that, from a linguistic point of view, the name Havelok is connected with the name Olaf. This question has been touched on by several scholars,¹⁴ but there are still some points that require an explanation.

The Northern hypothetical and original form is ^*AnulaiaR.¹⁵ In a period, when this word had been reduced to ^*AnlaiR,¹⁶ from which the later Olafr is derived, it was borrowed by the Anglo-Saxons, who pronounced it Anláf, and by the Irish; in Irish it is recorded as Amhlaibh, Amlaf etc.¹⁷ In the Welsh language the name Abloyc (Abloec, Abloc) occurs as an Irish loanword. Before the year 1000 all Irish spirants were reduced to one sound. It is uncertain whether the Welsh spelling 'c' became current in Wales through literature, or if the final Irish sound conveyed to Welsh ears a sound which was spelt 'c'. When the Normans adopted this word they either rendered it with the Welsh spelling, or heard a 'g'- or 'k'-sound which they spelt 'c'.—The 'm' of Amhlaibh was in Irish pronounced as a bilabial sound, which, having lost its nasal character, approached the sound of 'w', and was in the Welsh language spelt 'b'.¹⁸ That the sound kept its bilabial character is evident from the Norman 'u' (v).—The Irish 'ai' was according to a Welsh sound-law rendered by 'oi', which later was reduced to 'o'. This gives us the Welsh Abloc and the Anglo-Norman (H)av(e)lok.

The name Havelok is consequently a normanized (and anglicized) Irish loanword in the Welsh language; the Irish word is, in its turn, an early Northern loanword, emanating from the some source as Olaf.

In the Icelandic sagas¹⁹Olaifr kvaran or kuoran occurs several times. I give a few instances.

"Olaf Tryggvason's saga" tells us of the Norwegian king, Olaf Tryggvason, that he married Gyda, who is usually represented as the sister of Olaf Cuaran, and only occasionally as his daughter.²⁰ The text runs as follows: "En þar fór um landit þingboõ nokkut ok allir menn skyldu til þings koma; en er ping var sett, þá kom bar drótning ein, er Gyða var nefnd, systir Oláfs kvárans, er konungr var a Irlandi í Dyflinni."²¹

Some chapters below: "Siðan fór þorir vester til Írlandz til Dyflinnar ok spurði þar til Ala; var hann þar med Oláfi konungi kváran, mági sinum."²²

In the "Landnámabók" an Icelandic poet is said to have visited Olaf Cuaran in Dublin: "þorbjörn het maðr—; hans son var þorvarðr, er átti þórunni—; þirra synir voru þeir þórarinn blindi ok þorgils orraskáld, er var med Oláfi kváran í Dyflinni."²³

In the "Gunnlaugssaga" Cuaran is alluded to in the following way: "Nú siglir Gunnlaugr of Englandi norþr til Dyflinnar. Þá réþ þar fyrir Sigtryggr konungr, son Oláfs kvárans ok Kormlaþar dróttningar."²⁴

In the English records I have found the famous Anlaf mentioned once by the name of Cuaran in the form "Cwiran", viz. in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in the entry for the year 949: "Her com Anlaf Cwiran on Norðhymbraland."²⁵

This entry is apparently copied by Gaimar in the "Estorie des Engles":

"Quant il²⁶ regnout el secund an
Idunckes vint Anlas Quiran"
(ll. 3549 sq.).²⁷

Olaf Cuaran is mentioned by his Irish name in the Irish chronicle "Chronicon Scotorum" in the entry for the year 968. The translation of this text runs: "Cennanus was plundered by Amhlaib Cuaran—."²⁸

The name is said to occur in the "Ulster Annals" under the years 944 and 946, and further in the "Four Masters".²⁹

In the two Welsh chronicles, which I have quoted, the name Abloyc, Abloec occurs as follows:—

In the "Annales Cambriœ" the death of Olaf Cuaran's cousin, Olaf Godfreyson,³⁰ is recorded in the entry for the year 942: "Abloyc rex moritur".³¹

In the "Brut y Tywysogion" (The Chronicle of the princes) the death of this king is mentioned in the entry for the year 940: "Nine hundred and forty was the year of Christ, when king Abloyc died."³²

In the following entries Olaf Cuaran himself is concerned. Under 959: "And the sons of Abloec devastate Caer Gybi and Lleyn."³³

Under 988: "And then Glumaen, son of Abloec, was killed."³⁴

Under 1013: "And than Brian, king of all Ireland—and many other kings were stirred up against Dublin, where Sitruc, son of Abloec, was king."³⁵

With few and unimportant exceptions the dates referring to Cuaran (either called Oláfr kváran as in the Icelandic sagas, or Anlaf Cwiran as in the A. S. Chronicle and the Estorie des Engles, or An(a)laphus, Onlaf etc. as in the latin chronicles, or Amhlaibh Cuaran as in the Irish chronicles, or Abloyc, Abloec, as in the Welsh chronicles) coincide in almost all the records extant.

It seems advisable to give a short sketch of Olaf Cuaran's adventurous life and to note the most important events of it. No doubt he was one of the most famous vikings who warred in Ireland and England in the middle of the 10^th century. It seems fairly possible that his life, so full of vicissitudes, should be remembered and glorified in the tales and romances of later times.

Olaf Cuarans father was Sitric,³⁶ who two years before his death was married to a sister of Athelstan.³⁷ He was king of Dublin and Northumberland, and died in 927.³⁸ His brother, Godfrey, passed over to Northumberland in order to secure his succession to the throne.³⁹ Already at this time Olaf Cuaran seems to have made efforts to the same effect, but both men were expelled by Aethelstan.⁴⁰ Godfrey returned to Dublin, and Olaf Cuaran went to Scotland, where Constantin III was king.⁴¹ Cuaran married his daughter.⁴² In 934 Aethelstan ravaged Scotland.⁴³ Godfrey died in Dublin in the same year, and his son, Olaf Godfreyson, succeded to the throne in Dublin.⁴⁴ Both cousins, Olaf Godfreyson and Olaf Cuaran, the latter aided by Constantin, his father-in-law, made great efforts to reconquer Northumberland from Aethelstan. Olaf Cuaran entered into an alliance with several Scandinvian chieftains, and Olaf Godfreyson came from Dublin with reinforcements.⁴⁵ In 937 Olaf Cuaran sailed with a large fleet up the Humber and conquered York.⁴⁶ Soon after followed the famous battle of Brunnanburgh.⁴⁷ It will be enough to say that the Scandinavians, as is well known, were entirely defeated; Olaf Cuaran, who fled from the country, seems to have taken part in ravages in Ireland during the following years.⁴⁸ When in 940 Aethelstan died, and was succeeded by Edmund, Olaf Cuaran returned to York from Dublin.⁴⁹ The Northumbrians made him king, and great numbers of the Scandinavian settlers joined him. According to a treaty between Edmund and Olaf Cuaran, the latter was to rule the country north of Watlingastræt, and Edmund the country south of this boundary.⁵⁰ In the same year, 943, Olaf Cuaran was baptized.⁵¹ Olaf Godfreyson, who had also taken part in this expedition, had been killed one or two years before this time (cf. the quotations above, p. 73). His brother Ragnvald, who is recorded as joint king north of Watlingastræt, was baptized too.⁵² The peace was, however, of short duration, for in 944 king Edmund expelled the two kings.⁵³ According to the Irish annalists Olaf Cuaran returned to Dublin, and warred there.⁵⁴

