SOURCE: Schweitzer, Jerome W. “Almahide: Its Component Parts, Composition, and Style” and “Conclusion.” In George de Scudéry's Almahide: Authorship, Analysis, Sources and Structure, pp. 105-54. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1939.

[In the excerpt that follows, Schweitzer investigates a number of themes, devices, motifs, and techniques deployed in Almahide.]

With the exception of an analysis of the plots of the several histoires in Almahide, this study has thus far been concerned primarily with an examination of the novel as it is related to its predecessors, its authorship, its place in French literature, and its relationship to its sources. It has been pointed out that it includes elements of the historical novel and the novel of chivalry, and mention has been made that it is a social study of Seventeenth Century society with its echoes from the salons of the period, the painting of word portraits, the composition of maxims, discussions of many subjects, particularly of love, and that with the Astrée, it is a forerunner of Diderot's Salons. These points were necessarily introduced earlier in this work in order to show that Almahide was heir to most of the elements included in the romantic novel prior to 1660. It is now proposed to discuss these points in greater detail.

CUSTOMS AND MANNERS

Almahide, like many of its contemporaries, is a study of manners and customs. Although its background is the court of Granada, the manners and customs of which Scudéry set out to study (v. Au lecteur, T. I), it is really the society of his own French milieu that he has in mind as his novel progresses. So similar were Boabdil's court as [Pérez de Hita] painted it and the courts of Louis XIII and Louis XIV that Scudéry was neither called upon to exert his imagination, nor to go further than Hita for local color. His sojourn in Marseille, the cosmopolitan city, also afforded him the opportunity of interviewing visitors from Granada who probably supplied the information necessary to fill in the lacunae in his own material. In the light of what has been said above, it at once becomes obvious that some difficulties are encountered in drawing a line of demarcation between French and Granadine manners. Where do French manners end and Moorish customs begin?

Scudéry opens his discussion of manners in the Au lecteur of the first volume in which he points out that the Moors lead the world in gallantry and have taught the Spaniards all they know of it. He also insists that the reader should not suppose that the Moors of Granada are black of skin since they reside on the Iberian peninsula and not in a country adjacent to the Congo. The Granadines are claire of complexion and their women are lindas morenas. In character they are by nature a joyous people, fond of diversion, but they pass easily from joy to sorrow (I, 66). They are naturally inclined to love making (I, 82) and from birth have an inclination for writing verse. The Moors are also naturally vindictive (III, 1713), and their theology teaches them to forget no insult and pardon no offense (VII, 556). In addition to his reading of Hita and possible conversations with Moors in Marseille, the Koran, translated into French by André Du Ryer, possibly provided Scudéry with information on matters of Mohammedan theology, law, and attitude towards women. Allusions to the Koran and supposed quotations therefrom are frequent, but as we shall see presently, Scudéry takes liberties with the text. With the missionary spirit of Christianity, Scudéry refutes what he terms the falsity and absurdities of the teachings of the Prophet (I, 341 f.).

The Koran is his source for Moorish prayers such as the Çalla (III, 1799); he asserts that it is his authority for the statement that slaves caught bearing arms must be put to death (I, 49), though I find no mention of such a law in the work cited. Statues of animate things are forbidden (I, 595) by the Koran, Scudéry asserts. It is the opinion of orientalists that by “statues,” the Koran means idols, for statues are not condemned (Koran, XXXIV, 12). Scudéry states that the Koran permits a man to have three wives (I, 342), although the Koran allows four. Mention is made that the Mohammedan religion permits divorces (III, 1945, 2015).

The attitude towards women is that of the Middle Ages and the days of the Knights of the Round Table. Though the ladies of Granada are set upon a pedestal and adored by the gentlemen (it is explained that their freedom is much greater than that of most Mohammedan women), they are placed under certain restrictions. According to Scudéry they are not permitted to enter a mosque (III, 1950), although Sale points out that women were not permitted to pray with men in public and were required to confine their visits to the mosque to hours when the men were absent.¹ They are not allowed to plead before a bar of justice (V, 1122); and Scudéry reiterates several times that immortality of the soul is denied them (III, 2073). Sale's attention is called to this erroneous belief and he refutes it.² The Koran states that “Dieu a promis aux croyants, hommes et femmes, les jardins arrosés par des cours d'eau; ils y demeuront éternellement” (IX, 73), and that “Les justes entreront dans les jardins d'Eden ainsi que leurs pères, leurs épouses, etc.” (XIII, 23). Though the women of Granada mingle freely with men in the social functions, upon appearing on the streets, they are required to wear the traditional veil (V, 995). When they are married, the officiating churchman offers a prayer for their chastity in marriage (III, 1960). In deference to male vanity, they are permitted to appear on the balcony when they are honored by a serenade (IV, 657). Bodies are embalmed (VII, 432), and the dead are put away in burial urns (IV, 91). No death sentence can be carried out during the festival of Bairan (Beîram, cf. Sale, p. 107) which lasts for eight days (VI, 2442).

Local color is supplied by such details as use of the Arabic names for the months of the years: Sahaben for August and Rhamadan for September (VI, 2331); Muley's instrument of abdication is dated the sixth of Tzephar, year of the Hegira (III, 1795); allusions to Moorish costumes: the doliman (IV, 336), the albornoz (II, 795), and the turban (with its fifty ells of cloth, VIII, 40); and the almayzar or antifas, the traditional veil for women (V, 1419). Musical instruments are mentioned: the nacaire, the agnafiel, the dulcin, the timbe, timbale, atabale, cornet à bouqin, guitar, the saque-bute, most of which are found in Hita. Government officials are given their Moorish titles with French equivalents: the Emiralem or deputy, the visir or connétable, the degnis or admiral, the nassangi or chancellor, the depthtermin or finance minister, the tesquerigis or secretary of state, and the dragoman or interpreter, etc. (III, 1767), names which Scudéry probably took from Davity. Though Scudéry builds many edifices in Granada and environs, he supplies the proper settings with descriptions of the Alhambra, the Zacatin, the Vivarambla, etc.

Dances common to the Moors and to the Spaniards are mentioned or described: the Zambra (IV, 341), the Zarabanda which, as he points out, was forbidden by the Inquisition as licentious (IV, 347 f.),³ the Turque, the Greque, the Alexandrine, the Babilonienne, the Persane, the Tartare (IV, 353), the Spanish Phoenix dance (IV, 380), the Spanish Pavane and the Chaconne (IV, 388-389), and the Greek Pyrrhique (IV, 413).

Scudéry's attention to detail is manifested in his description of a Moorish bow made “en se courbant fort bas, en portant la main gauche à son Turban, & la droite sur son coeur & apres leur auoir dit Salamalech: c'est à dire, ie vous saluë …” (I, 135 f.).

In conclusion certain odds and ends should not be omitted. Public baths are operated for men and for women, with separation of the sexes. Men entering baths designated for use by women are severely punished (V, 998). As in the Cid, warriors fighting under the banners of the king are required to deliver to the monarch one-fifth of the booty (IV, 549). Richelieu's edicts against duelling are recalled for such encounters are forbidden. Abindarrays' combat with a certain opponent is hushed up to save him from civil punishment (V, 1293).

As for French customs and manners, many found in Almahide have been indicated from time to time in this study. The salon has been mentioned and with it goes the ruelle (III, 2009) and the alcove (I, 70). Allusion is made to the lever of the king (III, 2006).

