SOURCE: French, Walter. “Nurnberger Types as Revealed by Sachs.” In Mediaeval Civilization as Illustrated by the Fastnachtspiele of Hans Sachs, pp. 15-32. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1925.

[In the following essay, French examines Sachs's characterization of each class in contemporary society.]

In the Fastnachtspiele of Sachs we find represented all the classes of society, from the noble to the vagabond, that may be considered representative of the Nürnberg of the early sixteenth century. While their customs, thoughts, and ideals are revealed in detail, we are given more than a mere photographic sketch of the times; the author is never forgetful of truth, and those traits are emphasized that have ever been characteristic of the types described. The point of view of Sachs is, therefore, not a simple one. He assumes the part of the casual bystander who is making articulate the observations of the common man; but the conclusions drawn are those of the thoughtful idealist. This dual point of view on the one hand accounts for the gross caricatures of the priest, the peasant, and the like, and at the same time makes plausible the evidences of an attitude of mind which, on many subjects, is modern rather than mediaeval.

In three ways does Sachs contribute to our knowledge of the age: by outlining the distinctive characteristics of the classes, by revealing the external life of his contemporaries, and by reflecting the mental life of his people.

THE NOBLE

Sachs does not attempt to give a complete picture of the life of the ruling class; he desires, merely, to set off the nobility in contrast with the submerged classes that it may be evident how unfairly the burdens of the world are being distributed. To illustrate his point he is as likely to choose a classical ruler as he is a German noble of his own day. The following Fspe [Fastnachtspiele] with a German setting have references to the nobility: (1) (2) (15) (27) (35) (43) (61) (75) (81) (83); in plays with a foreign setting: (30) (44) (47) (50) (71) (73) (85).

The duties of the aristocracy, according to Sachs, are to rule wisely and to protect the land and people, (3) l. 391-94; (15) l. 90-92; (52) l. 188-190. In each case the complaint is made that these duties have not been fulfilled; in fact the noble has oppressed the people, rather than protected them, (9) l. 87; (78) l. 33. In some instances the noble has degenerated into a confessed robber.¹ (27)

As Sachs never forgets his mission of reformer, although a kindly one, he does not overlook the opportunity to find a lesson in the evil effects of overambition on the part of the ruler, (7) l. 358; (30) l. 185 ff; (44) l. 311 ff; (47) l. 311 ff. Likewise the extravagance and vices of the privileged class are intended to serve as a lesson to his audience of the necessity of moderation in living. (cf. Living Conditions, Amusements, etc.)

THE PRIEST

As a staunch supporter of Luther, Hans Sachs delighted in ridiculing the priest. While the priests of Sachs are more worthy of contempt than those in the sources from which the material is taken,² yet he was no more hostile than his immediate contemporaries. As Drews says,³ the contempt and hatred for the priesthood was general and may be seen from the pictures as well as from the literature, “Unbildung und Rohheit, Habgier und grobe Sinnlichkeit, Genußsucht und brutales Wesen charakterisierten den geistlichen Stand”. With all the ridicule of the priesthood, there is only one play in which a direct attack on the Catholic church has been made (53), and even here we are led to believe that the object of his satire is this particular Inquisitor and this one cloister, not the entire institution.⁴

Throughout the Fspe Sachs endeavors to make us believe that he is merely reflecting what the people themselves think of the priest rather than giving us his own opinion. In no play, however, is the priest really a sympathetic character. Only his worst failings, avarice, immorality, ignorance, and lack of true religion, are emphasized. He shows that all classes, especially the peasant, have been abused by the priest, and since the advent of Luther have shown less respect for the cloth than before.

There are numerous instances in the Fspe where the source has been changed to make the priest appear in a more ridiculous light. For example, Pauli never speaks as disrespectfully of the priest as does Truth in (24). In the source to (27) the abbot has a retinue; in Sachs he is accompanied only by a Pfaffenknecht.⁵ In the source to (58) the priest beats the waitress, while here they fight. In the source to (37) the priest is invited to the home of the peasant women, but here he comes uninvited and is shown to be of low character.⁶

With Sachs there is nothing about the priest to enlist our admiration. He is not considered a holy man and practically every evil trait is ascribed to him.

In his private life he is a riotous liver (9) l. 64-66; (13) l. 195; (27) l. 185 ff; (53) l. 188-9, and at the same time he is notoriously lazy, (9) l. 75 ff; (13) l. 155 ff. The most characteristic feature of his private life, the one most frequently referred to by Sachs, is his immorality. In the following plays he is either guilty of immorality or is mentioned as a disturber of domestic relations: (9) l. 71; (10) l. 101; (12) l. 174; (19) l. 218; (21) l. 264-265; (37) l. 7 ff; (38) l. 159; (54) l. 9; (56) l. 40; (57) l. 36 ff; (58) l. 237; (62) l. 413; (65) l. 284; (69) l. 4 ff; (72) l. 375.

