[In the following essay, Carter discusses the popularity of Soll und Haben and attributes its success to the novel's appeal to middle class concerns and its anticipation of German unification.]

Freytag's Soll und Haben appeared in 1855 and although it is still mentioned in the histories of literature, it is unlikely to have been read by the foreign Germanist or by the younger Germanist in Germany or in general by someone in the south of Germany. If we take it as literature, this implied criticism by neglect is as it should be. As we go through it, we inevitably make comparisons which reflect badly on the work, but it has pretensions and, in spite of obvious defects, merits.

The hero of Soll und Haben is Anton Wohlfahrt, a transparently significant name (with its probably unintentional echo of Pilgrim's Progress and its intentional imitation of Wilhelm Meister). From a small town, when his parents die, he goes with his Abitur to the capital (Breslau) to enter the firm of T. O. Schröter.

On the way we have an Eichendorffian idyll where Anton in the grounds of the Baron von Rothsattel meets the daughter, a gracious and conceited young lady of fourteen.¹

This idyll is disturbed by Veit Itzig, a Jewish boy from the same town and school as Anton; he, too, is on his way to the capital to enter a firm. Freytag has thus introduced three of the lines on the graph of his novel. He is contrasting the German and the Jew; the aristocrat, whilst also forming a contrast, serves to bring the German and the Jew into conflict in their aspirations.

Anton enters the firm of T. O. Schröter. The clerks live in the house, they have one meal a day with the Principal and his sister and have day in day out themselves as company. Although Freytag in one notable passage tries to bring out the poetry of commerce, describing the exotic origin of the merchandise which passes through the firm's storehouse and cellars, and describes with Dickensian caricature and rather more sentimentality the personnel in the yard and the office, the life is hard and dull. In considerable part Soll und Haben is in praise of Anton's virtues: ‘Ordnung und regelmässiger Fleiss’, raising them in the ‘great world’, the second half of the book, into national virtues.

In the office Anton becomes friendly with Fink, the wealthy son of a Hamburg merchant with an aristocratic title, a man of the world who is a ‘Volontär’ in Schröter's office. Fink opens social circles for Anton which would otherwise have been out of the question; he takes him to a dancing class where he meets again Lenore, Baron Rothsattel's daughter, to whom Anton remains passionately and earnestly devoted, until towards the end of the novel Freytag finds it expedient to allot him to someone else. Anton dancing or in the office remains true to himself:

Wohlfahrt zeigte die Regelmässigkeit eines Mannes, der mit Entzücken seine Pflicht tut, er erschien pünktlich, er machte jeden Pas, er tanzte jeden Tanz, er war immer in guter Laune und fand eine Freude darin, vernachlässigte junge Damen zu engagieren.

(46)

Anton has settled in the firm. He is no longer an apprentice but an accepted colleague. Seeing the falseness of his position in the aristocratic dancing class he has with his customary embarrassing solemnity given it up. The dullness of the daily round, relieved only by the annual outing of the house of Schröter, is interrupted by revolution in Poland. There follows an heroic and extended episode where Herr Schröter and Anton advance alone into Poland and recover, in the midst of revolution, plundering and burning, their fourteen wagon loads of goods which have not yet been paid for. Anton is then left for a time in the Polish town to collect the firm's debts. In spite of the bathos of these two commercial gentlemen pursuing single-mindedly and humourlessly their firm's interest in the midst of an uprising, the episode is full of excitement and would hold its own with much adventure in nineteenth-century fiction.

Meanwhile Freytag also follows Veitel Itzig's career and Baron Rothsattel's. Looking closely at the book one is forced to admire its construction, the way in which Freytag brings together almost from the beginning the three threads of the novel. Rothsattel, through his own weakness and the suggestion of the Jew, Ehrenthal, takes a mortagage out on his estate, lends the money in a dubious transaction to Ehrenthal, makes a large profit and is led on by increasing indebtedness to lend money on the recommendation of Ehrenthal on an estate in Poland. The indebtedness of Rothsattel is watched by Itzig, Ehrenthal's employee, as Rothsattel goes on to establish a sugar-beet factory on his land. The factory is a failure, swallowing up more and more money.