In 946 Edmund died and Edred became king of the Anglo-Saxons. In the Northern Scandinavian territories one Erik had in the mean-time been made king of York.⁵⁵ In 949 Olaf Cuaran once more appeared as claimant of the Northumbrian throne, and was supported by the Scots and his Dubliners.⁵⁶ (Cf. above the entries of the A. S. Chr. and the Estorie des Engles, referring to Anlaf Cwiran). He conquered the whole of Bernicia, but, having been expelled a few years later, he again returned to Dublin,⁵⁷ and in 953 he is again recorded as king of Dublin and as leader of ravaging expeditions in Ireland.⁵⁸ His last great attempt was the battle at Tara in 980.⁵⁹ Having lost this battle he went on a pilgrimage to Iona, where he died in 981.⁶⁰

From this brief outline of Olaf Cuaran's life, compared with the account given of the Havelok-tale, it is evident that there is no close connection between his history and the saga. There are in the Havelok-Cuaran story no details, with exception of the names Cuaran and Havelok, that suggest any striking resemblances between this saga and Cuaran's history.

Gaimar offers a few details from which the conclusion may be drawn, that some of his authorities identified the historical with the poetical hero, to a certain extent at least.

Following the fashion of the time in which he wrote, and influenced by Geoffrey of Monmouth, whose "Historia Regum Britannize" he was one of the first to translate in the first, now lost, part of his work, the "Estorie des Bretuns",⁶¹ Gaimar connects the Havelok-tale with the Arthurian cycle. In line 41 he quotes Gildas:

"Si co est veir ke Gilde dist
En la geste, trova escrit
Ke dous reis out ja en Bretaigne
Quant Costentin estait chevetaigne;
Cil Costentin Ii nies Arthur,
Ki out lespee Caliburc"
(ll. 41 sqq.)⁶²

Constantin occurs in Geoffrey of Monmouth's "Historia" as Arthur's successor,⁶³ and in the "Epistola Gildæ."⁶⁴ But as in the latter of these works there is not the least mention of any other of the persons concerned in the Havelok-tale, we may assume that Gaimar's reference to the "geste" of Gildas goes back to some work of his, now lost to us.⁶⁵

Though the name Constantin is here taken from the "Historia Regum Britannia"⁶⁶ or from Gildas, it certainly brings King Constantin of Scotland to our minds (cf. above p. 75). The remarks made by Ward seem to draw the only conclusion that is possible from this coincidence. If Gaimar found right at the beginning of the version of the Havelok-tale, to which he owes the interpolation in the "Estorie", a reference to a King Constantin, this might perhaps have referred to Olaf Cuarans father-in-law, though "Gaimar, with his head full of the Brut, would naturally understand it to mean the Constantine who succeded king Arthur".⁶⁷ Gaimar never mentions the Scotch king, and seems to be ignorant of the part he played in Olaf Cuaran's history. This helps to prove that it was perfectly natural for Gaimar to think of the Constantin that Monmouth or Gildas suggested to him, and by connecting the Havelok-tale with this king, to transfer it to the sixth century.

This combination of Gaimar's proves, consequently, that he was ignorant of the connection between Olaf Cuaran and Havelok, which was suggested to some of his authorities by the identity of the nicknames. For there is in the "Estorie des Engles" another point of departure from which the conclusion may be drawn that there existed among the authorities, from which Gaimar compiled his work,⁶⁸ some one, to whom the relation between Olaf Cuaran and Havelok Cuaran was not quite unknown. Many passages of the "Estorie des Engles" correspond closely with the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.⁶⁹ When Gaimar reaches the year 871 his narrative of the battle of Ash-down closely follows the words of the Chronicle: "þær wearð Sidroc eorl ofslæɜen se ealda & Sidroc seɜeonɜa".⁷⁰ The corresponding passage of the "Estorie" runs as follows:

"Sydroc le veil ki ferir sout
E od lui le iouene Sydroc
Ki fu parent le rei Hevelok"
(ll. 2986 sqq.).⁷¹

We have seen above that Olaf Cuaran's father was named Sitric, and this was also the name of one of his sons.⁷² It seems utterly improbable that the older Sydroc here stands for Olaf Cuaran's father, and it is absolutely impossible that his son can be meant. The fact remains, nevertheless, that Havelok is connected with a name which was common in Olaf Cuaran's family, and it is evident that the chroniclers had formed a notion of a kind of connection between the two heroes. This notion must however have been very vague. For when Gaimar reaches the year 949, and inserts in his "Estorie" the name Cwiran, given by the A. S. Chronicle, he omits to make references of any kind to his former entry.⁷³

According to Storm's opinion the etymological connection between the names Olaf and Havelok is sufficient proof for the identity of the two heroes. He adds: The true history of Olave Cuaran in England cannot but confirm these conclusions".⁷⁴

It seems, however, as if the relation of the two names, and the attaching of the name Cuaran to both, do not justify more than the conclusion that there was a certain, limited connection between the two heroes. At all events a comparison between Olaf Cuaran's history and the pseudo-historical elements of the Havelok-tale does not prove their identity.

It is true that the name Havelok is nothing but a normanized form of the Welsh Abloyc, and that the nickname is attached to both Olaf and Havelok. But this proves nothing else than that Olaf Cuaran must have enjoyed a great popularity among the population of the northern Scandinavian provinces of England. His name must have been exceedingly well fitted for that of a hero in a Scandinavian legend, who acts against the native Anglo-Saxon population. The historical folk-traditions that were current in these provinces were likely to concentrate round a name so famous as that of Olaf Cuaran, even although, as is decidedly the case with the Havelok-traditions, these were inspired chiefly by the events of later times. The two Anglo-Norman versions and, following them, the Lambeth interpolation, are the versions which should reflect most closely the episodes in Olaf Cuaran's history. In these versions Havelok is made king of only the Danelaw, and it is a fact that Olaf Cuaran was no more than that. But also in these versions Havelok is made king of Denmark. In order to find a parallel to this fact in Olaf Cuaran's history, it would be necessary to assume that those who handed down the tradition so radically altered it as to change a Norwegian king in Ireland into a Danish king of Denmark—which is very improbable.

An identification of Olaf Cuaran and Havelok is by no means justified by the fact that Olaf Cuaran succeeded in making himself king of the Danelaw, nor by the single striking resemblance that lies in the identity of the nicknames. We believe that Olaf Cuaran's name, that was connected with so many fights between the Scandinavians and the Anglo-Saxons, became the one to which the deeds of a later Scandinavian hero were attached. Olaf Cuaran's exploits may have been the foundation of a series of traditions which were absorbed in the Havelok-traditions. His deeds were, however, forgotten in the important events that took place in the last decade of the 10 and in the beginning of the 11^th century. These have played a much greater part in the formation of the Havelok-traditions than the events of the middle of the 10^th century. The latter were forgotten, but the famous name of Olaf Cuaran remained. It seems, consequently, as if the supposed identity of the two heroes, the historical and the poetical, might be reduced to an identity of names.