As the sacristan says in (69) l. 113-14:

Wer sein Haus halten wil gar saüber
Huet sich vor Pfaffen und vor Taüber …

The priest as a lovemaker is always described as being uncouth to the extreme. In 54 l. 55-56 he is big-mouthed, bent over (bucklet), lame, one-eyed, and resembles a goat in odor. In (37) l. 268 ff a similar description is given. The most common epithet applied to him is “laussing Pfaffen”, (34) l. 306; (54) l. 58; (60) l. 188. The trooper (13) l. 211-13 shows his contempt for the priest by calling him:

Den schmaichler, gleisner und den hewchler,
Den dueckischen, hemishen meuchler,
Ein poes kraut uber all krewter.

The peasant (65) l. 317 tells him:

So wis, du pist ein hüeren pfaff,
Fürwicz und gneschich wie ain aff,
Selten ler und allezeit vol.

As a priest he is no better regarded than as a man. He is, above all, avaricious, being willing to do anything for the sake of gain. Of the priest in (51) it is said, l. 283-4:

So er ein pfenning auß geben sol,
So schawdt er in vor dreyman wol.

He himself says, l. 264, “Kupffer Gelt, kupffer seelmess”. His mind is only on sausages and money l. 207-16, and he volunteers to help Eulenspiegel only when he is promised a reward l. 308. In (9) l. 61-2 his hopes for gain are from “Kirchwey, aplass,⁷ creutzfart, wallfart”. The inquisitor (53) recounts, at length how he is able to make a substantial living by catching alleged blasphemers, l. 48 ff:

Wo sich erhüb ein Ketzerey,
Von Reychen, armen, jung odr alt,
So hab ich Bepstlichen gewalt,
Dem selben ein straff zu benennen,
In zu würgen oder verbrennen,
Oder in ein presaun zu schaffen,
Oder umb ein Summa gelts zu straffen,
Darmit ich den gemeinen Man
In große forcht gesetzet han,
Das mir ein weil durch list und renck
Sehr viel helküchel, gab und schenk
In meinem beutel hat getragen.

The lower class of clergy often fell so far below the requirements expected of the profession as to practice the black arts. The vagabond priest (schotten pfaff) in (77) makes use of the black art to mystify the peasants, l. 45 ff:

Ich laüff umb auf der thermaney,
Umb steür ich pawren an schrey
Und auch die pewrin in den dingen,
Sag, ich wöl mein erste mes singen.
Darzu hab ich gesamelt zwar
Nün doling pis ins siebent jar;
Wan ich pin leichnam seicht gelert,
Mein künst mir gar leichtlich entpfert.
Ich darff in kain schwais pad nit siczen;
Ich fuercht, mir würt mein kunst ausschwiczen.
Ein deütschen herren geb ich schon;
Wan gar wenig latein ich kan.
Also im lant ich umher reis,
Die pawren ich laich und pescheis,
Henck ainem an hals ain wüntsegen—
Also nert ich mich meine tag
Mit pawren pscheisen, wo ich mag,
Pettl und stiel ain wenig darzu,
Das ist mein handel spat und fru.

The priest also appears as conjuror in (34) l. 217 ff; (41) l. 220 ff; (51) l. 347 ff. In (34) and (51) he is required to cast out devils, while in (41) he has a charm, whereby he may discover who has stolen a side of bacon.

In addition to being unscrupulous the priest is represented as being ignorant. In (77) l. 56 he confesses that he knows little Latin; also l. 301-2 in the same play, the peasants observe:

Mich düncket, mein domine,
Wie ir kaüm künt das a. b. c.

The peasants in (65) l. 320-23, tell the priest,

Kanst weder singn noch lesen wol.
Der schrift pistu geleret seicht
Und trüezt allain auf pann und peicht,
Weist uns ein weg, den selb nit gest.

An example of the priest's Latin is given in (51) l. 218. In answer to Eulenspiegel's “Bona Dies” the priest replies, “Beneueneritis, semper quies”. Cf also (58) l. 82.

The threat of excommunication, formerly so feared by the people, has become a joke with the peasants of Sachs. Through the influence of Luther they have begun to realize of how little significance the Bann is. The contempt for the Bann is shown in several of the Fspe. In (27) l. 148 the nobleman replies to the threat of excommunication by saying, “So wöllen wir ind Erbeis gahn”.⁸ Similar replies are made in (53) l. 256-7; (54) l. 15-16; (65) l. 266; (77) l. 300. The priest in (9) l. 52 laments that the Bann has lost its effectiveness.