An idea of urban life is gained from the novel as a whole, but interesting information on the provinces is available in one of the conversations. Many of the statements made are also applicable to courtiers. Scudéry attacks the universal custom of tracing genealogies and aims a blow at those provincials “qui repassant ainsi tous leurs Deuanciers, vous font vne Histoire de Vilage, à faire mourir d'ennuy, si par bon-heur l'on ne s'y endormoit pas” (II, 1374). He also derides the insufferable provincials who talk only of their procès, entertaining everybody with them “comme s'ils consultoient leur affaire à vn Cadi” (loc. cit.). Others bore with conversation about “leur ménage, de leurs Raues; & de leurs choux.” A dart is aimed at scandal mongers of the provinces who display the dirty linen of their neighbors to every stranger polite enough to listen (II, 1376); at indiscreet husbands and wives who seek to amuse by ridiculing their mates (II, 1377); and especially at provincial knights-errant who pass from house to house, abusing the hospitality of their hosts (II, 1378 f.).

ALMAHIDE AND THE THEATRE

As he had written many plays, it is not strange that Scudéry should include in the pages of his novel some discussion of the theatre. It has already been indicated that two of his plays served as source material for the novel and that the autobiographical portions allude to a purported love affair between the dramatist and the great actress Madeleine Béjart. As a dramatist, Scudéry was intimately connected with actors and actresses of his day, and it is interesting to note the indirect tribute which he tenders them in his description of the difficult life which they are forced to live. Unconsciously perhaps, he praises them for the mental effort exerted during long hours of study and rehearsals in order to be able to offer a finished production during the two or three hours of performance on the stage:

… Premierement Abindarrays trouua qu'il fallait que Iebar estudiast tous les matins & tous les soirs comme vn Escolier … & repassast sa leçon l'apresdinée … trois fois la Semaine reglement, sa Maistresse deuint publique. …

(V, 1545)

Iebar has little time for Abindarrays for when she is not diverting her audiences, the duties of her profession demand that she go from “Maison en Maison le soir, donner le mesme plaisir, & se donner la mesme fatigue” (loc. cit.). Reference has already been made to the plays in which she took part and to her ability as an actress.

Scudéry lifts the mask from the theatre and reveals it as a land of make-believe in his description of back-stage after the play is over and the audience has departed:

… comme il (Abindarrays) a l'imagination delicate, elle se trouua choquée, lors qu'aprés auoir veu Iebar toute brillante de Pierreries, & sur vne superbe Scene d'Or & d'Azur, il vit derriere le Theatre, que ces Pierreries estoient fausses: & qu'au lieu de ces magnifiques Palais, Cleopatre estoit dans vne miserable Loge fort obscure, & auec vne Toilette & vn deshabiller peu dignes de cette Reyne d'Egypte: & dans laquelle on ne voyoit pas ces Perles dont l'Histoire a fait tant de bruit: car il n'y en auoit que de contrefaites, & mesmes encore assez mal. La delicatesse de ses yeux, se trouua encore blessée, de cinq ou six hommes à demy nuds, qu'il vit trop prés de son Heroïne: & cette familiarité peu honneste, ne fut nullement de son goust, quoy qu'elle fust de la necessité de leur Mestier.

(V, 1546 f.)

In the sections of the novel dealing with his relationship with la Béjart, Scudéry describes himself as a novice who in his enthusiasm for this actress's art assumes the rôle of a claque:

A chaque Vers que Iebar recitoit, il se pasmoit d'admiration & de joye; il se recrioit à tous les beaux endroits de son Rosle; il en auoit le corps agité comme l'esprit: & cette amour Comique luy donnoit des conuultions, comme certaines maladies en donnent, à ceux qui en sont tourmentez. Il excitoit les acclamations du Peuple par son exemple; il le faisoit crier malgré qu'il en eust, en criant luy mesme le premier; & l'on entendoit dire par tout, aprés luy, cela est beau; cela est excellent; cela est diuin.

(V, 1541)

Fernand de Solís describes, in the history of Ponce and Almahide, Riquelme's play Antigone, which is staged in the apartments of the Queen of Spain. Rennert mentions one Alonso Riquelme as a favorite autor de comedias⁴ of Lope de Vega and adds that he was a native of Seville and had a company of players as early as 1602.⁵ As there is no evidence that he was an author, Scudéry is probably alluding to the French Antigone he is most likely to have known, that of Rotrou.

With the arrival of the king and queen for the performance … “l'on entend le bruit & le tumulte” which is always a part of such occasions. The curtain is then raised, and by the splendor of a thousand lights which glittered without being seen:

… on vit … que la face du Theatre representoit celle d'vn grand & superbe Palais, toute pleine de Niches & de Statuës, de Phrises & de Corniches, de Moulures & de Cordons, de Festons & de Cartouches, de Bazes & de Chapiteaux, de Colomnes & de Pilastres d'Ordre Corinthien: car ce magnifique Palais, estoit celuy de Creon Roy de Corinthe (sic) …

(II, 1042)⁶

Music is rendered during intermission (II, 1043), but it does not interrupt the conversation of Alvare and Almahide in the audience. The former points out that “la Tragedie a esté inuentée pour instruire en diuertissant” (II, 1047) and asks Almahide if she does not wish to permit herself to be instructed by the moral of the play. Reference is also made to plays of the same title by Sophocles and Seneca (II, 1046). Alvare reproves Almahide at the end of the second act for having found it “beau que l'on n'enterre point les Morts” and for wishing in an inhuman manner that “les Corbeaux mangent les corps du mal-heureux Polynice” (II, 1051). He also refers to the number of acts in the classical Spanish comedia: “… les Poëmes Dramatiques ne soient que de trois Actes en Espagne” (II, 1053).

The novelist's reference to the commedia dell'arte is an anachronism for there is no evidence that Italian players visited Spain earlier than 1538, “when one Muzio, ‘Italiano de la comedia,’ was in Seville.”⁷ Scudéry in his novel criticizes those who monopolize conversation to such an extent as to “ne laisser rien à dire aux autres; ioüer continuellement le rosle ridicule du Docteur de la Comedie Italienne; estourdir tout le monde de leur babil; faire des Muets de leurs infortunez Auditeurs; n'examiner rien; hazarder tout; bon & mauuais; plaisant et sot; le necessaire & l'inutile; l'agreable & le facheux; tourner les autres en ridicules, & l'estre eux-mesmes; blasmer mal à propos; loüer de la mesme sorte: & par vne prodigalité de parolles, pire mille fois que n'en seroit l'auarice …” (IV, 516 f.).

Allusions are made to “la Troupe Royalle” and to the tragicomedy and its requirements for a happy ending (VII, 48); to the legend of Alonso Guzmán which was probably inspired by Vélez de Guevara's play Más pesa el rey que la sangre since the title is given (VIII, 436); to Aeschylus and Aristophanes who “ne paroissoient iamais sur le Theatre que masquez”⁸ (VIII, 377), and to the Roman comedien Roscius (loc. cit.).

While Scudéry's references to the theatre offer no new information, yet they are of interest to the student of Seventeenth Century French drama, and have some importance in the study of theatrical history and of manners of the court. They are a reflection of Scudéry's fondness for the theatre, and as such share in interest with the two plays he included in the novel.