Not only traditions which were connected with the history of Olaf Cuaran have in the course of time been confused with the Havelok-saga. Those who handed down the Havelok-traditions confounded them also with other pseudo-historical elements.—Gaimar, the Lai d'Haveloc and the Lambeth interpolation all make Havelok the son of the Danish king Gunter. This name cannot have been taken from Geoffrey of Monmouth, in whose "Historia" no Danish king of this name occurs.⁷⁵ Gunter is connected with Arthur, who goes to his land and conquers it, and this would, as we have seen above (p. 78), transfer the Haveloktale to the sixth century. The whole of this passage is of course due to confusion on the part of the chroniclers. It will be seen, that the occurrence of Gunter in the Havelok-tale is to be ascribed to a similar tradition as that which Gaimar follows in his "Estorie", when he connects Havelok with the Sitric who fought in the battle of Ashdown.

When Pierre de Langtoft in his "Chronicle" reaches the year 871, and treats of the fights of King Alfred with the Danish invader, Guthrum, he says:

"Tant cum vers le north Alfred est allez,
Gountere le pere Havelok de Danays ray
  clamex
Of grant chuvalerye est Engleterre entrez
Destrut ad les viles et arses les citez."⁷⁶

Robert Manning of Brunne following Langtoft, translates the line in question thus:

"Havelok fader he was, Gunter was his
  name."⁷⁷

This Gountere or Gunter of the quoted texts is easily recognized as the historical Danish invader and king of East Anglia, Guþrum (Goþrum, Goþorm, Guþram), who was baptized by King Alfred, and assumed the name of Aethelstan.⁷⁸ The northern name Guþorm was in England mixed up with Guþere, which name to the ears of the Anglo-Norman chronicler conveyed another form of the same word, Gountere, which was familiar to him.⁷⁹ Since he connects him with Arthur, it is evident that Gaimar was ignorant of the fact that his Gunter and the historical king Guþrum, were identical. When he reaches the time of King Alfred he calls the Danish king by his two usual names.

From what source the original of the three inentioned versions drew the conclusion that Havelok was the son of king Gunter, it is impossible to say, and the whole passage seems very hard to explain. It is possible that the fact, that king Gubrum (or Gunter) once had been king of an essentially Danish province, gave rise to the tradition of Havelok's being his son. With reference to Munch, Ward suggests that Gubrum (often shortened into Gorm) was identical with "Gormo Auglicus" and "Gorm the Old", and, if this be true, it would account for king Gunter being "styled king of Denmark".⁸⁰—At all events Havelok's connection with Gunter did not originate with Langtoft, who wrote in the beginning of the 14^th century.⁸¹ It seems likely that his insertion of Havelok in his "Chronicle" is due to some version of the Havelok-tale itself.

How confused the view was which the old chroniclers held about Havelok and the traditions connected with his life, is clearly seen from the introduction in the Havelok-tale of Guþrum-Gunter, who, as we have seen, belongs to the time of king Alfred; and further, by the occurence in the same versions, in which Gunter is made father of Havelok, of the name Cuaran, which, in its turn, brings the story in connection with the events of the middle of the 10^th century.

Another proof of this confusion lies in the view Gaimar held on the time when the Danes first came to England. We have already touched on the reference to Havelok, made by Gaimar in his "Estorie", when he comes to the battle of Ashdown in the latter part of the 9^th century. In two other places in the "Estorie" Havelok's name occurs in a connection from which the conclusion may be drawn, that, according to Gaimar's opinion, Danes had been rulers of Britain long before the Saxons came to the country, and that Havelok was one of the kings of these early Danes.

In the introduction of the "Estorie des Engles" we are told that the Saxons under Cerdic and Cynric took possession of England, although they were much hated by the Danes (l. 37). Consequently the Danes, according to Gaimar, must have been in the country already then, i. e. before the middle of the 6^th century. In the narrative of these events,⁸² which corresponds with the entries of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for the years 495-556, the Havelok-tale is inserted, and some lines further on we find another statement referring to the Danes and to Havelok:

"En Norfolc erent les Daneis
Del tens ke Havelok fu reis:
Si defendeient cel pais
E cel ki fu al reis Edelsis"
(ll. 897 sqq.).⁸³

Another allusion to the same effect occurs in the "Estorie" when the compiler comes to the events told by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle under the year 787. The Chronicle says, that in the days when Beorhtric took Eadburgh, the daughter of king Offa, to wife, "comon ærest III scipu Norðmanna—þæt wæron þa ærestan scipu Deniscra manna þe Anɜelcynnes land ɜesohtan".⁸⁴ Gaimar alludes to this entry, but adds with regard to the Danes, though it is hard to say on what he bases his information:

"Car entrels eurent regarde
E dit ke co est lur herite,
E mulz homes de lur linage
Urent le regne en heritage.
Ainceis ke Engleis i entrast
Ne home de Sessoigne i habitast:
Li reis Danes⁸⁵ tint le regnez
Ki de Denemarche fu nez,
Si fist Ailbrith e Havelok
E plus en nomerent ovoc."
(ll. 2077 sqq.)⁸⁶

There is another passage in the "Estorie" illustrating the view Gaimar held on the age of the Danish rule in England.⁸⁷

—The two kings in England, named by Gaimar Adelbrict and Edelsi, cannot be identified. The corresponding English names are, however, common in the chronicles.⁸⁸ The French spelling of Adelbrict corresponds with an English Aepelbryht or Aepelberht, while Edelsi stands for Aepelsize.⁸⁹ In l. 2085 of the "Estorie" Gaimar writes Ailbrith, which name probably is to be derived from Ezelbryht. On coins from the time of Aepelred (978-1017) this name occurs alternating with that of Aezelbryht, although the two names are of different etymological origin.⁹⁰—In the Lai d'Haveloc the kings are called Ekenbright and Alsi, whereas the Lambeth interpolation writes Egelbright and Edelsy. Ekenbright is perhaps the same name as the English Ecgbryht (cf. the spellings Achebrit of mss. D. & L. of the "Estorie des Engles" and Echebrit of ms. P. of the Lai d'Haveloc.)—Alsi occurs alternating with Aelfsiɜe.⁹¹

For these two kings the English lay has substituted Athelwold, and made him king of all England. He cannot be identified.—Birkabeyn is in this version the name of Havelok's father, the king of Denmark. This name has originally nothing at all to do with the Havelok-traditions. It could not have been known in England before the end of the 12th century. The name "Birkebeinar" means in English "birch-legged fellows".⁹² In 1174 it was given by Norwegian peasants to a set of outlaws who formed a political party in Norway,⁹³ and who later on chose Sverre Sigurdson for their leader. The "Birkebeinar" made him their king, and in the succeeding years he conquered all Norway with their help. In 1184 he was acknowledged as sole king of the country.⁹⁴ The Latin Chronicle "Gesta Henrici II et Richardi I", composed in England towards the end of the 12th century, and commonly attributed to Benedict of Peterborough, contains some particulars with regard to Sverre's wars and his accession to the throne.⁹⁵ In a somewhat different shape this chronicle forms a part of Roger de Hoveden's big Latin "Chronica",⁹⁶ which was composed not long after Benedict's "Gesta". In Hoveden the name of Sverre also occurs, but the author calls him Swerus Birkebain.⁹⁷ It is, as Storm⁹⁸ and Ward⁹⁹ suggest, very probable that the name owes its occurrence in the Havelok-tale to Hoveden's chronicle. It may be supposed that the Latin chroniclers did not understand the word; the English poet or poets who handed down the Havelok-traditions evidently did not do so, but they may have known that it was originally a Scandinavian name, and therefore they called Havelok's father Birkabeyn.