In other respects the priest has suffered through the influence of the Reformation. The priest (51) l. 208 complains that the peasants do not offer him any more sacrifices nor give him any sausages. In (9) l. 50-54 the priest says that he no longer gets money for Seelmess (mass for the dead) or Beichtgelt (confession) and that he often has to fast. In (13) l. 153 ff he must collect haller, flax, and cheese the same as any other beggar. He is cursed by the peasant women and is compelled to eat bread and drink water. He says, l. 157-8,

Ich sol arbeiten, sie mich plagen
Und thun mir stez vom Luter sagen.

The Inquisitor (53) l. 418 ff also laments the change in attitude towards the church. Supplementing what has been said before he adds, l. 423-5:

Unser Betrug ist worden laut,
Derhalb der Lay uns nicht mer traudt
Und streinet stets umb in der Bibel.

Many of the stock expressions of the day showed the popular contempt for the priesthood. The maid in (4) l. 85-6 says:

Bin ich doch nicht der Babst zu Rom!
Kein gnad, ablaß nye von mir kom.

(8) l. 142: “Ich sol ein Priester wern?”

Only occasionally does Sachs show a priest who is not a discredit to his profession. In (42) the monk and abbot cure a man of jealousy, but they have to resort to a trick to accomplish their purpose, l. 128 ff. Even here Sachs contrives to emphasize the trickiness of the clergy. The peasant asks Herr Ulrich how the peasants are brought into purgatory, and the latter says that the feat is beyond him, making the work of the abbot the more impressive.⁹ In (70) the Waldbruder at first appears to be pious. He watches, serves God with chastisement, sleeps on a hard bed and had foresworn carthly honor. Being a priest, however, he yields to temptation at the first sight of a large sum of money.¹⁰

THE MERCHANT CLASS

The merchant class is frequently alluded to by Sachs, representatives appearing as important characters in the following Fspe: (13) (19) (23) (32) (66) (74) (78); the merchant is also mentioned in (52) l. 199-204 and in (70) l. 118-21.

The Kaufmann. At the time of Sachs, as today, there was a great difference between members of the selling profession. The wealthiest and most respected was the Kaufmann, many of whose activities are mentioned by Sachs. Since little business was done by correspondence, the merchant having personal supervision over the purchase of his wares, extensive travelling into foreign parts was necessitated. This is true of Sachs's Kaufmänner: (23) l. 3 ff; (78) l. 151-153, while the Lord in telling one of the sons of Eve that he is to become a merchant adds, (52) l. 201-2,

Und solt bringen allerley war
Von eim Landt in das ander dar.(11)

While on these trips the merchant was always in danger of robbery, either on land or sea. Merchants many times complain of losses incurred in this way:¹² (23) l. 282-3; (78) l. 153-55; in (70) l. 118 the murderers would like to meet a merchant. The danger was so great, that as Steinhausen¹³ says, merchants often travelled in large bands by way of protection.

Another source of annoyance was the Zoll, charged by the cities where the goods were to be sold. It was at times exhorbitant, the profits earned by trading not being considered honest.¹⁴ Sachs makes one reference to the Zollhaus (23) l. 226.

Once the goods were ready to be placed on sale the merchant was reasonably sure of a fair profit. In (7) l. 173-5 the business of the merchant is told,

Auffs wölfeilst kauffen und thewrst gebn
Und ander geschicklikeit darnebn
Das füllt mir truhen, seck und kasten.

Nicola (23) l. 13-15 and Simplicius (32) l. 1 ff have sold their wares to such an advantage that they are well supplied with money. Both are, however, better versed in business than in the ways of the world. It is a kindly delight that the man of letters takes in exposing the deficiencies of the single-track mind.

The annual fairs were the centers of trade.¹⁵ The merchant in (78) l. 152 mentions attending the “mes und merck”; in (74) l. 1 Simplicius leaves to attend the Frankfort fair.

While as a general rule the merchant with Sachs is successful, failure is by no means uncommon. Simplicius (74) l. 5 ff has run into debt; in (19) l. 1 ff the merchant finds his obligations so heavy that he is willing to sell his soul to the devil; in (78) l. 159-68, when he has piled up debts, he has had recourse to the usurer, who has charged him a high rate of interest. In most cases the merchant has no one but himself to blame for the poor condition of his finances, as he tries to live beyond his means by imitating the rich (78) l. 176 ff. It is that characteristic of the merchant that Sachs holds up to ridicule.¹⁶