ALMAHIDE AND THE PHILOSOPHY OF LOVE

The sometimes seemingly interminable pages which Georges de Scudéry devotes to discussions of love in Almahide are but another reflection of its own milieu and of the tastes of authors of the contemporary heroic novel. The scores of questions on matters of love asked and discussed in Almahide are but a small percentage of those under discussion in the salons of the period as well as in the novel. Inane as they may seem, they are important, because, as Aragonnès points out, “toute cette dialectique amoureuse, c'est la psychologie faisant ses gammes, ce sont des préludes à la littérature d'observation morale que l'époque suivante nous donnera.”⁹

That the questions debated in Almahide were part of a long list of those making the rounds of the salons is obvious when one reads that the Marquis de Sourdis, a frequent visitor of Mme de Sablé and Madeleine de Scudéry, gave a serious discourse on the following questionnaire:

Si l'amour et le désir sont deux affections contraires? Si l'amour d'une fille est plus violent que celui d'une femme? Quel amour est le plus agréable ou celui d'une femme fort vertueuse ou celui d'une femme qui l'est moins?

And we learn that the dramatist Quinault undertook to answer in verse five theorems of love propounded by Mme de Brégy. It should therefore not be surprising that these questions found their way into the novels of the Scudérys. Their inclusion in these romances, however, sets no precedent, for d'Urfé gives no little attention to a consideration of discussions of love as an examination of his Astrée will show. In Clélie are found such questions as “si l'absence augmente ou refroidit l'amour, si l'amour est plus ridicule chez un vieil homme ou chez une vieille femme?” etc. In Almahide such questions are scattered through the central action as well as through the intercalated stories. They offer no new contribution to this element in novelesque literature. Furthermore, it is impossible to seize upon any argument and declare that this is Scudéry's attitude towards a certain question, and that contrary to his belief. Such conclusions are not to be made for he examines each question from every possible angle; his characters argue a point pro and con, and as will be indicated the conclusions are almost invariably that no solution is possible because each person is entitled to his own opinion. For example, the circle convenes and someone proposes a discussion of love. Obviously the point of departure should be a definition of love. At the beginning the premise is submitted that love “est ie ne sçay quoy, qui vient de ie ne sçay où, & qui finit ie ne sçay comment.” After many pages of discussion in which the subject is dissected, the participants agree that in spite of the many definitions offered, the mystery is as great as ever, and that no better definition than the one above can be given.

What are the questions of love discussed in Almahide? There is no need to cite more than a few examples to give some idea as to their nature. Many of them are interesting because they demonstrate Scudéry's skill as a debater since he has prepared an answer and a rebuttal to every argument offered:

lequel est le plus incommode, ou d'aimer sans estre aimé, ou d'estre aimé sans aimer? (I, 169); laquelle doit estre cruë la plus aimable & la plus digne d'estre aimée, ou de la beauté du corps; ou de celle de l'esprit; ou de la beauté de l'ame; ou de celle de la voix? (III, 1666); d'où vient que l'on n'aime pas tout ce que l'on trouue beau, & pourquoy tous les hommes n'aiment pas vne mesme personne? (IV, 164); lequel doit preferer vn Amant, ou d'estre aimé, & ne voir iamais sa Maistresse, ou de n'estre point aimé, & la voir toûjours? (IV, 771); Lequel vne Dame deuoit preferer, ou d'vn Braue ou d'vn Sçauant?

(V, 1319)

And so the queries run: when a lady is impervious to love, should one not abandon her? Why do some men love blonds and others brunettes? How should one treat an indiscreet lover? How may a lover be kept when once he or she is captured? How may love be increased when it has once been sparked to life? Should one love privately or in public? Which is the more annoying, to see one's love without speaking to her or to speak to her without seeing her? Who suffers more patiently as a lover, the “homme d'esprit ou le stupide”?

Following the neo-platonic trend, Scudéry, in search of an answer to the question “What is love?” turns to Plato:

L'Amour est vn Dieu grand, merueilleux, beau, & qui porte au bien & à l'honneste. Qui met en paix les Hommes & les Animaux, qui change la rusticité en politesse; qui apaise les discordes; qui vnit les amitiez; qui incline à la douceur. …

(VIII, 507 f.)

To these observations he adds those of Euripides, Philostratus, and Plautus. The next step in unraveling the mass of information on love is to discover the Seventeenth Century conception of the perfect lover. In Almahide it is agreed that

les Amans doiuent estre propres, & qu'ils ne doiuent iamais paroistre negligez deuant leurs Maistresses, si ce n'est lors qu'il leur importe de les émouuoir à pitié par ce desordre … (I, 130 f.); continuellement doux, ciuil, & complaisant, soigneux, assidu. …

(I, 329)

For the lover, the loved one must be “l'aimant de son cœur” (I, 329); he must “viure plutost en ce qu'il aime, qu'il vive en soy-mesme” (I, 398); the “plus grand soin des Amans est toûjours de plaire” (I, 407); he must be liberal (IV, 159). Above all, the lover must be discreet, for, “comme cette passion fait des Misteres des moindres choses, vn Amant ne les peut iamais reueler sans estre prophane” (I, 415).

Having generalized, Scudéry studies different types of lovers and the effects of love. He deals with the effects of absence on a lover (II, 1242) and draws a portrait of an anxious lover awaiting news from the beloved:

… il chancela deux ou trois fois, le visage pasle, le front couuert d'vne sueur froide, la veuë foible, & les yeux troublez; les genoux tremblans; le cœur palpitant; & l'ame encore plus emuë que le corps, par la crainte qu'il auoit d'aprendre quelque chose de funeste. …

(II, 1337)

The work resembles in places a new Art of Loving with a brief treatise on love and its relationship to marriage (V, 1050); the pitfalls of wooing a very young girl (V, 1030); how to love a married woman (V, 1002); etc.

How does Scudéry handle his discussions? An example or two will give some idea of the mechanics of the love questions. The question is “lequel est le plus ancien, ou de l'Amour ou de la Beauté?” (V, 1210). One participant states that Beauty is the older, and, quoting Plato, submits that one (Beauty) is the cause and the other (Love) is the effect. A second participant argues in favor of Love “puis que toutes les Belles doiuent leur naissance à l'Amour.” A third participant objects, claiming that Beauty and beautiful women have been confused, whereas they are two separate and distinct things, whereupon another speaker invites his immediate predecessor to try to separate them. A logical conclusion is reached when they agree that “puis que nous sommes tous Parties, & que nous n'auons point de Iuge, nostre Procés demeurera indecis” (V, 1213).

The thread of this discussion is continued when a new question asks “lequel est le plus puissant de l'amour ou de la beauté?” The argument proceeds along the same lines: one states that “puis que c'est de la beauté que vient la force de l'amour, il s'ensuit que l'amour est moins puissant que la beauté,” to which some one answers that “la beauté ne peut rien sans l'amour, & que l'amour peut tout sans la beauté” (V, 1214).

In Almahide, jealousy is the hand-maiden of love. It is the attitude of all of the lovers that there can be no deep affection if the lover is not jealous. However, it is reluctantly admitted that jealousy indicates “mépris de soy-mesme, & estime de son Riual.” Mustapha, however, characterizes this malady adequately when he declares that “s'il n'y a point de ialousie en Enfer, il n'y a point de supplice; les Damnez ne sont pas damnez; & toutes leurs peines sont vn jeu …” (VIII, 683).

And so Almahide becomes another echo of dissertations on love in the salon. This novel offers only variations of common-place conversations of the ruelle on the honor of men, the virtue of women, constancy and inconstancy of love, loyalty and perfidy, coquetry and simplicity, discourses on all types of lovers, the fickle, the jealous, the melancholy, the merry, the ugly, the halt, the lame, and the blind. From time to time the maxims on love are real gems (cf. VII, 730), and as Voltaire will state a century later in regard to Marivaux “l'on y pèse des œufs de mouche dans des balances de toiles d'araignées.”¹⁰

The presence of such questions in Almahide again raises the question of authorship, for Madeleine de Scudéry was famed for such discussions. Yet, as has been indicated, these arguments were so common at the time, they are so frequent in other novels of the century, that it cannot be said that Madeleine had a monopoly on them. It should be remembered that Mme de Scudéry was fully equipped to continue the tradition if the testimony of her contemporaries can be accepted at face value.