We have now touched on all the chief points but one with regard to the formation of the historical frame of the Havelok-tale. Our investigation has led to the result, that there is, among all these historical allusions in the tale, none from which a full and thorough historical parallel may be drawn.—The remaining allusions refer especially to Havelok in his capacity of a Danish king who conquers England.

From the end of the 10^th century onwards the Scandinavian invasions display a thorough change of character. Having consisted up to this time chiefly of minor ravaging expeditions, they now develop into a great political conquest. The idea of a united kingdom on both sides of the North Sea did not originate until the time when the Scandinavians were exceedingly strong in England. The man who first realized this idea of a united kingdom was the Danish king Sven Tveskag; the completion of the scheme was left to his successor, Cnut. It seems quite natural to refer the definite formation of the Havelok-tale to this time. The popular fancy of the Danes in England would scarcely have been able, before this time, to imagine a conqueror who was not only made king of the Danelaw, or, as in the English lay, of all England, but at the same time king of Denmark, as in all the versions.

The history of Sven Tveskteg cannot but confirm these conclusions. It contains some details that to some extent remind one of the most important events of Havelok's life: his expulsion from his own country, and his two big conquering exploits:¹⁰⁰ that of Denmark and that of England. Sven Tveskæg was, as we know, expelled from Denmark, and went to England."¹⁰¹ In 988.he returned to Denmark, and, after gaining a battle, he succeeded his father as king of this country.¹⁰² He now swore to conquer England.¹⁰³ It is too well known to require further comment, how after years of strife and hardship Sven Tveskag in 1013 became king of England, thus for the first time uniting England and Denmark in the hands of one king.

With exception of these few facts, referring to Sven Tveskag, to which the frame of the Havelok-tale renders a parallel, it is fairly evident that we have no right to consider Sven as the only prototype of the Havelok of the legend. On the other hand it seems as if the events that took place in England and Denmark during his time, rather than those of Olaf Cuaran's time, had influenced the formation of the Havelok-story, even if, as we know, the hero in some versions bears Cuaran's name.

Here we may insert a few words with regard to Storm's opinion on the relation between the Havelok-story and the romance of Guy of Warwick. Olaf Cuaran was, as we know, defeated at Brunnanburgh, but in all the versions of the Havelok-tale Danish sympathies are clearly marked and there is no mention made of any defeat of the Danes. "The open space", says Storm, "is filled up by an English tale, which represents Aveloc as the declared foe of the English people", viz. by the tale of the fight between Guy of Warwick and the heathen giant Colebrand. Storm owes this suggestion to the occurrence of the name Avelocke instead of Anlaf in the Percy Folio Ms. version of "Guy and Colebrande".¹⁰⁴ It is, however, hard to accept this suggestion of Storm's, for this "Auelocke" cannot, any more than the "Hauelok" of the Metrical Chronicle of England (cf. above, p. 68, note 2), be the same as our Havelok. "Auelocke is the declared foe of the English", it is true; but at the same time it must be born in mind, that he is forced to flee back to Denmark. This is the very contrary to what Havelok does—when he comes to England as Danish king he conquers the English, and remains in the country. We believe that the remark made by Furnivall¹⁰⁵ is quite correct: "the change here [of Auelocke for Anlaf] is, no doubt, due to the Romance of Havelok the Dane".

We are of the opinion that Havelok may, from an historical point of view, be considered as an expression of Scandinavianism in England, and that it is impossible to prove that the character of the Danish prince is copied exclusively from one single person. Havelok's nickname suggests his connection with the Norwegian viking Olaf Cuaran; his being the son of a Danish king in Denmark, his becoming king of Denmark, his conquest of England and the friendly relations between the two countries, all these facts remind one of Sven Tveskæg; and when, as in the English lay, he goes to London to be crowned, this circumstance points to the time of Cnut.¹⁰⁶

Notes

¹ Cf. above, p. 57 sqq.

² Gesch. I, p. 292.

³ Concerning the various forms of the word "Cuaran" cf. the list of names on p. 16.

⁴ Cf. Ahlström, Lais-Litt., p. 121 sq.

⁵ T. Brink, Gesch. I, p. 187.

⁶ T. Brink, Gesch. I, pp. 187, 292.

⁷ Wülker, Gesch., p. 97, points out the fact that in the English lay (l. 158) Winchester and not London is the capital of Athelwold. Havelok goes to London, however, to be crowned (ll. 2941 sqq.).

⁸ Worsaae, Erobring, pp. 237 sqq., 263 sqq.—Steenstrup III, p. 217.—Loanwords II, p. 279.

⁹ Cf. Storm, Bidrag, p. 87.

¹⁰ Cf. A. Bugge, Norsemen in Ireland I, pp. I sqq., 9, 11 sqq. The aim of this essay is to prove—against Zimmer—that the early Scandinavian invaders of Ireland and kings of Dublin were Norwegians and not Danes. Danes were of course also to a certain extent concerned in the wars and settlements in Ireland—much as the Norweigians in the Danelaw. Cf. p. 11, note 3 of Bugge's treatise.

¹¹ Cf. p. 16.

¹² It is not absolutely impossible that this connection was felt to a certain extent by the early chroniclers. One proof in favour of this suggestion is, that Olaf Tryggvason in the Metrical Chronicle of England (Metrical Romances II, p. 270) is called Havelok. Cf. C. R. I, pp. 436, 464, 472 sq.

¹³ Todd, Gaedhill, pp. CI, note 1, 280(5).—Revue Celtique III, p. 189.—Storm, Bidrag, p. 175.—C. R. I, p. 430, note.—Ahlström, Lais-Litt., p. 123, note 4 suggests a possibility "that some misunderstood northern epithet of the famous viking is concealed in the word." I have found no proof in support of this suggestion.—Bugge, Bidrag, p. 131.—Skeat, Cl. Pr., p. XXXVII, esp. notes I and 2.