In a complicated and dishonest financial intrigue the Baron loses not only all his property except the estate in Poland to Itzig, but also his honour. In attempting suicide he succeeds only in blinding himself. At this point, where the Rothsattels face total ruin, the Baron's wife, on Lenore's insistence, begs Anton to take over their affairs. Anton gives up his position, which would have been chief clerk, the first assistant to Schröter himself, straightens out the Rothsattel debts and goes to their estate in Poland, the only property left to them, to put that in order. So Anton enters the ‘great world’. Fenimore Cooper takes over from Dickens.

The estate in Poland has been allowed to go to waste. The beginning of the fourth book, the second half of the novel, is in contrast to the idyllic scene of the German landscape at the beginning:

An einem kalten Oktobertage fuhren zwei Männer bei dem Torgitter der Stadt Rosmin vorüber in die Ebene, welche sich einförmig und endlos vor ihnen ausbreitete … In den Senkungen des Bodens stand schlammiges Wasser; an solchen Stellen streckten die ausgehöhlten Stämme alter Weiden ihre verkrüppelten Arme in die Luft, ihre Ruten peitschten einander im Wind, und die welken Blätter flatterten herunter in das trübe Wasser. Hier und da stand ein kleiner Busch zwerghafter Kiefern, ein Ruheplatz für Krähen, die durch den Wagen aufgescheucht, mit lautem Schrei über die Häupter der Reisenden flogen. Kein Haus war zu sehen an der Strasse, kein Wanderer und kein Fuhrwerk.

(128)

This desolation colours the whole of the Polish episode and goes together with the untrustworthy character of the Poles.

Anton prepares quarters in the castle for the Rothsattels, organizes and supervises the estate as once more revolution breaks out in Poland. Fink, the friend of the days in Schröter's office, who has meanwhile been in America, arrives opportunely to help with the defence of the castle. The Slavs are defeated, but Anton, insulted again and again by the Baron, leaves. Fink buys the estate and marries Lenore. This leaves Anton the task of pursuing Veit Itzig, who is drowned in the same place where he had caused the death of his accomplice. Anton marries the sister of Schröter and becomes a partner in the firm.

Soll und Haben is in parts a gripping book in the nineteenth-century tradition. It is a rejection of the Romantic world and an attempt to state new contemporary values in literature and in society. It is, above all, a Liberal National manifesto. The bad Germany as seen from the twentieth century has hidden the heritage of the French Revolution and the Manchester school; the theory of the Liberals has been rather taken for granted and seldom analysed.

In the first half of the novel Freytag presents a Liberal creed, a sort of political and commercial Darwinism or survival of the fittest. The great virtues, Freytag's criteria from which his doctrine proceeds, are ‘Fleiss’, ‘Ehrlichkeit’ and ‘Ordnung’. The clearest statement of the doctrine is given by Herr Schröter:

‘Glauben Sie mir, einem grossen Teil dieser Herren, welche an ihren alten Familienerinnerungen leiden, ist nicht zu helfen … Sehr viele unserer alten angesessenen Familien sind dem Untergange verfallen, und es wird kein Unglück für den Staat sein, wenn sie untergehen. Ihre Familienerinnerungen machen sie hochmütig ohne Berechtigung, beschränken ihren Gesichtskreis, verwirren ihr Urteil.’

‘Und wenn das alles wahr ist’, rief Anton, ‘so darf es uns doch nicht abhalten, dem einzelnen als unserm Mitbruder zu helfen, wo unser Mitgefühl angeregt wird.’