Krämer. The small tradesman of the Fspe is little more than a packpeddler. He is inferior to the Kaufmann in social position but is just as essential to the trade of the times, (13) l. 92 ff; (66) l. 40 ff. His trials are many: he is forced to carry a pack on his back laden with hair ribbons, lace, “schlötterlein”,¹⁷ pipes, brandy, sugar, etc, (13) l. 97 ff, or with cakes of all kinds, girdles, and needles, (66) l. 40 ff, and, at the same time, is compelled to protect himself against robbers, as well as from ill treatment at the hands of the peasants. All details of his life of woe are enumerated by the Krämer in (13), l. 101 ff:

Von einer Kirchweich zw der andern
Und all jarmerck mues ich durch wandern,
In allen dörffern in dem Krais,
Den winter kalt, den sumer hais,
Bis ich mein narung thw erholn.
Auch wirt mir leichnam vil gestoln,
Als zucker und leckuchen daffeln.
Die müecken thun mir vil verpaffeln;
Vil pöser schuld hab ich pein pawren.
Oft duet ein schnaphan auf mich lawren,
Nempt mir, was ich lang hab gewunnen,
Des mues ich drincken aus dem prunnen,
Ubel essen und hart liegen,
Pis ich ein andern thw erkriegen.

The same sentiments are expressed by the Kremerin (66) l. 74 ff. In the latter case their poverty has been caused by the Krämer's gambling and his wife's drinking, l. 16-18, 93.

In the practice of his profession the Krämer is an adept at hoodwinking the public, by such tricks as mixing brick dust with saffran, mousedung with pepper (13) l. 129 ff, by selling a radish for a mandrake and by pretending to cure people with roots that he has picked up by the wayside (72) l. 107.

Closely allied to the Krämer is Ypocras, the apothecary (79) l. 165 ff, who has a booth, where he exhibits for sale saffran, ginger, nutmeg, pepper, capra, and cinnamon. To draw crowds he has built a fire; he then advertises his wares by crying, “Her! her! ich gib ain guetten Kauff“, l. 178. In name and the nature of his work he recalls the quack and kremer of the old Fspe, cf Sterz IV.

THE PHYSICIAN

While Sachs was one of the first writers to present any physician who was other than the incompetent quack (11) ( 17), yet even in these two instances there are enough resemblances to the conventional quack to show that Sachs has improved on a stock type rather than originated a new one.¹⁸ The quack had long been a comic figure in the early Fspe and in the religious dramas¹⁹ and Sachs was too desirous of pleasing his audience to humanize the physician too much. Yet, for all that, the representatives of this profession seem to observe the fundamental principles of medicine as understood at that time.

Of the physicians who appear in the plays, (11); Simon (16) (17); (76); Isaac (80),²⁰ the latter is a professed quack. He outlines the nature of his trade, l. 55 ff: after having practiced black art for many years, he realized that the peasants were more difficult to deceive and he had often had narrow escapes from personal injury. For that reason he decided to become a quack, although he had no qualifications, and had never studied medicine. He is afraid of the cities and still capitalizes the gullibility of the peasants, who are impressed by the Brief and Siegel, and accept his word for it that the testimonies are authentic. The only cure that he has is a purgative, which in its effect acts as a kill or cure.

The equipment of the quack consists of his identifying “Brief und Siegel”,²¹ (11) l. 17; (80) l. 75; glass for urine (11) ff l. 45; (16) l. 182; (80) l. 19. For an operation the physician uses in (11) l. 132-3, pincers, razor and sponges, towel and “zu labung sefft und köstlich würtz”.

The various kinds of diseases mentioned by Sachs include: dropsy, (5) l. 380; (11) l. 39; leprosy²² (11) l. 7; gallstones²³ (7) l. 138; (11) l. 7; (15) l. 291; (74) l. 130; gout, (3) l. 204; (11) l. 8; (15) l. 291; (79) l. 232; coughing, (11) l. 8; (68) l. 379; St Vitus dance,²⁴ (12) l. 252; (36) l. 204; St Urban's plague, (4) l. 431; (9) l. 69; (13) l. 194; (16) l. 38; (22) l. 178. The intermittent fever is mentioned figuratively in the sense that the three or four day fever is more to be desired than a scolding wife, because a man would have an occasional day of rest: (26) l. 5-7; (28) l. 13-15; (36) l. 288-91. Symbolical diseases are mentioned in (11), avarice, l. 171; envy, l. 185; lechery, l. 204; gluttony, l. 221; anger, l. 244; laziness, l. 260.

Dieases are diagnosed by the examination of the urine,²⁵ (11) l. 44-5; (16) l. 186; (80) l. 137; and by feeling the pulse, (16) l. 187. The color of the patient is also an aid to diagnosis. If he is pale or yellow he is sick: (16) l. 121-3; (26) l. 14; (36) l. 183; (50) l. 172; (58) l. 149. Death is indicated by the color of the one afflicted, (42) l. 193-7:

Secht ir nit, wie er ist erblichen?
All sein Krefft sint von im gewichen.
Secht nur, wie sich anspitzt sein Nasen,
Sein augen brechen im der Massen,
Sein pulss schlecht nit, er ist schon todt.