In conclusion, the words of Aragonnès should be cited as an adequate evaluation of this element in Almahide:

Le tort de ces discussions était de s'agiter dans le vide; au lieu de propositions abstraites à discuter, il y avait là des cas vivants à peindre. Mettez des noms propres et des circonstances, supprimez tout l'oiseux des propos, et vous aurez le roman psychologique. C'est à quoi, un jour, réussira la comtesse de La Fayette, qui n'est pas la moins assidue, en attendant, aux soutenances de ces thèses sentimentales.¹¹

THE MAXIMS

Along with a study of the philosophy of love must be included brief mention of the adages scattered through the pages of Almahide. The presence of such short, pithy sayings is another manifestation of the novel's milieu and also carries on the tradition of the Astrée, though they are not as numerous in Scudéry's novel. While most of them deal with love, there are some which make observations on other subjects, as a few examples will show:

Le Temps … a toûjours esté regardé, comme l'vnique Medecin de l'Ame (III, 1420); … les loüanges données auec iugement, sont le meilleur biais que l'on puisse prendre pour s'insinuer insensiblement dans vn esprit … (V, 1231); … tous les excés sont vicieux, oüy mesme dans les vertus … (V, 1777); … l'esperance est le dernier bien qui abandonne les malheureux … (VI, 1859); la necessité fait les ingenieux … (idem.); le regret des choses passées … est absolument inutile, s'il ne sert à remedier au present, & à regler mieux l'auenir (VI, 1864 f.); les Femmes sont plus fines que vous ne pensez: & rien n'est difficile pour elles … (VI, 2000); … le danger ouure l'esprit des plus stupides … (VI, 2243); la iuste punition des menteurs, est de n'estre iamais creus, quand mesme ils seroient veritables: tout ce qui vient de leur part est suspect; toutes leurs parolles le sont; toutes leurs promesses le deuiennent: & l'ame qui se tient tousiours en garde contre eux, & qui se mefie tousiours de leur malice, ne s'en laisse plus iamais surprendre, quelque fine, quelque adroite, & quelque artificieuse qu'elle soit … (VI, 2249); … les parolles ne sont que du vent; l'abondance n'en couste rien; l'on en peut estre prodigue sans s'apauvrir; le Fourbe s'en sert comme le sincere … (VIII, 82); … vn Roy ignorant, n'est qu'vn Asne couronné … (VIII, 303); La colere aueugle est vn mauuais Guide (IV, 125); la temerité est moins vtile que la preuoyance (idem.); Qui delibere trop, ne fait rien … (IV, 126); qui regarde trop le Precipice, n'y passera iamais dessus … (idem.); Rien n'est si trompeur que les coniectures … (IV, 139); rien ne reconcilie si tost deux Ennemis genereux qu'vn malheur qui leur est commun (IV, 274); … tout ce qui vient d'vn Ennemy doit estre suspect … (idem.).

It is needless to point out that there is little originality in these maxims, and that some of them are with us today with slight changes in phrasing: “time heals everything”; “hope springs eternal in the human breast”; “necessity is the mother of invention”; “talk is cheap”; etc.

THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ELEMENT

Aragonnès's statement cited above regarding the psychological novel raises the important question: is Almahide a psychological novel? It is as psychological as any novel in France before La Princesse de Clèves, that is, it has a number of monologues in which the author lays bare the thoughts of the characters as love and duty, or love and something else struggle for dominance. But according to the present-day conception of what this type of novel should be, Almahide falls short of meeting the requirements, for, while Scudéry tells us what his characters are thinking, he does not allow them growth and development of character. Taken as a whole, the characters in Almahide remain static psychologically. They are stereotyped mentally as well as physically: all the men struggle between love and duty; they hesitate; they make a decision; they change it and return to the condition existing before the struggle began. The women struggle between love and virtue, but since they are under the complete domination of the wills of their parents, why struggle in the first place? Of course, it is absurd to point out that it is really the will of the novelist that retards their psychological progression. Furthermore, how can there be such progression when there is no psychological suspense for the reader? One finds all the lovers together at the very beginning of these intercalated novels and there is no doubt left by the author that their stories will end with matrimony. We know that the hero has already won the heroine and that it is a mere question of time before they will be wed. Even the central action lacks psychological suspense after page two hundred and twenty of the first volume, for here the horoscope tells us that Almahide will wed Ponce and we even know what trials she must endure before attaining this felicity. The only section of Almahide in which we find the prerequisites of growth and development in character is in that portion added by the English translator Phillips. Ponce reaches the true estate of vigorous manhood here; he is no longer the vacillating, procrastinating mealy-mouthed lover; too long has he been denied his love, too long has he suffered; he casts aside all values of loyalty or allegiance and throws the might of his sword on the side that can enable him to attain his ends: marriage to Almahide. But the change is too sudden, just as the decision of Alvare to withdraw his suit and yield Almahide to his rival is too sudden. It catches the reader unawares and leaves him breathless. The waters which have been backed up against the dam at the same level all through the novel suddenly surge up many feet, and with the onward rush carry everything before them, dam and all. One must, of course, take into account that Phillips realized the psychological disadvantage of presenting to the English reader an unfinished novel; he knew that many unimaginative readers would find no appeal in a romance left dangling in the air, in spite of the horoscope. The style of the last book in the English version shows that it was written hurriedly and just as hurried is the change in Ponce and Alvare: there is a sudden explosion and we have the fait accompli.

It can be said then that Almahide is a novel containing psychological elements in so far as analysis of the thoughts of the characters are concerned, but that in the original of Scudéry there is no growth and development of character.

DIDACTICISM IN ALMAHIDE

As Magendie's study reveals, the Seventeenth Century French novel before Almahide is pregnant with didacticism and moralizing. Like its predecessors, Almahide was not written solely for entertainment but also to instruct. Scudéry implies in his Au lecteur (Vol. I) that he proposes to acquaint his readers with the customs and manners of the Moors of Granada, and throughout the novel there is valuable educational information although necessarily superficial. This didactic material includes the life of the Prophet Mohammed; the discussion of painting and the extensive training and vast amount of information which a great painter must possess; Mustapha's dissertations on rhetoric, law, astrology, medicine, mathematics, architecture, painting, music, philosophy, history, poetry, agriculture, topography and cosmography, military science and tactics, the theatre, political theory, etc. In addition there is limited material treating honor and virtue, the relationship between parents and children, patriotism, and questions of morals. A character is sent on a voyage into Africa, and while following the itinerary of the trip he and the reader are broadened by the things he sees. The novelist emphasizes the fact that a knowledge of the manners, customs, and religion of a foreign people, different interests of princes, a knowledge of the nature of these countries, their expanse and limits, the differences in climates, are all quite necessary in the make-up of “vn fort honneste homme” (VII, 477 f.). Nor is the mind alone developed, for the body is important also. A healthy mind needs a healthy body, a knowledge of the liberal arts is not sufficient; physical development too must be promoted by means of horsemanship, dancing, fencing, and other exercises (I, 477 f.).