‘Ja’, sagte der Prinzipal, ‘wo es entflammt wird. Aber es glüht im Alter nicht mehr so schnell auf als in der Jugend.—Der Freiherr soll dahin gearbeitet haben, sein Eigentum aus der grossen Flut der Kapitalien und Menschenkraft dadurch zu isolieren, dass er es auf ewige Zeit seiner Familie verschrieb. Auf ewige Zeit! Sie als Kaufmann wissen, was von solchem Streben zu halten ist. Wohl muss jeder vernünftige Mann wünschen, dass der adelige Schacher mit Grundbesitz in unserm Lande aufhört, jedermann wird es für vorteilhaft halten, wenn die Kultur desselben Bodens vom Vater auf den Sohn übergeht, weil so die Kräfte des Ackers am ersten liebevoll und planmässig gesteigert werden. Wir schätzen ein Möbel, das unsere Vorfahren benutzt haben, und Sabine wird Ihnen mit Stolz jeden Raum dieses Hauses aufschliessen, zu dem schon ihre Urgrossmutter die Schlüssel getragen hat. So ist es auch natürlich, wenn im Gemüt des Landwirts der Wunsch entsteht, das Stück Natur, welches ihn umgibt, die Quelle seiner Kraft und seines Wohlstandes, den Menschen zu erhalten, welche ihm die liebsten sind. Aber dafür gibt es nur ein Mittel, und dies Mittelheisst, sein Leben tüchtig machen zur Behauptung und zur Vermehrung des Erbes. Wo die Kraft aufhört in der Familie oder im einzelnen, da soll auch das Vermögen aufhören, das Geld soll frei dahinrollen in andere Hände, und die Pflugschar soll übergehen in eine andere Hand, welche sie besser zu führen weiss. Und die Familie, welche im Genusse erschlafft, soll wieder heruntersinken auf den Grund des Volkslebens, um frisch aufsteigender Kraft Raum zu mache. Jeden, der auf Kosten der freien Bewegung anderer für sich und seine Nachkommen ein ewiges Privilegium sucht, betrachte ich als einen Gegner der gesunden Entwicklung des Staates. Und wenn ein solcher Mann in diesem Bestreben sich zugrunde richtet, so werde ich ihm ohne Schadenfreude zusehen, aber ich werde sagen, dass ihm sein Recht geschehen, weil er gegen einen grossen Grundsatz unseres Lebens gesündigt hat. Und für ein doppeltes Unrecht werde ich eine Unterstützung dieses Mannes halten, solange ich befürchten muss, dass meine Hilfe dazu verwandt wird, eine ungesunde Familienpolitik zu unterstützen.’

(376)

Herr Schröter deposes privilege. The ‘guten alten Zeiten’ implicit in the imitation of an Eichendorff idyll at the beginning of the book are condemned from two sides: by Veit Itzig, whose experiences do not include the Eichendorffian euphoria and whose awareness of misery, ill-will and evil Eichendorff prefers to ignore. And Eichendorff's world is condemned by a different economic reality and the Liberal creed. Power for the Liberal, Herr Schröter, comes from the creation, possession and manipulation of money and goods, to form a hierarchy of wealth. Freytag significantly enough condemns not the Jews for exploiting Rothsattel's position, but Rothsattel himself. But for such a system to exist there must be order. Hence the hostility to revolution and the Poles. The middle class create order, create culture and the state.

‘Es gibt keine Rasse, welche so wenig das Zeug hat, vorwärtszukommen und sich durch ihre Kapitalien Menschlichkeit und Bildung zu erwerben, als die slawische … Dort drüben erheben die Privilegierten den Anspruch, das Volk darzustellen. Als wenn Edelleute und leibeigene Bauern einen Staat bilden könnten! …

‘Sie haben keinen Bürgerstand,’ sagte Anton eifrig beistimmend.

‘Das heisst, sie haben keine Kultur,’ fuhr der Kaufmann fort, ‘es ist merkwürdig, wie unfähig sie sind, den Stand, welcher Zivilisation und Fortschritt darstellt und welcher einen Haufen zerstreuter Ackerbauer zu einem Staate erhebt, aus sich heraus zu schaffen.’

(250)

The Poles, then, have no middle class, hence no culture and no claim to be a state. What the middle class or philistine culture looks like is indicated by Anton when he contradicts Bernhard, the Jewish scholar. Bernhard says:

‘Sie haben eine lebhafte Einbildungskraft und sind glücklich, weil Sie Ihre Arbeit als nützlich empfinden. Aber was der höchste Stoff für die Poesie ist, ein Leben reich an mächtigen Gefühlen und Taten, das ist bei uns doch sehr selten zu finden. Da muss man wie der englische Dichter aus den zivilisierten Ländern hinaus unter Seeräuber gehen.’

‘Nein,’ versetzte Anton hartnäckig, ‘der Kaufmann bei uns erlebt ebensoviel Grosses, Empfindungen und Taten wie irgendein Reiter unter Arabern und Indern.—Je ausgebreiteter sein Geschäft ist, desto mehr Menschen hat er, deren Glück oder Unglück er mitfühlen muss, und desto öfter ist er selbst in der Lage, sich zu freuen oder Schmerzen zu empfinden.’

(181)

The consequence of having no middle class, besides the absence of culture, is revolution:

‘Wenn Revolution so aussieht, sieht sie hässlich genug aus.’