¹⁴ Todd, Gaedhill, passim; esp. pp. LXX, note 1, C, CI, note 1, 280(5) points out the fact that the bearers of the Irish name Amblaib, Amlaif etc. are identical with the northern Olafs. But he never states expressly that the names are derived from the same root.—Concerning the connection between the Irish name and the Welsh Abloyc, Abloec, Todd's explanation, p. 283, note 4, is hardly intelligible: "c for fas usual in the Welsh dialect of Celtic."—Köster, Havelok Danske, p. 78 (cf. above, p. 5) gives no philological reasons for his suggestions with regard to the connection between the names Olaf, Abloec and Havelok.—Storm, Havelok Kvaran, p. 3 sets forth briefly the etymological correspondance between the Northern, Irish and Welsh forms of the name, and adds that "Aveloc—in later English Havelok—must be the Anglo-Norman pronouciation of Abloc".—Ward in C. R., I, p. 413 sq. quotes Köster and Todd; to Todd's statements regarding the interdependance of the Irish and Welsh names he adds evidence from another authority, Prof. John Rhys, at Oxford, and says: "Professor Rhys informs us that this note is not strictly correct, but he does not question the main fact that the Irish Amlaeibh (or Amhlaeibh) is here [Annales Cambriæ; see below] and elsewhere in Welsh Chronicles represented by Abloyc."—Cf. Ahlström, Lais-Litt., pp. 32, 123.—Skeat, Cl. Pr., p. XXXVI.—Max Förster in Anglia, Beiblatt XIV, No. 1, p. 13 criticizes Skeat's interpretation of Storm's statements, and adds: "Ich wenigstens habe Storm immer so verstanden, dass Anleifr, ein echt nordischer name, in keltischem munde die formen ir. Amlaib (oder wohl besser Amhlaibh) und kymr. Abloyc angenommen habe. Ob dies freilich richtig ist, ist eine offene frage, da, wie mir prof. Sommer freundlichst bestätigt, der gleichsetzung der drei namen Anleifr, Amlaib und Abloc grosse lautliche schwierigkeiten im wege stehen".

¹⁵ Cf. Noreen, Grammat. p. 52.

¹⁶ Cf. Zimmer in Z. f. d. Altherthum, N. F. XX, p. 264, note 1.

¹⁷ Cf. Noreen in Paul's Grundr. 1², pp. 524, 557, 566.

¹⁸ Cf. the transscript by Storm, Havelok Kvaran, p. 3.—Steenstrup III, p. 88, note 3.

¹⁹ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 144.—Bugge, Bidrag, p. 132.

²⁰ It seems more natural that Gyda should be represented as the daughter of Cuaran than as his sister. In Heimskringla I, p. 313 (chap. 32) she is said to be "ung kona ok frió", and it is known that Olof Cuaran died of old age in 981, (cf. Bugge, Bidrag, 1. c.), and that Olaf Tryggvason was in England about 994. Cf. the quotations below: in the latter one it is said that Olaf Tryggvason visited Olaf Cuaran, which is in itself impossible (cf. Steenstrup III, p. 243)—and it seems to be in harmony with the whole passage to interpret the word "márg" as father-in-law. Cf. Storm, Snorre Sturlason, p. 159, note.—Todd, Gaedhill, p. 287(6).—Worsaae, Erobring, p. 247.

²¹ Heimskringla I, p. 311 sq. (chap. 32).—Cf. Flateyarbok I, p. 150.

²² Heimskringla I, p. 345 (chap. 47).—Cf. Flateyarbok I, p. 218.

²³ Landnámabók, p. 139.—Cf. Steenstrup, 1. c., note 1.

²⁴ Gunnlaugssaga Ormstungu, p. 13 (chap. 7). Cf. also on the same page the following verses:

"Kann'k máls of skil
hvern'k mæra vil
konongmanna kon:
hann's Kvarans son
etc."

²⁵ A. S. Chron. I, p. 215.

²⁶ Edred.

²⁷ Gaimar I, p. 149.

²⁸ Chron. Scot., p. 218 sq.

²⁹ Cf. Mon. hist. Brit. I, p. 388, note a.—A. S. Chr. II, p. 89, note 3.—Todd, Gaedhill, p. CI, note I: "This Olaf is called Cuaran, or Olaf of the Sandal, by the Irish Annalists". Further p. 282, where Todd remarks that the "Four Masters" under 944 "distinctly mention Olaf Cuaran".—Steenstrup III, p. 79, note 1.

³⁰ Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, pp. 278, 287(8).

³¹ Ann. Cambr. p. 17.

³² Brut y Tyvysog., pp. 20, 21.

³³ Ibid., pp. 24, 25.—Cf. C. R. I, p. 431.

³⁴ Brut y Tywysog., pp. 30, 31.—Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, pp. 278, 288. C. R. I, 1. c. sq.

³⁵ Brut y Tywysog., pp. 34, 35.—Cf. C. R. I, 1. c.

³⁶ This name is the same as the Icelandic Sigtryggr. Cf. Zimmer in Z. f. d. Alterthum, N. F. XX, p. 266, note 1.

³⁷ Cf. Steenstrup III, pp. 26, 64.

³⁸ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 64.

³⁹ Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, p. 280.

⁴⁰ Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, p. 281.—Steenstrup III, p. 65.

⁴¹ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 257.

⁴² Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 70, 87.—His intimate connection with the Scots is probably the reason why the "Egilssaga", p. 266 (Ch. 51), calls Olaf Cuaran (Olafr Raudi) "Konungr a Scotlandi", and adds that he was "Skozkr a faudr-kyni". Cf. the expression "Olafr Skotakonungr in Ch. 52, p. 269.

⁴³ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 70 sq.—Bugge, Bidrag, p. 131: "Ethelred" seems to be a slip of the pen for Aethelstan.

⁴⁴ Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, p. 281.

⁴⁵ Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, pp. 281, 282.—Steenstrup III, p. 72.

⁴⁶ Cf. Steenstrup, 1. c.

⁴⁷ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 73 sqq.

⁴⁸ Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, p. 282.—Steenstrup III, p. 73.

⁴⁹ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 79.

⁵⁰ Ibid.

⁵¹ Ibid.

⁵² Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 81.

⁵³ Ibid.

⁵⁴ Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, p. 284 sq.

⁵⁵ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 86.

⁵⁶ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 87.

⁵⁷ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 88.

⁵⁸ Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, p. 285 sq.—Steenstrup III, p. 143 sqq.

⁵⁹ Cf. Todd, Gaedhill, p. 286.—Steenstrup III, p. 146.

⁶⁰ Cf. Steenstrup III, p. 147.—Bugge, Bidrag, p. 132,

⁶¹ Hist. Litteraire XIII, p. 63 sqq.—De La Rue, Essais II, p. 104 sqq.—T. Brink, Gesch. I, p. 174.—Suchier-Birch-Hirschfeld, p. 113.—Gröber's Grundr. II: 1, p. 472 sq.

⁶² Gaimar I, p. 3. Cf. 1, 4, p. 1.—Wendeburg, G. von Monmouth, p. 16.

⁶³ Lib. XI, c. 2, 3, 4, 5.

⁶⁴ Mon. Hist. Brit. I, p. 16, C, D.

⁶⁵ Cf. Gaimar II, p. XX.