Scudéry's methods of introducing these materials are clever. Mythology is presented through the description of paintings and sculpture (I, 552), and a biography is recorded in the same manner (IV, 302 f.). A deranged person, hardly responsible for his actions, discourses at length on various edifying subjects to the amusement of his audiences who even prompt him by means of leading questions. But Scudéry is apparently in earnest, and Mustapha is more than a madman: he is the author's porte-parole. Though Scudéry may invite his readers to pass over such materials as Mustapha's discourses, descriptions of châteaux, estates, paintings, and the like, it is obvious that he would prefer otherwise. While his descriptions are given in the greatest detail, Mustapha's discourses at times degenerate into mere lists, for example the enumeration of all the known countries of the world, oceans and rivers, mountains, animals, and principal cities (VIII, 350 f.).

It is also Mustapha's task to reintroduce George de Scudéry's long didactic poem on political theory, Salomon instrvisant le roy, so frequently mentioned in these pages. Within the more than two-score pages of this poem is a complete set of rules for the guidance of a king in the administration of his government.

From the lips of personnages sympathiques we learn of Scudéry's attitude towards monarchs. To him the king was a holy of holies whose prerogatives are derived from heaven. A character points out that:

Ce n'est point aux Peuples à examiner les actions des Princes, c'est à eux leur obeïr: & les Souuerains, qui sont independans de leurs Vassaux, ne leur doiuent aucun compte de ce qu'ils font, & se doiuent bien empescher de leur en rendre: s'ils ne veulent commettre leur authorité; hazarder leur Estat; & perdre leur gloire.

(VI, 2264)

The person of the king is inviolable, and a potential assassin dismisses his plans with the statement that “Les Testes Souueraines sont sacrées; c'est vn Sacrilege de les attaquer” (III, 1864). But in spite of his rights, the novelist reminds all kings that clemency is a great virtue and that justice is the greatest support of which a throne can boast (III, 1756). In meting out justice, a king should not restrict himself to his friends and his own citizens. To be sure, the protection of the weak against the strong is the action of a “Roy magnanime; mais celle de proteger ses Ennemis innocens, contre ses Sujets coupables” is the action of a hero, whose glory should be immortal (VII, 118).

This brings us to the poem, Salomon instrvisant Muley Hazen. Solomon begins his discourse with the statement that only a king can instruct kings, for a subject's position and inferiority in rank intimidate him and restrain him from speaking freely. A king must remember that his subjects' eyes are upon him: “Tu dois compte aux plus hauts, tu dois compte aux plus bas” (VIII, 547), and he must keep in mind that all equity, all strength, all goodness and wisdom come from Heaven:

Leue les yeux au Ciel, car par luy les Roys regnent
.....Les Roys portent vn Sceptre, & Dieu porte la Foudre:
Thrône, Sceptre, Couronne, & Roy, tout n'est que poudre.

(VIII, 547-8)

The glory of princes depends upon a great and numerous people but to have a populous kingdom “Il faut de la douceur; il faut de la clemence” (VIII, 552). Solomon admonishes his pupil to further the welfare of his people by ever seeking peace though it be at the very hour of impending battle. He urges liberal reward for all noble acts and the careful choice of confidants for “Vne erreur, dans leur choix, ne seroit pas petite” (VIII, 553) and “C'est par les Seruiteurs que l'on iuge du Maistre” (idem.).

A faithful minister should be loved and cherished, but the monarch is warned not to make such a servant one's master. Let him sit at the foot of the throne and not on it; listen to his advice, Solomon says, but the king himself must make and carry out his own decisions. He must attend in person all meetings of the Privy Council; thereby he will gain the experience necessary for a happy and prosperous reign and will learn to know his state better. In only one instance does Solomon advise his pupil to heed the council of others in making decisions, that is, in considering declarations of war. A king should be slow to wage war, remembering that many of his subjects are to be affected by it. If conflict must come

Que ta Guerre soit iuste, & de necessité;
Ne te l'attire point; sois-y sollicité;
Fais, pour t'en exempter, toute chose possible;
Mets Dieu de ton Party, tu seras inuincible.

(VIII, 558 f.)

When war comes, the king must know how to conduct himself, and the poem includes instruction on this subject (VIII, 559).

A king must be liberal; he must do many favors, always remembering that every favor granted will be returned manifold:

… le Monarque auare est digne de mépris
Cette bassesse d'ame est indigne des Princes:
Elle les deshonnore aux yeux de leurs Prouinces:
Elle les met plus bas, que leur Thrône n'est haut.

(VIII, 561)

The sovereign must defend the poor against the powerful; he must detest the evil and the impious, and, acting in the rôle of shield and sword of God's honor, should exterminate them (VIII, 564). He must suppress his anger, practising self-mastery, for wrath is unworthy of a monarch, and sweetness and joy painted on his face reassure his subjects and give them peace (VIII, 566). The young king is reminded that a ruler's word is inviolable “Et tout Prince menteur, qui violle sa foy, Est indigne d'estre homme, & non seulement Roy” (VIII, 570).

Truth and mercy should be the guides of kings together with the Commandments of “le Seigneur des Seigneurs,” but

De là, descends plus bas, dans les Lettres humaines:
Elles parẽt le Thrône, & meritẽt tes peines:
Vn Monarque ignorant, à faute de sçauoir,
Opprime ses Suiets, & manque à son deuoir.

(VIII, 574)

All of the beaux arts should be mastered:

Mais entre tous les Arts, que ton esprit s'applique,
A sçauoir la Morale, auec la Politique:
L'vne regle les Mœurs; l'autre regle l'Estat.

(VIII, 575)

After warning him to be firm, yet not cruel, to be vigilant against deceit, striking it down as soon as discovered, to maintain secrecy in affairs of state, and to avoid excess in self-indulgence, the Wise King summarizes briefly. He warns that God sounds the hearts of all kings and that they are responsible to him. He urges them to drink deeply of the spring of wisdom, for it is wisdom that leads to the reign eternal:

Aime cette Sagesse, auecques passion:
.....Elle vient de Dieu mesme, & retourne à Dieu mesme:
Elle seule affermit l'Authorité Supréme:
Enfin elle rendra, si tu l'escoutes bien,
Ton Regne pacifique, ainsi que fut le mien.

(VIII, 586-587)

Elsewhere in the same volume Mustapha speaks of kings and courtiers: the type of persons with whom the king should surround himself and the attributes of the successful courtier. Philosophers and poets are especially favored. Antiochus honored the philosopher Phormion; Croesus, the philosopher Anacharsis; Dionysius, Plato; the Egyptian kings, the poet Menandre; Augustus favored Vergil; Vespasian, Salerius Bassus, etc. (VIII, 500-501).

Rules of conduct for the courtier are set down:

… il faut qu'il ne die iamais tout ce qu'il sçait à son Maistre; qu'il ne face iamais voir tout son bien; qu'il ne prenne iamais tout ce qu'il peut prendre; & qu'il ne face iamais tout qu'il peut faire. … Qu'il ait bien soin d'empescher que son interest ne paroisse dans ses conseils. … Il faut, disie, que l'adroit Courtisan soit propre, courtois, liberal, ciuil auec les Dames, & obligeant enuers tout le monde … veritable, fidelle, & sur tout patient: car c'est proprement la vertu de la Cour. …

(VIII, 502 f.)

The duties of ambassadors and the criteria to follow in their selection are listed: “On les doit toujours choisir les plus honnestes gens, & les plus habiles du Royaume dont ils sont: afin qu'ils soûtiennent bien parmi les Estrangers, la gloire de leur Patrie …” (VIII, 514). The ambassador should have the following qualifications: “vn esprit souple & penetrant … de la fidellité pour leur Roy: de la fermeté … de la richesse & de la liberalité … de la hardiesse … de la dignité … & de la Noblesse” (VIII, 515 f.).