‘Sie verwüstet immer und schafft selten Neues. Ich fürchte, die ganze Stadt gleicht dieser Stube. Die gemalten Wappen an der Decke und die schmutzige Bank, auf der wir sitzen, wenn solche Gegensätze zusammenkommen, dann darf ein ehrlicher Mann sein Kreuz schlagen. Der Adel und der Pöbel sind jeder einzeln schlimm genug, wenn sie für sich Politik treiben; sooft sie sich aber miteinander vereinigen, zerstören sie sicher das Haus, in dem sie zusammenkommen.’

‘Die Vornehmen sind uns unbequemer,’ sagte Anton, ‘ich lobe mir unsern Krakusen, der war ein höflicher Insurgent, und er hatte ein Herz für ein Achtgroschenstück, die Herren hier aber verfahren durchaus nicht geschäftsmässig.’

(263)

There is a strange ambivalence in the book between the peace and order which German bourgeoisie represents and the warlike spirit of the second half of the novel and of German nationalism. It is expressed in a sentence of Herr Schröter:

‘Bei Gott, solche kriegerischen Kämpfe sind für den Verkehr ohnedies unbequem genug, sie lähmen jede nützliche Tätigkeit des Menschen, und doch ist's diese allein, welche ihn davor bewahrt, ein Tier zu werden.’

(267)

War is necessary, but so is profit. This is expressed in greater detail by Anton much later, when he is joined by Fink in Poland:

‘In einer wilden Stunde habe ich erkannt,’ fuhr Anton fort, ‘wie sehr mein Herz an dem Lande hängt, dessen Bürger ich bin. Seit der Zeit weiss ich, weshalb ich in der Landschaft stehe. Um uns herum ist für den Augenblick alle gesetzliche Ordnung aufgelöst, ich trage Waffen zur Verteidigung meines Lebens, und wie ich hundert andere mitten in einem fremden Stamm. Welches Geschäft auch mich, den einzelnen, hierhergeführt hat, ich stehe jetzt hier als einer von den Eroberern, welche für freie Arbeit und menschliche Kultur einer schwächeren Rasse die Herrschaft über diesen Boden abgenommen haben. Wir und die Slawen, es ist ein alter Kampf. Und mit Stolz empfinden wir: auf unserer Seite ist die Bildung, die Arbeitslust, der Kredit. Was die polnischen Gutbesitzer hier in der Nähe geworden sind—und es sind viele reiche und intelligente Männer darunter—, jeder Taler, den sie ausgeben können, ist ihnen auf die eine oder andere Weise durch deutsche Tüchtigkeit erworben. Durch unsere Schafe sind ihre wilden Herden veredelt, wir bauen die Maschinen, wodurch sie ihre Spiritusfässer füllen; auf deutschem Kredit und deutschem Vertrauen beruht die Geltung, welche ihre Pfandbriefe und ihre Güter bis jetzt gehabt haben. Selbst die Gewehre, mit denen sie uns zu töten suchen, sind in unsern Gewehrfabriken gemacht oder durch unsere Firmen ihnen geliefert. Nicht durch eine ränkevolle Politik, sondern auf friedlichem Wege, durch unsere Arbeit, haben wir die wirkliche Herrschaft über dieses Land gewonnen. Und darum, wer als ein Mann aus dem Volk der Eroberer hier steht, der handelt feig, wenn er jetzt seinen Posten verlässt.’

(477)

Here we can see how the Liberalism or Philistinism of the first half of the novel has become Nationalism; the ‘deutsche Tüchtigkeit’ and ‘Arbeit’ justify German imperialism. Just as Liberalism allows a survival of the fittest or the hardest working in a state of Ordnung, so the German's struggle with the Poles is a national survival of the fittest with the aim of creating order within which the German virtues can be practised. The National triumphs more and more over the Liberal until the final statement following Fink's and Lenore's marriage:

‘Aber den Mann, welcher jetzt im Schloss gebietet, kümmert es wenig, ob eine Dohle schreit oder die Lerche; und wenn ein Fluch auf seinem Boden liegt, er bläst lachend in die Luft und bläst ihn hinweg. Sein Leben wird ein unaufhörlich siegreicher Kampf sein gegen die finstern Geister der Landschaft; und aus dem Slawenschloss wird eine Schar kraftvoller Knaben heraus springen, und ein neues deutsches Geschlecht, dauerhaft an Leib und Seele, wird sich über das Land verbreiten, ein Geschlecht von Kolonisten und Eroberern.’