Chief among the cures was bleeding, (8) l. 368; (27) l. 141; (56) l. 275-7. In (27) bleeding is to be done as a cure for overindulgence while in (56) it is for the removal of bad blood which has caused the woman to be ungovernable. Peters²⁶ says that the body was charted by the barber-surgeon and for different ailments, different veins were opened. The blood was extracted into wide-necked vessels of metal and glass. No anaesthetic was used by surgeons, cf. (11) l. 143, “Halt! halt! du thust mir weh”.

Baths were recommended as curealls, although Sachs does not refer to them frequently: cf the Wildbad, (8) l. 367; (27) l. 116; and the bath maid, (8) l. 172.²⁷

Roots were supposed to have exceptional healing qualities: (11) l. 133; (76) l. 100-1. In (49) l. 193-6 the following medicinal roots are referred to: wormwood, fennel, bethony, camomile, celandine, basil, majoram, rue, lavender, saturei, Stabwurz. In (79) the roots are given miraculous properties, l. 187 ff nutmeg is good for a blow, cinnamon for a thrust, saffran for gout, capra for one bewitched. Cinnamon in (56) l. 317 is prescribed for one who is weak.²⁸

Little is said about the care of the sick or the afflicted, but the hospital is mentioned, (4) l. 43; (6) l. 218; (26) l. 398; (45) l. 62; (68) l. 392; also the madhouse, (46) l. 210; (49) l. 227. Care of the woman is not referred to although the deluded Kargas in (16) 1216 anxiously inquires if he will be in need of a wet nurse

THE INNKEEPER

The innkeeper is a popular type with Sachs and is not treated unsympathetically, possibly for the reason that many of the Fspe were presented in inns. The innkeeper appears in (9) (12) (13) (25) (51) (53) (62) (72) (81). As usual they have suggestive names, Kunz Tragauff, (81), Hans Wirt, (51), Simon Wirt, (53); women are in charge in (62) and (72).

Without exception the innkeeper professes poverty, (13) l. 1 ff; (25) l. 185 ff; (51) l. 67 ff; (72) l. 1 ff; (81) l. 113 ff. In (51) l. 67 ff he says that unless there is an improvement in business he will have to eat with the cat. He explains that his poverty is due to the dearness of barley and lack of trade. In (72) l. 17 ff he has brought on his own ruin by neglect of business. His wife, who has to run the inn, laments that the peasants have been allowed to run up their bills, which they cannot pay until after harvest, l. 10. She expresses the innkeeper's motto, l. 5-6:

Porgen und schreiben ant Kerben
Das möcht ein reicher Wirt verderben.

According to the tavern-keepers in (25) and (81) they occupied a low social position at that time, not merely because of their poverty, but also because of the trade to which they catered. In (25) l. 258 ff beggars, rascals (Spitzbuben), pack-peddlers, and Lanzknechte were admitted. The same is true of (81).

The most interesting fact pertaining to the innkeeper, and the one which might have value in placing the social position of this profession so low, was the trickery common to all proprietors of inns. It was the universal practice to put water in the beer and to overcharge, (25) l. 190 ff; (51) l. 241-2.

The general type of innkeeper at the time of Sachs must have been of low mentality as the innkeeper in (53) is taken as the model of gullibility. The proprietor and his wife in (51) and the wife in (72) fall easy victims of the wiles of Eulenspiegel.

That the innkeeper at times did more than merely take care of trade is indicated in (64) l. 39, where he is mentioned as a money lender.

THE ARTISAN

Although Sachs's sympathies are with the laboring class, he is fully aware of their faults and is ever ready to offer constructive criticism. There are only three Fspe with a plot in which the artisan is the central figure, (39) (64) (82). The first of these may be considered a Gesellendrama in that it deals with a journeyman learning his trade, while (64) and (82) show the evils caused by excesses and indolence. The broadest treatment of the artisan, however, is found in the revues, especially (9) (13) (78).

One finds a great variety of trades mentioned in the Fspe. The Lord (52) outlines the work of several trades: the shoemaker, l. 303 ff, the weaver, l. 309 ff and others including, l. 353-56, “zimmern, bawn und bachen, hossen, schmiden, drehen und ledergerben, müntzen, scheren und tuch ferben.”²⁹ In (3) l. 242 the mason is added and in (13) l. 53 the saddler and harness-maker, l. 54 the wagner.