⁶⁶ Cf. Gaimar II, p. XVII.

⁶⁷ C. R. I, p. 426.

⁶⁸ Cf. Gaimar II, p. XVII sq.—C. R. I, p. 425.

⁶⁹ Gaimar II, pp. XIX sqq., XXIII sqq.

⁷⁰ A. S. Chr. I, p. 139.

⁷¹ Gaimar I, p. 124.

⁷² Todd, Gaedhill, p. 278.

⁷³ Cf. C. R. I, p. 430.

⁷⁴ Storm, Havelok Kvaran, p. 3.

⁷⁵ Cf. Gaimar I, p. 22, 1. 524. King "Aschis" mentioned here is evidently taken from Geoffrey of Monmouth, Lib. XI, chap. 2, where he is called Aschillius of Dacia.

⁷⁶ Langtoft I, p. 318.

⁷⁷ Hearne, Langtoft-Brunne I, p. 25.

⁷⁸ Cf. Steenstrup II, p. 74.

⁷⁹ C. R. 1, p. 442. Stephens, King Waldere's lay, p. 21 (3).

⁸⁰ Cf. C. R. 1, p. 443 sq.—Munch, N. F. H. 1: 1, p. 628 sq.

⁸¹ Cf. Körting, p. 124.—Langtoft, I, p. XII.—T. Brink I, p. 357.

⁸² Cf. C. R. 1, p. 424 sq.—Mon. Hist. Brit. I, p. 775, note d.—Gaimar II, p. 27, note.

⁸³ Gaimar I, p. 37.

⁸⁴ A. S. Chr. I, p. 96.—Cf. Loanwords II, p. 262 sq.

⁸⁵ Cf. Saxo, Lib. I.

⁸⁶ Gimar I, p. 83.

⁸⁷ This passage, in which there is no direct reference to Havelok, is contained in the narrative of the meeting of Cnut and Edmond Ironside in 1016. Gaimar makes Cnut say (Gaimar I, p. 183):

"E bien sachez, loigtenement
Lurent Daneis, nostre parent,
Pres de mil anz lout Dane anceis
Ke unc i entrast Certiz 1i reis"
(ll. 4315 sqq.).

This idea of Gaimar's, represented by the three last quotations, is not without parallels in other mediazval compilations. The "Ynglingasaga" claims the same for the northern hero, Ivar Vidfamne, viz. that he conquered a part of England (Heimskringla I, p. 74; chap. 41).—Saxo (Lib. II, p. 46 sq.) makes King Frode defeat Britons and Scots; Hamlet (Lib. IV, p. 104 sq.) wars with the Britons, and a second king Frode (Lib. V, pp. 166, 168 sq.) with the Britons and the Irish.—Cf. Steenstrup I, p. 12 sq.

⁸⁸ Cf. Ahlström, Lais-Litt., p. 123 sq.

⁸⁹ Searle, Onomast., p. 222.

⁹⁰ Cf. Björkman in Herrig's Arch. f. d. n. Spr., Bd. 101, 1898, p. 393.—Morsbach, King Horn, p. 305 is of a somewhat different opinion.

⁹¹ Searle, Onomast., p. 20 sq.

⁹² C. R. I, p. 440.

⁹³ Munch, N. F. H. III, p. 45 sq.

⁹⁴ Munch, N. F. H. III, p. 180 sq.

⁹⁵ Bened. of Peterb. I, pp. 266 sqq., 320.

⁹⁶ Rog. de Hoveden I, p. LI.

⁹⁷ Rog. de Hoveden II, pp. 214 sqq., 290; III, p. 270 sqq.; IV, pp. 25, 162.

⁹⁸ Storm, Havelok Kvaran, p. 4.

⁹⁹ C. R. I, p. 440.

¹⁰⁰ Cf. Madden, p. XXXVIII.

¹⁰¹ Maurer, Bekehrung I, p. 256 sq.—Worsaae, Erobring, p. 240 sq.

¹⁰² Worsaae, Erobring, p. 244.

¹⁰³ Worsaae, Erobring, p. 245.

¹⁰⁴ P. Fol. Ms. II, p. 509, sq. This change of names occurs also in the edition printed by Copland. Cf. P. Fol. Ms. II, p. 511.—Tanner, Guy von Warwick, p. 53.—Körting, p. 100.—C. R. I, pp. 473, 500.

¹⁰⁵ P. Fol. Ms. II, p. 528, note 2.

¹⁰⁶ Steenstrup III, p. 287.—Cf. T. Brink, p. 292.

Works Cited

A. Bugge, Norsemen in Ireland = Contributions to the History of the Norsemen in Ireland by Alexander Bugge. I. II. Christiania 1900. Videnskabsselskabets skrifter. II. Historisk-filosofisk Klasse No. 4, 5.

Ahlström, Lais-Litt. = Studier i den fornfranska lais-litteraturen. Akad. Afhandl. af Axel Ahlstrom. Upsala 1892.

Aiol, N. R. = Aiol … p. p. Jacques Normand et Gaston Raynaud. Société des anciens textes francais. Paris 1877.

Ann. Cambr. = Annales Cambriae. Edited by John William ab Ithel. London 1860. Rerum Britannicarum medii ævi scriptores, or Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the Middle Ages, No 20. [In the following references shortened to: Chron. and memor.]

A. S. Chr. = The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Edited, with a translation by Benjamin Thorpe. Vol. I. Original Texts. Vol. II. Translation. London 1861. Chron. and Memor. 23.

Bartsch-Horning = La langue et la littérature francaises.. par Karl Bartsch et Adolf Horning. Paris 1887.

Behrens, Beiträge = Beiträge zur Geschichte der französischen sprache in England von Dietrich Behrens. Französische Studien. Hrsgg. von G. Körting und E. Koschwitx. V. Bd. 2 Heft. Heilbronn 1886.

Bened. of Peterb. = Gesta regis Henrici Secundi Benedicti abbatis. Ed. by William Stubbs. Vols. I-II. London 1867. Chron. and Memor. 49.

Bibl. Normannica = Bibliotheca Normannica … hrsgg. von Hermann Suchier. VII: Der anglonormannische Boeve de Haumtone … von Albert Stimming. Halle 1899.

Brut y Tywysog. = Brut y Tywysogion or The Chronicle of the Princes. Edited by John William ab Ithel. London 1860. Chron. and Memor. 17.

Bugge, Bidrag = Bidrag til den ælste skaldedigtnings historie. Af Sophus Bugge. Christiania 1894.

Camden, Britannia = Britannia sive florentissimorum regnorum Angliæ, Scotiæ, Hiberniæ … authore Guilielmo Camdeno. Londini 1600.

Chaucer = The poetical works of Geoffrey Chaucer. With an essay on his language and versification … By Thomas Tyrwhitt. London 1871.

Chron Scot. = Chronicum Scotorum. A chronicle of Irish affairs … Ed. by William M. Hennessy. London 1866. Chron. and Memor. 46.