I have indicated that Scudéry reproves the court for its many vices. One of the principal sins is that of la médisance. Scudéry quotes Seneca, Plutarch, Democritus, Socrates, and Theophrastus on the subject, and then vigorously indicts the slanderer:

Ce sont des Assassins, qui cachent le Poignard dont ils veulent fraper: ce sont des Empoisonneurs, qui sucrent le venin qu'ils donnent; ce sont des Crocodyles, dont la voix trompeuse ne flatte que pour deuorer: & ce sont des Monstres qu'il faudroit estouffer eux-mesmes, pour l'honneur de la Nature, & pour le repos de l'Vniuers.

(VIII, 518)

Another dart is fired at the court for its lack of sincerity: speaking of a prime minister Scudéry asserts: “… Corchut, (qui) estoit nay à la Court, c'est à dire vn Pays où dans tous les temps, la sincerité n'a pas esté fort commune …” (VI, 2144).

Ambition and cupidity are scored. Lyparis warns Homar that

ceux qui ne peuuent se contenter d'vne fortune comme la vostre, ne seront iamais contens: & l'insatiable desir de la Gloire & de la Grandeur, les rendra tousiours infortunez, mesme dans la Grandeur & dans la Gloire. Après auoir aquis vne haute Dignité, ils en voudront encore auoir vne plus haute: de Roys, ils voudront estre Monarques: & de cette sorte allant iusques à l'infiny, par leurs vastes imaginations, & par leur vanité demesurée; plus la Fortune fera pour eux, plus ils voudront qu'elle fasse: & sans donner de bornes à leurs desirs, ils seront dans vne agitation perpetuelle. La fin d'vne Entreprise est le commencement d'vne autre: ce qui les deuroit pleinement contenter, ne les contente point du tout: & méprisant tout ce qu'ils ont, ils courent aprés ce qu'ils n'ont pas, & fort souuent aprés ce qu'ils ne peuuent iamais auoir.

(VI, 2076 f.)

Virtue and good works are always rewarded in Almahide, and the evil likewise receive their just desserts. True it is that the virtuous have to suffer the martyrdom of a Job before the wheels of Justice begin to grind. Homar, for his misstep, is persecuted, loses position, fortune, and wife, but he lives to see his enemies punished and his reinstatement to grace. It should be mentioned that Homar is a romantic hero, and Scudéry has no patience with men who wail that fate ties their hands. Lyparis reminds Homar that in so far as the wives of such men are concerned

dans les grands malheurs, celles qui ne font que se pleindre, cherchent plustost à soulager leur douleur, qu'à seruir ceux qui la causent: & les pleurs inutiles qu'elles répandent, sont … des marques de leur foiblesse. …

(VI, 2208)

In the Seventeenth Century obedience to parental command was something of a cult. The Duke of Medina Sidonia writes his son that he must obey his wishes “car quelque grande que soit la gloire où vous aspirez, celle de m'obeïr ne l'est pas moins” (II, 989). Elsewhere Scudéry writes that “Les Fils qui ont des Peres, ne sont pas maistres de leurs parolles” (VI, 2734).

Marriage must not be contracted without parental consent. This law is applicable to sons and daughters alike. Abindarrays rejects a proposal of marriage with this plea (V, 1053), and Rodrigue or Abdalla sees his marriage to Fatime endangered by an obdurate father (VI, 2695 f.). Yet Scudéry is fair and just in his attitude towards this question. He conveys the idea that, after all, parents should consult their daughters before taking a step which may mean life-long unhappiness:

… ce n'est pas tousiours la Grandeur qui fait la felicité: il est des mal-heureux sur le Thrône; il est des infortunez dans les Palais, aussi bien que dans les Cabannes; & lors qu'il s'agit de rendre vne Fille mal-heureuse pour toute sa vie, ie crois qu'vn bon Pere n'y sçauroit trop long-temps songer: & que sans blesser son authorité, il peut la consulter vn peu làdessus.

(VIII, 644)

Spanish pundonor in its milder form is duly emphasized. The ladies of Almahide's court love well but wisely; there are no passionate scenes and the love salute does not go beyond the courtly kiss on the hand. Furthermore Almahide, Lindarache, Galiane, etc., refuse absolutely to make any move which will in any way compromise their honor. Ponce de León proposes to Almahide that she go away with him, but she retorts that not only must daughters refrain from promising themselves in marriage without parental consent, but even less is it their right “à consentir à des enleuemens honteux, qui laissent vne tache à la reputation d'vne Dame, que rien ne sçauroit effacer” (III, 1483). Later Almahide tells Ponce that the two of them have something to combat that is stronger than ambition and grandeur, something that no one ought to resist, something that she never will resist. “Et quelle est-elle, cette redoubtable Ennemie? s'écria le feint Leonce: c'est ma vertu, c'est ma gloire, luy repliqua la belle Almahide, qui me vaincra tousiours, & que vous ne vaincrez iamais” (III, 1886). Indeed, she will yield her life before her reputation (III, 1891). Miriam also would rather be dead “que de faire rien indigne de ma vertu” (III, 1922).

Again the gentlemen are no less jealous of their honor than the women. Abindarrays avenges his own honor in challenging those who seek to destroy Donique's reputation. Honor also involves gratitude to the point of self-sacrifice for favors received. Thus Zelebin is ready to forfeit his love because of the gratitude he owes Audalla (VIII, 252). It forces him to speak to his own hurt when temptation seeks to sway him.

Although suicide is generally condemned in many of the Seventeenth Century novels, mention of it from a moral point of view is restricted in Almahide to the statement that among the Spaniards suicide is forbidden. Were it not for that, Ponce admits, he would prefer to take his life rather than suffer the anguish which torments him during his separation from Almahide (III, 1419, 1992). There are two suicides in the novel. Alicot plunges into the waves in desperation after Orcan (or Palsi) is deaf to his plea that he be released in order to enable him to rescue Fatime (VI, 2682-2683). The perfidious Alabée, seeing herself threatened with a life of poverty, stabs herself (VI, 2550).

Finally, patriotism is strongly stressed. Scudéry transfers to the soil of Granada his deep-abiding love for country. Zarcan, Boaudilin's favorite, seeks to worm out of Fernand de Solís the secret of the identity of the unknown lovers of Almahide by promising him his freedom and return to Spain. Fernand replies that “chacun aime à mourir où il est nay” (VI, 1852). It is patriotism and love for Granada which impel Muley Hazen to relinquish his throne to Boaudilin (III, 1772 f.). Almahide tells Alvare that if she declared that she preferred Les Fontaines as a home to all the remainder of the earth, she would not do anything unjust “pourueu que i'en excepte ma Patrie” (II, 1297), and it is her sense of duty to her king and her love of her country which finally induce her to continue her false position as queen. Had she consulted her personal feelings, she would have willingly stepped down from the throne, but she is convinced that the peace of Granada and the welfare of her country are at stake:

Il est naturel d'aimer & de chercher le repos, mais il n'est pas iuste de preferer ce repos à son deuoir, à son honneur, à son Roy, ny à sa Patrie.

(VI, 1887 f.)

Thus Georges de Scudéry and his wife continue the tradition of Madeleine, their sister, in whose pages one may find similar expressions of lofty idealism. These ideas had been repeated before in many forms, but Scudéry deserves praise for having lent the weight of his own pen in preaching such things as the sanctity of marriage, the inviolability of the home, filial obedience of children, justice and kindness in monarchs, and love of country. In this respect, Almahide is universal in its appeal.