In (72) l. 120 ff the innkeeper's wife expects a journeyman to be able to perform the following tasks, which may indicate that on occasion he might have to be a Jack-of-all-trades:

Ich merck, du pist ein handwercksmon,
Kanst etwan kessl und pfannen flicken,
Loffel schniczn oder garen stricken,
Schlotfegen oder protkorb machen,
Stroschneiden oder hüepen pachen,
Holczmessen oder sewen stechen,
Peutl abschneiden oder zen ausprechen,
Korblein zeün oder pessen pinden,
Hüntschlagen oder schelmen schinden,
Sew verschneiden oder hünt schern
Oder pappn haimen?

Concerning the actual working conditions of the laborer, little is said. The carter (13) l. 39 ff enumerates his misfortunes: he has to go out in all kinds of weather and often gets covered with mire, as well as his cart and horse. Accidents often occur whereby his cart gets upset or his horse dies. To make matters worse, his wife is of no assistance to him in the management of his affairs.

Instead of complaining about his own work, the artisan is more apt to complain against the oppression of the other classes. He hates above all the merchant, who demands high prices, and also the usurer, to whom he is often in debt, (9) l. 132-8; (78) l. 102-9. The reasons for this state of affairs are many. The dissolute habits of the laborer prevent him from being able to save any money. The fact that his family exists at all may be traced to the good management of his wife, (64) l. 18-19; (82) l. 96. He loves drink and gambling (13) l. 79 ff, and is accustomed to celebrate Monday as well as Sunday, (9) l. 146-7; (64) l. 9; (78) l. 124-6; (82) l. 95.³⁰ Another reason for his poverty was woman, (9) l. 149-50; (78) l. 127-8. Often the laborer became a Lanzknecht and went to the wars, leaving his family in distress. When he returned, having seen the ways of the rich, he tried to copy them and soon ran into debt, (78) l. 135-41.³¹ The principal reason, however, for the poor state of the finances of the artisan was that he overcrowded the trade by taking on too many apprentices, (78) l. 128 ff; (9) l. 151-8.³² According to Mummenhoff this was especially true of Nürnberg. The usual apportionment was one apprentice and two assistants to every master. To prevent crowding, a period was sometimes established in different cities when no apprentices were taken on.³³

In only one play (39) is any reference made to learning a trade.³⁴ In this play the youth, a buteher's assistant, is sent out into the world to gain experience. This period of travel was considered an essential, for as the old proverb says, (39) l. 55-7:

Wie das ein ungeschmaltzen kraut
Und auch ein ungwanderter gsel
Sindt nichtsen werdt.

The mother gives the familiar advice to avoid bad company and evil women, to write often, and to send word if he is ill l. 65. The father gives him a paternal handclasp, and what is more to the point, a small sum of money. The youth does not meet with any striking adventures but does find that jealousy exists between artisans.

LANZKNECHT

The Lanzknecht, an important figure in Germany during the sixteenth century, is not often mentioned by Sachs, appearing as a chief character only in (2) (9) (13) and (68), although references are made to him in several other Fspe.

Although Sachs sees little of the hero in the Lanzknecht, it is evident that this class was admired greatly by the youth of the times. He was usually a peasant or an artisan who had gone into military service for the glory and financial benefits he would receive (78) l. 135³⁵ He visited foreign lands und returned with weird tales of adventure. He was able to judge from a different standpoint from that of the pilgrims, merchants, travelling scholars and minstrels, who had gleaned their information from a subservient position, while he, the Lanzknecht, had gained his as the conquerer.³⁶

While not regarding the Lanzknecht as a hero, Sachs has full sympathy for the hardships he had to undergo. In (9) l. 162-175 the Lanzknecht laments that he has to work on land and sea, with his life always at stake, that he is often out of employment and many times has to serve with half pay.³⁷ He describes his duties in l. 173-5:

In schantzen, graben und schiltwachten
In scharmützln, stürmen und feldschlachten,
Auf dem Mumplatz muß ich mich palgen.

In (13) l. 216 ff he maintains that he must venture all for his lord, even though he has to sleep in vermin-infested stalls. He has to ride in the wind and rain and sleep in his armor. He has no pledge of money and is often compelled to pawn his coat, boots, and spurs. He claims to be disdained by the dwellers of town and country. Of him the gypsy says, l. 252 ff, that he drinks and gambles all night, deceives people, boasts, lies, is insodent, and that he is not as brave as he claims to be,³⁸ l. 261, “Du e ein laus fechst, den ein hasen”. The peasant (15) l. 162 ff says that in wartime he loses his horse, cow, poultry to the Lanzknecht. The same is claimed by the peasant in (9) l. 87 and (78) l. 33.