C. R. = Catalogue of Romances in the Dept of Mss. in the British Museum. By H. L. D. Ward. Vols. I, II. London 1883, 1893.

De la Rue, Essais = Essais historiques sur les bardes … par l'Abbé De la Rue. Vols. I-Ill. Caen 1834.

Descript. Catal. = Descriptive Catalogue of Materials relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland … by Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy. Vols. I-III. London 1862-1871. Chron. and Memor. 26.

Egilssaga = Egils-Saga sive Egilli Skallagrimii vita … Havniæ 1809.

Flateyarbók = Flateyarbok. En samling af Norske Kongesagaer … I-III. Christiania 1860-68.

Foerster, Erec und Enide = Kristian von Troyes Erec und Enide … Hrsgg. von Wendelin Foerster. Romanische Bibliothek VIII. Halle a. S. 1896.

Foerster, R. L. B. = Richars li Biaus z. e. m. hrsgg. von Wendelin Foerster. Wien 1874.

Furnivall, Rob. of Brunne = The story of England by Robert Manning of Brunne … Ed. by Frederick J. Furnivall. Vols. I, II. London 1887. Chron. and Memor. 87.

Gaimar = Lestorie des Engles solum la translacion Meistre Geffrei Gaimar. Ed. by Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy and Charles Trice Martin. Vols. I, II. London 1888-89. Chron. and Memor. 91.

Gautier, Epopées = Les epopées franccaises par Léon Gautier. Vols. I-IV. 2^e édit. Paris 1878-94.

G. G. A. = Göttingiche Gelehrte Anzeigen. Göttingen 1890.

Grimm, Heldensage = Die deutsche Heldensage von Wilhelm Grimm. Göttingen 1829.

Grüninger = Herpin. Der weis Ritter wie er so, getruwlich bei stund ritter Leuwen, des Hertzogen sun von Burges, das er zu letst ein Künigreich besass. Grüninger, Strassburg, 1514.

Grässe, Sagenkreise = Die grossen Sagenkreise des Mittelatters … von J. G. Th. Grässe. Dresden und Leipzig 1842.

Gröber's Grundr. = Grundriss der romanischen Philologie. Hrsgg. von Gustav Gröber. II: 1. Strassburg 1902.

Gunnlaugssaga Ormstungu = Gunnlaugssaga Ormstungu … hrsgg. von E. Mogk. Halle a. S. 1886. Altnordische Texte hrsgg. von E. Mogk, I.

Hagen, Gesammtabenteuer = Gesammtabenteuer … hrsgg. von F. H. von der Hagen. I—IV. Stuttgart und Tübingen 1850.

Hearne, Langtoft-Brunne = Peter Langtoft's Chronicle illustrated and improv'd by Robert of Brunne.—Transcribed … from a ms. in the Inner Temple Library by Thomas Hearne. Vols. I, II. Oxford 1725. The works of Thomas Hearne, vols. III, IV.

Heimskringla = Heimskringla. Nóregs Konungasogur af Snorri Sturluson. Udgivne … ved Finnur Jónsson. I—IV. Kjöbenhavn 1893–1900.

Hist. Littéraire = Histoire littéraire de la France. Vols. XIII, XVIII, XX, XXII, XXVII. Paris 1814—1877.

Holthausen, Havelok = Havelok. Edited by F. Holthausen. London, New York and Heidelberg 1902. Old and Middle English texts. Edited by L. Morsbach and F. Holthausen. Vol. I.

Jonckbloet, Guill. D'Orange = Guillaume d'Orange … p. p. M. W. J. A. Jonckbloet. Vols. I, II. La Haye 1854.

Junker, Grundr. der Franz. Litt. = Grundriss der Geschichte der französischen Litteratur von ihren Anfängen bis zur Genenwart von Heinrich Junker. 2. Aufl. Münster i W. 1894. Sammlung von Kompendien fur das Studium und die Praxis. I. Serie. 2.

Krit. Jahresb. = Kritischer Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte der Romanischen Philologie … hrsgg. von Karl Vollmöller … I—III, 1890–1894, München, Erlangen, 1892–1897.

Körting = Grundriss der Geschichte der Englischen Litteratur von ihren Anfängen bis zur Genenwart von Gustaf Körting. 2. Aufl. Münster i W. 1893. Sammlung von Kompendien für das Studium und die Praxis I. Serie 1.

Köster, Havelok Danske = Sagnet om Havelok Danske. Fortalt af Kristian Köster. Kjöbenhavn 1868.

Landnámabók = Landnámabók. Udg. af det Kongl. Nordiske Oldskriftselskab. Kjöbenhavn 1900.

Langtoft = The Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft in French verse … Edited by Thomas Wright. Vols. I, II. London 1866, 1868. Chron. and Memor. 47.

Leland, Collectanea = Joannis Lelandi Antiquarii de Rebus Britannicis Collectanea. Ed. Thomas Hearne. Vols. I—VI. London 1774.

Liebrecht, Volkskunde = Zur Volkskunde. Alte und neue Aufsfätze von Felix Liebrecht. Heilbronn 1879.

Livy = Titi Livi ab Urbe condita. Stockholm 1893.

Loanwords = Scandinavian Loanwords in Middle English I; II (Studien zur Englischen Philologie, hrsgg. von Lorenz Morsbach XI). Halle a. S. 1900, 1902.

Madden: The ancient English Romance of Havelok the Dane, accompanied by the French text… by Frederick Madden. Printed for the Roxburghe Club, London … 1828.

Maurer, Bekehrung. Die Bekehrung des Norwegischen Stammes zum Christenthume … von Konrad Maurer. 1, II. München 1855, 56.

Metrical Romances = Ancient Engleish Metrical Romanceës, selected … by Joseph Ritson. Vols. I—III. London 1802.

Michelant, Guill. de Palerne = Guillaume de Palerne, p. p. Henri Michelant. Paris 1876.

Michel, Havelok = Le lai d'Havelok le Danois, p. p. Francois Michel. Paris 1833.

Mon. Hist. Brit. = Monumenta Historica Britannica or Materials for the History of Britain … Vol. 1. Edited by Henry Petrie and John Sharpe. London 1848.

Morris and Skeat, Specimens = Specimens of Early English … by Richard Morris and Walter W. Skeat. Part II. Oxford 1879.

Morsbach, King Horn = Die Angebliche Originalität des frühmittelenglischen "King Horn" … von Lorenz Morsbach. Sonderabzug aus: Beiträge zur romanischen und englischen Philologie. Festschrift für Wendelin Foerster. Halle a. S. 1902.

Munch, N. F. H. = Det norske folks historie af P. A. Munch. Vols. I-III, Christiania 1852-57.

Nord. Myt. = Nordens Mythologi eller Sindbilled Sprog … af Nik. Fred. Sev. Grundtvig. Kiöbenhavn 1832.

Noreen, Grammat. = Altnordische Grammatik von Adolf Noreen. I. 2. Aufl. Halle 1892.

Norw. Saga þidriks af Bern = Saga þidriks Konungs af Bern … Udgivet af C. R. Unger. Christiania 1853.