THE PASTORAL ELEMENT

One of the most obvious influences of the Astrée noticeable in Almahide is the presence of a trace of the pastoral element. The essential difference is that in the Astrée those characters who have pastoral rôles are supposed to be shepherds and shepherdesses, while in Almahide the characters who assume pastoral dress are definitely known to be disguised.

As part of the pastoral effect Almahide takes the name Aminte; Ponce that of Leonce; and Alvare that of Ramire (I, 449). “… ayant connû que l'habit galant des Bergers” was pleasing to Aminte, Leonce “ne le quitoit presques point non plus qu'elle.” As an additional means of providing pleasure for his love, Leonce composes verse modeled upon the Bucolics of Vergil (I, 450). Even the Duke of Medina Sidonia, shrouded in gloom as the result of temporary political disaster, is afforded some measure of solace by “cette agreable galanterie” (II, 1177).

The height of artificiality is reached in an argument by Almahide upon being reproached by Ponce for accepting Boaudilin's proposal of marriage:

Ouy, ouy … la Bergere Aminte estoit plus heureuse que ne le sera la Princesse Almahide: sa Houlette estoit préferable au Sceptre: sa Cabane valoit bien mieux qu'vn Palais: ses Chiens estoient plus fideles, que ne le seroient ses Gardes: & ses Moutons plus obeïssants que ne le sçauroient estre ses Subjects.

(II, 1279)

Nor is the court of Granada immune to the pastoral influence. However, Scudéry confesses in a way that the pastoral cloak assumed is lacking in reality as will be seen in the following passage. The king, queen, and court take a promenade and find themselves

dans vne Grand Prairie, dont le vert l'emportoit sur les Esmeraudes, & qui estoit toute bordée des plus grands & des plus beaux Arbres que le Soleil eust iamais fait naistre, & que la Nature eust iamais faits. … (elle) estoit alors toute couuerte de Troupeaux de Moutons, de Brebis, & d'Aigneaux: & ces Aigneaux, ces Brebis, & ces Moutons, tous couuerts de Rubans de diuerses couleurs: mais ces aimables Animaux estoient si blancs, si propres, si gras, & si potelez, qu'il estoit aisé de voir que l'on songeoit plus au plaisir qu'à l'vtilité. … Plusieurs Bergers & plusieurs Bergeres, parurent meslez parmy eux, la Houlette à la main, & la Panetiere au costé, proprement & galamment habillez. …

(VII, 311 f.)

No further comment is necessary except to observe that certainly nothing could be less “blancs” and no one less “propres habillez” than a genuine flock of sheep with its attendants. Scudéry might have commented also on the “vtilité” of the shepherds in the above passage.

In conclusion, it should be pointed out that included in the pages of Almahide are numerous discussions in which the advantages and disadvantages of life at court and in the country are debated. In one curious discourse Abindarrays speaks of the provinces with their life and manners as if these districts were in another nation, separate and apart from Paris and other cities (V, 1513). Perhaps the best defense of rustic life is made by Mustapha who enumerates the pleasures it has to offer (VIII, 470 f.). But again, as is the case with most of the arguments found in Almahide, Scudéry does not commit himself, and the debate settles nothing.

DESCRIPTION OF CHARACTER AND SCENE

I have already indicated the fact that Almahide is in part a roman à clef, and that there are a number of anagrammatic names in the novel intended to veil thinly the identities of the living persons they represent. Scudéry presents also a number of graphic portraits of other characters whose identities it is more difficult to discern because they bear Moorish names, because, as tradition relates it, Scudéry distorts their portraits if these appeared too obvious, making blonds brunettes, brunettes blonds, and because identification through the portraits usually hinges on some brief key phrase or sentence. As an example of the last statement, it will be recalled that Livet identified Lydice by the fact that she was fourteen years older than her oldest daughter. However, literary portraits were very much à la mode at the time of the appearance of Almahide. Madeleine de Scudéry had contributed no little towards making them so since 1649 as Cousin indicates,¹² and in Almahide Georges de Scudéry continues to cater to the tastes of the day.

In the same manner, the portrait as handled by Scudéry in this novel continues the stereotyped manner of presentation as found in the Cyrus and in Faramond. As Koerting points out:

Ist doch auch nicht nur die Zeichnung der Charaktere, sondern auch die Beschreibung des Äusseren der Personen eine nahezu stereotype. Insbesondere die Schilderung der Frauenschönheit hält sich fast durchgängig genau an folgendes Schema: Haltung, Gang, Teint, Augen, Mund, Zähne, Haare, Busen, Hände.¹³

This model is followed in the portrait painting of Almahide (I, 478); Ponce (I, 475); Alvare (I, 500); Abindarrays (IV, 465); Semahis (I, 295); Lydice (III, 1656); Emir (V, 1657); Myris (V, 1659); Aldoradine (V, 1669); Ebal (V, 1674); Odomar (VIII, 292); Orthobule (VIII, 295); Mechmet (VIII, 296); Therose (VIII, 423); Carralil (VIII, 277); Amouda (VIII, 282); Rapagy (VIII, 285), and Hyamene (VIII, 287). However, the portrait in Almahide may appear either in the form of oral narration by Fernand de Solís as is the usual case, or in the form of a letter (Almahide and Ponce, I, 475 f.) or in metrical form (Myris, ode, V, 1661, and Saluze, elegy, V, 1309). In the case of Therose (VIII, 423) Scudéry eliminates a physical description and gives only a character study. All of the portraits given are those of “des honnestes gens.” In the case of the méchants, the author prefers to let the reader form his own opinion as in the case of Alabée (VI, 1957) and Olimane (VII, 419).

Comparing in outline some of the portraits in Almahide with the scheme given by Koerting, it is found that in the case of Ponce de León, Scudéry describes figure, body, bearing, hair, eyes, nose, mouth, facial features, complexion, talents, esprit, and disposition (loc. cit.), and for Alvare we have figure, hair, complexion, eyes, mouth, voice, gait, esprit, and character (loc. cit.). For female characters the procedure is virtually the same. Scudéry describes Almahide's figure, gait, body, esprit, hair, eyes, complexion, mouth, features, talents, more esprit, character, and disposition (loc. cit.).

There is more amplification in the presentation of Abindarrays-Scudéry's portrait. The author is careful to explain that he is describing Abindarrays in the full bloom of youth. He gives memory, esprit, intelligence, inclinations, character, voice, accomplishments (poetry, music, painting, etc.), propensity for amorous affairs, figure, bearing, gait, hair, face, eyes, eyebrows, complexion, nose, mouth, hands, and education, all of which covers ten pages (IV, 465 f.).

Let us examine this portrait more closely. Abindarrays' portrait is selected because it is a composite of the others, including all the features which may appear in some and be omitted in others. Moreover, it is exactly what one would expect of a Capitaine Fracasse or a miles gloriosus to say about himself.

Abindarrays possesses “vne memoire prodigieuse; vn esprit vif” and “toutes ses inclinations estoient nobles & eleuées …” (IV, 465). He is generous, magnificent, liberal, and never was a friend more true and faithful than he. He is humane and sympathetic, not only towards men but also towards animals. The tone of his voice is “doux,” and “son temperament … un peu … melancholique” and “le feu lumineux” of his “esprit” makes him quick to anger, “mais ce Tonnerre ne dure point” (IV, 468). Georges describes his bravery and modesty (?), his musical, poetic, and artistic accomplishments, and his amorous inclinations (IV, 468 f.).