While some of this profession saved money,³⁹ the most were alternately rich and poor. When they had money they led a life of dissipation. Upon taking a town they would array themselves in silks and satins and give no thought for the morrow. Cards and dice were their main diversions. The return of the disillusioned artisan-Lanzknecht is described by Sachs (78) l. 138 ff:

Und wen ir den kümet herwider,
Müst ir den reichen laüffen zu gnaden
Und schweren wuecher auf eüch laden,
Und wolt doch lehn den reichen gleich.

The soldier, aside from the Lanzknecht, does not appear in the Fspe, but several of the weapons used at this time are enumerated: sword (68) l. 138; (79) l. 194; (83) l. 31; lance (spies, including the Schweinspies, which on occasion might serve a dual purpose) (8) l. 156; (51) l. 338; (68) l. 138; (79) l. 206; (84) ff l. 321; battle ax (68) l. 138; crossbow (8) l. 188; (27) l. 288; (69) l. 316; (72) l. 96; (82) l. 16; musket, (27) l. 55; (83) l. 31; (72) l. 96. Shield und harness are also mentioned (68) l. 137.⁴⁰

Liebe⁴¹ maintains that Sachs, as well as Murner and other writers of the period, is not fair to the Lanzknecht. While he admits his shortcomings, he claims that the German Lanzknecht had a sense of humanity, considerably more so than the mercenaries of other countries, the Spanish for example. Joachim Imhoff writes of his deep sympathy for the people and his own disinclination to get rich at their expense. Liebe, however, speaks of the attitude of Sachs as being characteristic of the times. “In allen diesen ungezählten Schnurren wird der Lanzknecht in der Regel sehr glimpflich behandelt. Er ist der harmlose Bruder Lustig oder der täppisch gutmütige Eisenfresser, eine recht Verkörperung des alten deutschen Charaktertypus des deutschen Michels.”

Notes

1. Gerdes, H., “Geschichte des deutschen Bauernstandes”. Leipzig. p. 65-67.

2. Geiger, p. 268.

3. Drews, Paul, “Der evangelische Geistliche”. 1905. p. 13.

4. Geiger, p. 274.

5. Geiger, p. 269.

6. Geiger, p. 271. Hesperia, 15.

7. Freytag, Gustav, “Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit”. Leipzig. 1892. Vol II, p. 38.

8. Erbeis, Grimm—“Heißt das herumstreifen und auf den feldern erbsen essen”.

   Handschin, Charles H., “Das Sprichwort bei Hans Sachs”. Bull. U. of Wis. No. 103. 1904. p. 31 suggests that it is a play on words, Bann being pronounced almost like Bohn(e). The underlying idea. expanded, would be, “So will ich in die erbeis gahn, auffs das ich nit dürff bones essen”.

9. Geiger, p. 270.

10. Biedermann, K., “Deutsche Volks- und Kulturgeschichte”. Wiesbaden. 1901. Chap. 15. A fair characterization of the priest of the time.

11. Steinhausen, Georg, “Der Kaufmann”. 1899. Monographien zur deutschen Kulturgeschichte No II, p. 20.

12. Steinhausen, p. 51.

13. Steinhausen, p. 21.

14. Steinhausen, p. 23 ff.

15. Steinhausen, p. 27.

16. Steinhausen, p. 32.

17. Schlötterlein—ribbons used in fastening stockings.

18. Lier, p. 61.

19. Lier, p. 61.

20. Cf the names of the quacks in the old Fspe, Rubein, Keller 66, Sterz XXIV; Maister Vivian, Keller 82; Ipocras, Knoblack, Sterz VI and XXIV.

21. Cf Brant's Narrenschiff, 76 1 65 ff,

    Mancher will Doctor sein,
    Der nie ein Buch gelese.
    Dan das er hat ein pyrment hut
    Do stat sin recht gschrieben an,
    Derselb brieff wisst als er kan.

22. Peters, H., “Der Arzt und der Heilkunst”. 1900. Monographien zur deut. Kulturgeschichte III, p. 54-56.

    Leprosy made its appearance in the twelfth century and raged until the seventeenth. It was considered incurable although serpent wine was thought to have some beneficial qualities. One who was afflicted with this disease secured the “Lazaruskleid der Demütigung” and was given the articles useful for an isolated life. They were: a black robe, on the breast of which were sewed two white bands, also a large hat with a white band, a pair of gloves, a little kettle for water, a basket, and a rattle. They lived in “Siechkobeln vor den Städten oder In Hütten auf dem Felde”. At certain times they were allowed to go to town to beg.

23. The removal of gall stones was in charge of travelling quacks called Steinschneider. Peters, p. 83.

24. St Vitus dance, also called Tanzwut, appeared in four epidemics, 1021, 1278, 1375, and 1418. It was called St. Veitztanz because St Veit was the patron saint of those afflicted. Peters p. 61.