Nyrop, Heltedigtning = Den oldfranske Heltedigtning by Kristoffer Nyrop. Kjøbenhavn, Heilbronn, Paris 1883.

Olrik, Sakses Oldhistorie = Kilderne til Sakses Old-historie. En litteratur-historisk undersögelse af Axel Olrik. I, II. Köbenhavn 1892, 94.

Paris, Manuel = Manuel d'ancien francais. La Littérature française au Moyen Age par Gaston Paris. 2^e. éd. Paris 1890.

Paul's Grundr. = Grundriss der germanischen Philologie … hrsgg. von Hermann Paul. II¹. Strassburg 1889-1893.

Percy, Reliques = Reliques of Ancient English poetry … by Thomas Percy. Ed. by J. V. Prichard. Vols. I, II. London 1876.

P. Fol. Ms. = Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript. Ballads and Romances. Edited by John W. Hales and Frederick Furnivall. Vol. I-IV. London 1867-68.

P. Meyer, Bulletin 1878 = De quelques chroniques anglo-normandes qui ont porté le nom de Brut par Paul Meyer. Bulletin de la Société des anciens textes français, 1878, No. 3. Paris 1878.

P. Paris, Mscr. = Les manuscripts françois … par Paulin Paris. III. Paris 1840.

Putnam, Lambeth = The Lambeth version of Havelok … by Edward Kirby Putnam. Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 1900. Ed. by James W. Bright. Vol. XV: 1, New Series, Vol. VIII: 1. Baltimore 1900.

Raimbert, Ogier. La Chevalerie Ogier de Danemarche par Raimbert de Paris. I, II. Paris 1842. (Ed. J. Barrois). Romans des douze pairs de France. VIII, IX.

Reiffenberg, le Chev. au Cygne = Le chevalier au cygne et Godefroid de Bouillon p. p. F. A. F. Th. Reiffenberg. Vol. II, Bruxelles 1848. Vol. III par A. Borgnet. Bruxelles 1854.

Revue Celtique = Revue Celtique publiee … par H. Gaidoz. I, III. London 1870-72; 1876-78.

Rog. de Hoveden = Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene. Ed. by William Stubbs. Vols. I-IV, London 1868-71. Chron. and Memor. 51.

Rom. Stud. IV = Die Haveloksage bei Gaimar und ihr Verhaltniss zum Lai d'Havelok von Max Kupferschmidt. Romanische Studien, hrsgg. von Eduard Boehmer. Vierter Band 1879–80. Bonn 1880.

Saxo = Saxonis Grammatici Gesta Danorum. Hrsgg. von Alfred Holder. Strassburg 1886.

Schmidt, zur Heimatbestimmung = Zur Heimatbestimmung des Havelok. Diss. (Gottingen) von Friedrich Schmidt. Gottingen 1900.

Searle, Onomast. = Onomasticon Anglosaxonicum by W. G. Searle. Cambridge 1897.

Skeat, Cl. Pr. = The lay of Havelok the Dane … by Walter W. Skeat. Oxford, Clarendon Press 1902.

Skeat, E. E. T. S. = The lay of Havelok the Dane … by Walter W. Skeat. Early English Text Society. Extra Series. No. IV. London 1868.

Steenstrup = Normannerne. Af Johannes Steenstrup. I—IV. Kjöbenhavn 1876–1882.

Stephens, King Waldere's Lay = Two Leaves of King Waldere's lay … by George Stephens. Cheapinghaven, London 1860.

Storm, Bidrag = Kritiske bidrag til Vikingetidens Historie. (I. Ragnar Lodbrok og Gange-Rolv). Af Gustav Storm. Kristiania 1878.

Storm, Havelok Kvaran = Havelok the Dane and the Norse king Olaf Kuaran. By Gustav Storm. Christiania Videnskabsselskabs Forhandlinger 1879. No. 10. Christiania 1880.

Storm, Snorre Sturlason = Snorre Sturlason, Kongesagaer. Oversat at Gustav Storm. Nationaludgave. 2:den udgave. Kristiania 1900.

Suchier, Beaumanoir = Oeuvres poetiques de Philippe de Remi Sire de Beaumanior p. p. Herman Suchier. Vol. I. Paris 1884.

Suchier-Birch-Hirschfeld = Geschichte der franzosischen Litteratur … von Hermann Suchier and Adolf Birch-Hirschfeld. Leipzig und Wien 1900.

Swed. Didrik af Bern = Sagan om Didrik af Bern … utgifven af Gunnar Olof Hylten-Cavallius. Stockholm 1850. Samlingar utgifna af Svenska Fornskrift-Sallskapet. Femte delen.

Tanner, Guy von Warwick = Die Sage von Guy von Warwick … Diss. (Heidelberg) von A. Tanner. Bonn 1877.

T. Brink, Gesch. = Geschichte der englischen Litteratur von Bernhard ten Brink. I, Berlin 1877. II, hrsgg. von Alois Brandl. Strassburg 1893.

Todd, Gaedhill = The war of the Gaedhill with the Gaill … Ed. by James Henthorn Todd. London 1867. Chron. and Memor. 48.

Wace's Brut = Le Roman de Brut par Wace … publie … par Le Roux de Lincy. I, II. Rouen 1836–38.

Warton, H. E. P. = History of English poetry … by Thomas Warton. Ed. by W. Carew Haxlitt. Vols. I—IV. London 1871.

Wendeburg, Gottfried von Monmouth = Ueber die Bearbeitung von Gottfried von Monmouth's Historia Regum Britanniæ in der Hs. Brit. Mus. Harl. 1605. Dissert. (Erlingen) von Otto Wendeburg. Braunschweig 1881.

Wilhelmi, Lion de Bourges = Studien uber die Chanson de Lion de Bourges. Dissert. (Marburg) von Heinrich Wilhelmi. Marburg 1894.

Vising, Dissert. = Etude sur le dialecte anglo-normand du XIIe siecle par Johan Vising. Dissert. (Upsala). Upsala 1882.

Vising, Franska Spraket = Franska Spraket i England af Johan Vising. I, II. Goteborg 1900, 1901.

Wolf, Hofman, Prim. y Flor de Rom. = Primavera y Flor de Romances … publ. por Fernando Jose Wolf y Conrado Hofman. Vols. I, II. Berlin 1856.

Worsaae, Erobring = Den danske Erobring af England og Normandiet ved J. J. A. Worsaae. Kjöbenhavn 1863.

Worsaae, Minder = Minder om de Danske og Nordmandene i England, Skotland og Irland af J. J. A. Worsaae. Kjöbenhavn 1851.

Wright, Gaimar = The Anglo-Norman Metrical Chronicle of Geoffrey Gaimar. Ed. by Thomas Wright. Publications of the Caxton Society 2. London 1850.

Wülker, Gesch. = Geschichte der englischen Litteratur … von Richard Wülker. Leipzig und Wien 1896.

Z. F. D. Alterthum N. F. XX = Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum und deutsche Litteratur. Hrsgg. von Elias Steinmeyer. Bd. 32. Neue Folge 20. Berlin 1888.