(636)

The nationalism is emphasized by Freytag's comparison of the German and the Jew, the comparison of the German and the Pole and comparison of the German and the American. The contrast between the Germans and the Poles is reinforced by landscape, by character, even by climate, always to the disadvantage of the Poles. Just as with the Poles, so with the Jews Freytag could say he drew them from life. Heinrich Kurz, who is highly critical of Soll und Haben, wrote in 1874:

[Er hat] die Juden mit grossem Talent und vollkommenster Wahrheit geschildert, aber sie machen einen verletzenden Eindruck, weil der Dichter sie als Repräsentanten des ganzen jüdischen Volkes hinstellte.

Not all the Jews in the book are bad Jews, but they are all in their different ways inferior to the Germans, lacking either vitality (Bernhard) or moral values (Itzig). In contrast to the Germans, they are unprepossessing, unable to speak German properly, unscrupulous usurers, vulgar (Frau Ehrenthal and the whole Ehrenthal family), ambitious, egoistic. Veit Itzig is seen as the incarnation of evil, at one point with the attributes of Satan. On the other hand, it is wrong to see Freytag as anti-Semitic. Political anti-Semitism is something which developed after 1870 with the immigration of the Galician and Polish Jews into Austria and Germany and their settlement in the major cities. As far as we can judge from the literature of the time, the Jewish hawkers, dealers and first-generation immigrants were often as Freytag describes them. There is no doubt, however, that Freytag delivered literary stereotypes which marked the German conception of the Jew in the Wilhelmine era and after. He has, in fact, avoided the class conflict and substituted a racial contrast. Whereas in Dickens there is a proletariat, in Freytag the Jews have taken their place.

Where Freytag has a statement on class, it is a rejection of the old aristocracy, but an acceptance of the new aristocracy, the Finks who bear the white man's burden in Poland. Rothsattel looks to the past, deriving his authority from there. Fink looks to the future and derives authority from wealth and his personality.

Soll und Haben was a book of astounding popularity. In most histories of literature it is accorded a summary, often respectful, but qualified mention. Its commercial success, however, bears no relation to its academic standing. Soll und Haben was first published in 1855 by Salomon Hirzel in Leipzig; it went through six impressions in two years.² The seventh and eighth impressions appeared in 1858, the tenth in 1863 and the fifteenth in 1870. The book was set three times 1855, 1858 and 1882. Fifteen years after its first appearance, it had gone through thirty impressions, and by 1905 it had gone through sixty-three. After fifty years it was not only selling strongly, it was increasing its sales. Apart from a slight increase with the founding of the Reich in 1870, the serious increase comes in the 'nineties. In the thirteen years from 1888 to 1902 the book went through twenty-three impressions, quite apart from Freytag's Collected Works, which, at the same time, must have sold between five and eight thousand copies. In the period from 1902 to 1913 an average of two editions a year were appearing.

But the real boom comes in the war. In 1913 the eighty-first impression came out, in 1920 the 106th, making twenty-five impressions in seven years, or, if we go up to the end of the inflation, 1923, there were forty-two impressions in ten years. In the first thirty-five years after publication (1855-90) there were thirty-six impressions. In the second thirty-five years there were eighty-seven. These figures are more striking when we work out the number of copies involved.

The major difficulty in assessing the popularity of any work is to discover the number of copies in an edition. Book statistics over the past century are bibliographical and not economic in origin. This means that, except for the past decades in the DDR, the figures cover titles and not number of copies.

With Soll und Haben it is fortunate that the Deutsches Bücherverzeichnis, which took over from Kayser's Bücher-Lexikon from 1911, gives the numbers of Soll und Haben sold in thousands from 1911 up to 1925, that is until the copyright expired and Hirzel ceased publishing. By 1923, Hirzel had produced 458,000 in a hundred and twenty-three impressions. If we add the Gesammelte Werke and special editions, 509,000 copies had appeared and apparently been sold by 1925. The average per impression works out between 3600 and 3750 copies, but if we take the figures given merely between 1911 and 1923 then Hirzel in these years was publishing 4000 copies to each impression. In other words, the early impressions were much smaller than those published after probably 1890. In fact, from a letter of August 30, 1855, it appears that the first two impressions were only 750 copies and Freytag pleads for it to be raised to 1000.³

Soll und Haben, although a success by nineteenth-century standards when it was first published, became much more successful fifty years later. If one makes a division at 1890 and takes again the first thirty-five years and the second thirty-five years, some 100,000 copies were published in the first period as against 400,000 in the second period. It is more startling when one realizes that in the four years from 1920 to 1924 more copies were published and probably sold than in the forty years from 1855 to 1895 (129,000 copies as against 132,000).