25. The observation of the urine and pulse as means of diagnosis was in general use in the middle ages. It formed the fundamental principle of the old Salernian school. Hippocrates was the model which all the physicians copied, Peters, p. 13-18.

    It held sway until under the influence of humanism and the invention of printing a closer study of anatomy was made, as well as of plant and animal life. Peters, p. 62-69.

26. Peters, p. 33-41.

27. Concerning baths Peters says (p 49-52) that there were three kinds, Flußbäder, Mineralbäder, and Künstliche Bäder. In public baths all bathed together but in private baths the men and women were separated by a small partition. When the social features of the bath came to assume undue importance, the cities began to pass severe regulations concerning its use. The most famous baths of the day were: Gastein, Ems, Wiesbaden, Wildbad, Pfeffers, zum Ellnbogen.

28. Of the healing roots mentioned by Peters, p. 48, are the following: “Anis, kümmel, koriander, fenchel, nelken, zimmet, kubeln, mandeln, ingwer, pfeffer, pfirsich, weichselkern, und muscatblüte im über gezuckerten zustande”.

29. At Nürnberg at this time there were about 400 recognized trades. Rehm, H. S., “Deutsche Volksfeste und Volkssitten”. Leipzig. p. 63.

30. Mummenhoff, E., “Der Handwerker”. Monographien zur deut. Kulturgeschichte. Leipzig. 1900. No VIII, p. 70 states that guter or blauer Montag was given in order that the day might be spent by the workmen to hold meetings, or to go to public baths. When the privilege came to be abused, it was abolished.

31. Liebe, George, “Der Soldat”. Monographien zur deut. Kulturgeschichte, 1899. Leipzig. No I, p. 24. Freytag II, p. 4-5.

32. Mummenhoff, p. 109 ff.

33. Mummenhoff, p. 56.

34. Mummenhoff p. 59, for hardships which the apprentice had to undergo. The apprentice entered the house of the master and was subjected to his discipline. He often had to do the housework and consequently did not always learn his trade. His food and lodging were poor, and he was abused by all, even by the assistant, yet heavy penalties were exacted for running away unless it could be proved that the apprentice was not at fault. It was not much better with the assistant. Upon entering a new town he found out from the Schenkgesellen where there was work to be had. He usually hired for a six months' service and worked an average of from 12 to 14 hours a day. He was under the discipline of the master and was granted but few liberties.

35. Liebe, p. 24 ff.

36. Liebe, p. 26; Freytag II part III, p. 4-5.

37. Liebe, p. 28-38. The average pay for the Lanzknecht was about four guelden a month. In addition he earned considerable from booty. The pay, however, was irregular, and a portion was usually kept by the officers. Sometimes an army killed its officers and took to pillaging. This was also apt to be the case when the Lanzknechte “vergarteten” before joining another master.

38. Liebe, p. 49-50.

39. Liebe, p. 36-39.

40. Liebe, 26. Am Rhyn, Dr Otto Henne von, “Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Volkes”. Berlin 1886. p. 269-271.

41. Liebe, p. 50-51.

Bibliography

The Fastnachtspiel—Its Origin

Lier, Leonhard, “Studien zur Geschichte der Nürnberger Fastnachtspiel”. Nürnberg. 1889.

Fastnachtspiel Texts

Keller, Adelbert, “Fastnachtspiel aus dem 15. Jahr.”. Bib. des Lit. Ver. in Stuttgart. Vols. 28, 29, 30, 46.

Cultural History

Biedermann, K., “Deutsche Volks- und Kulturgeschichte”. Wiesbaden. 1901.

Freytag, Gustav, “Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit”. Leipzig. 1898-99. Vol. 2.

Gerdes, H., “Geschichte des deutschen Bauernstandes”. Leipzig.

Henne am Rhyn, Otto, “Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Volkes”. Berlin 1886.

Monographien zur deutschen Kulturgeschichte. ed. Georg Steinhausen. Leipzig

I. “Der Soldat,” Georg Liebe, 1899.

II. “Der Kaufmann,” Georg Steinhausen. 1899.

III. “Der Arzt und die Heilkunst,” H. Peters, 1900.

VIII. “Der Handwerker,” E. Mummenhoff. 1901.

XII. “Der evangelische Geistliche,” Paul Drews. 1905.

Hans Sachs—Life and Works

Geiger, Eugen, “Hans Sachs als Dichter in Seinen Fastnachtspielen”. Halle. 1904.

Handschin, Charles H., “Das Sprichwort bei Hans Sachs”. Bull. U. of Wis. No. 103. 1904.