In 1925 the copyright lapsed; in 1926 there were five different editions of Freytag's Collected or Selected Works, all of them including Soll und Haben. One is given as an edition of 40,000 and out of print. In addition, eleven different publishers (one of them Reclams-Universal-Bibliothek) put out Soll und Haben in that year and there were twenty different editions put on the market between 1926 and 1930. It is difficult to estimate the number of copies sold, but, using the estimates of the book trade on size of editions for ‘schöne Literatur’, it would be conservative to put it at an average of 7500 for each edition. There is a considerable slackening after this, but there is obviously still some demand. There were two second editions in 1931, one new edition in 1933 and again in 1934. In 1937-39 there was a third edition and six new firms putting out the novel. During the war up to 1944 there were in all five editions.

After the war, Soll und Haben was the first work of Freytag to reappear, apart from Dr Luther. It appeared in the Hera Verlag in Bremen in 1950, under the title: Soll und Haben, der klassische Kaufmannsroman. By 1960, the last reference to it that I have found, it had gone through thirteen editions. It also appeared in 1953 in the Knaur-Klassiker (Droemersche Verlagsanstalt) and by 1962 had reached 276,000;⁴ I was assured when I went to buy one that it was out of print.

In the following table giving the number of copies produced, the period since 1855 has been divided into blocks of fifteen years, with a gap from 1945 to 1950.

The figures are approximate but, plus or minus a thousand, are reliable except for the National Socialist period. Soll und Haben is still produced and bought; in fact a third of the copies produced in the last century have been sold in the last fifteen years since the war. The other big sales period is the First World War and the Weimar Republic. We have the puzzle why a rather better than mediocre book should, after a century, be being bought in greater numbers than ever before. The answer can only be speculation.

First we must explain why it appealed to the Wilhelmine period. It was written before the unification of Germany and before the Industrial Revolution; in anticipating the unification and ignoring the Industrial Revolution, it is in accord with the attitude of the Wilhelmine middle-class and public policy. In its idealization of a certain way of life with the virtues I have mentioned (‘Ordnung’, which implies acceptance of authority, and ‘Fleiss’) it corresponds strikingly to the German national image. In other words, there is nothing subversive about Soll und Haben. In addition, it was a book for the intelligent schoolboy. From 1890 on it was without doubt a book which the majority of ‘Abiturienten’, in North Germany at least, would have read. Besides offering adventure it confirmed the social and political assumptions of a generation. But I must emphasize that I feel it was not read for its political message, but that its political assumptions were taken for granted. It did, however, reinforce the political stereotypes which are prevalent in Germany even today.

That the popularity of the work persisted through and after the First World War is partly because the social and political assumptions of the German professional classes still persisted. Soll und Haben was still in every way suitable as a ‘Konfirmationsgeschenk’, politically sound, morally limpid, a work of literature and hence culturally valuable.

This, I think, explains its popularity today. It is a ‘Konfirmationsgeschenk’. I do not think there are sinister links between its political message and its present booming sales. Its present sales merely reflect the allegiance of earlier generations, where the Freytag stereotypes were taken for granted. On the other hand, the publishing of over 400,000 copies in fifteen years of a book which is a hundred years old comes as a slight surprise.

Notes

1. The figures in brackets refer to the page numbers in Gustav Freytag's Soll und Haben, Droemersche Verlagsanstalt, Munich, 1960.

2. The figures up to 1910 are taken from Kayser's Bücherlexikon. From 1911 the figures are from Deutsches Bücherverzeichnis, Leipzig, 1911-43, and Deutsche Bibliographie, Frankfurt, 1961-.

3. Gustav Freytag an Salomon Hirzel und die Seinen, Hirzel, Leipzig, no date, p. 29.

4. Cf. Literaturkatalog 1963/64, Köhler und Volkmar, Cologne and Stuttgart, 1963, p. 579.