As for his physical appearance, he declares

sa taille … mediocre, & iustement entre la trop grande & la trop petite: mais si belle, si noble. … Il a l'air haut, le port maiestueux, le marcher graue, & l'action vn peu fiere. … Ses cheueux … ni fort noirs ni fort blonds … d'vne couleur fort agreable: son visage … ouale … ses yeux … noirs, grands, & bien fendus … ses sourcils bruns & fort espais; son teint vif; le nez bien fait, quoy qu'vn peu grand pour vn Grenadin: & la bouche si extraordinairement belle … qu'il n'est point de si belle Dame qui n'en fust contente, si elle l'auoit ainsi. … Il a encore les plus belles mains du monde pour vn homme.

(IV, 471 f.)

The same portrait except for variations in stature and colorations would fit most of the feminine characters.

Lydice est de la plus riche & de plus belle taille du monde: & l'on voit quelque chose de si noble, de si grand, & de si Majestueux en son port, que l'on diroit que c'est vne Reine qui vient de descendre du Thrône … Elle a l'air si haut, & l'action si libre & si aisée, que mal-gré le Carractere de Grandeur qu'elle a toûjours sur le visage, les Graces ne l'abandonnent iamais … Comme le Soleil couchant à ses beautez, aussi bien que celuy qui se leue; dans vn âge auncé, elle a encore presques tout l'éclat & tout l'agréement de la ieunesse: & ie la compare à ces pompeux débris, & à ces precieuses ruines de Marbre, de Porphire, & de Iaspe; qui par ce qu'elles sont encore, font voir ce qu'elles ont esté: & qui mal-gré les efforts du Temps, & l'iniure des Saisons, sont tousiours belles & magnifiques. Pour ses cheueux … (d'vne) couleur rare. Son taint … tout le blanc, & tout l'incarnat des Roses: ses yeux … si doux, … si plein d'esprit … si perçant. … Sa bouche … le dernier effort de la Nature. … Son visage est d'vne figure Ouale … iuste en toutes ses proportions. … Sa gorge … pleine & bien taillée: & sa blancheur a tant d'éclat, qu'apres l'auoir comparée à celle de la Neige, de l'Iuoire, & de l'Albastre; l'on voit qu'il n'est point de comparaison iuste pour elle. …

Like Abindarrays,

Son temperamment de feu, luy donne bien quelque panchant vers la colere: mais cette flame s'éteint en naissant, comme celle des Esclairs: & le tumulte finit presques aussi-tost qu'il commence. Naturellement elle a l'ame tendre & passionnée: & cependant la raison l'a tousiours emporté sur ce panchant naturel, qui l'incline à aimer comme elle est aimable, & comme on l'aime. … Elle mesle pourtant quelquefois à sa douceur, toute la fierté d'vne Amazone: & la Nature luy a donné vn cœur si grand & si ferme, que le danger le plus affreux ne la sçauroit épouuanter. Aussi luy a-t'on veû proteger des Princes exilez, sans craindre la puissance des Rois, ny la colere des Fauoris: & la vertu persecutée, a trouué retraite chez elle, & dequoy se consoler de son exile. …

(III, 1657-1663)

More than twenty-one hundred pages later we learn that “Lydice n'auoit que quatorze ans plus qu'Emire sa Fille aisnée” (V, 1698-1699), and this one sentence is sufficient to give Livet the clue he had been seeking. He identifies her as the Duchess of Lesdiguières.

Included among the characters whom I was unable to identify is Amouda

vne personne extremement aimable, fort froide, & fort melancolique, & pourtant la plus agreable du Monde, quand il luy plaist … bien qu'elle face profession d'vne fort grande pieté dans la Religion où elle est née; elle a neantmoins l'air galant & languissant. …

She is extremely fond of her husband “qui est vn homme si bien fait, qu'on luy a donné le nom d'vn Heros. …” For one of her friends “elle a solicité vn grand Procés, contre son propre interest …” If she had followed her own inclinations “elle feroit des Satyres fort plaisantes & fort ingenieuses, de ceux qui n'en ont point,” but her virtue prevents her from doing so (VIII, 282).

A few of the portraits, for example that of the old and gouty lover, are of abstract types which recall those of La Bruyère. Of this type, Scudéry wrote:

… vn homme qui laisse tous les soirs ses cheueux & ses dents sous la Toilette; qui n'est blondin que par de la poudre; ou qui n'est noir que par la teinture de son poil; est vne mauuaise Figure de Galant: & il auroit besoin de pouuoir faire, ce que nous a fait voir vne Deuise, où vne Aigle s'arrachoit ses vieilles plumes au Soleil, afin d'en auoir de nouuelles: auec ce mot escrit à l'entour, “Renouuelons Novs.” Car quelques iolies choses que die vne Dame, vn Amant decrepit n'en oseroit rire, de peur de montrer ses dents noires en riant: c'est vn spectacle ridicule, de ne pouuoir lire sans Lunettes, les Billets doux d'vne Maistresse: & de ne luy en pouuoir escrire, que par ces yeux empruntez. Tout de mesme vn Amant gouteux, n'a garde de la diuertir au Bal: puis que bien loin de pouuoir dancer, il ne marche qu'auecques peine: puis qu'au lieu de luy donner la main, il a besoin qu'elle la luy donne: & qu'elle soit son baston de vieillesse, au lieu qu'il deuroit estre son Escuyer. …

(V, 1754 f.)

This portrait is followed by one of the youthful lover, and to this list of abstract portraits should be added most of the women loved by Abindarrays, since they represent all types, blonds and brunettes, tall women and small, robust and thin, melancholy and merry, etc.

DESCRIPTION OF SCENE IN ALMAHIDE

Description is one of the most important elements in Almahide and as such truly deserves more than passing treatment in this study.¹⁴ Hundreds of pages are devoted by Scudéry to graphic presentations of the fanfare and pageantry which were so much a part, not only of Granada and Moorish life, but of his own Paris as well.

Pitou, in his study of Faramond,¹⁵ mildly reproves La Calprenède for his failure at times to take advantage of the opportunity to depict in a descriptive passage color and detail afforded by the subject under treatment. Magendie makes a like charge against many of the Seventeenth Century novels, including Ibrahim. No such indictment can be made against Scudéry in his Almahide, for detail and color are his forte. All of the colors of the rainbow and their combinations pass before the eye of the reader in almost endless procession as the author describes now a religious procession,¹⁶ now a coronation, now a Moorish wedding,¹⁷ a bull-fight,¹⁸ a carrousel,¹⁹ or a series of tableaux. Nature is not neglected, and again colors are myriad in a dawn, a sunset, or in a sea storm. Possibly in imitation of Hita Scudéry offers some colors as being symbolical; elsewhere he devotes several pages to a discussion of the merits of the various colors.

As has been stated above, Scudéry gives special attention to descriptions of the various festivals, carrousels, and courses de bague which are so prevalent in Hita's work. He is at his best when engaged in such description, and it is not surprising since his own imagination was supplemented by similar festivities in Paris and in the provinces. When one reads of such pageants as the following in La Croix²⁰ or in Voltaire, one wonders who was the father of the thought, Scudéry or those who planned festivities for Louis XIV.

In 1662 Louis authorized an appropriation of one million, two hundred thousand livres to defray expenses for a magnificent spectacle which took place on June 5 and 6 of that year. The festivities included courses en char, courses de tête, and courses de bague. “Les concurrents avaient été divisés en quadrilles de nations différentes,” La Croix states, and the king appeared dressed à la romaine. Monsieur represented the Persians, Condé, the Turks, the Duc d'Enghien, the “Indiens,” and the Duc de Guise, the “sauvages.” The Queen, the Queen Mother, and the Queen of England were present to distribute prizes which included “une boîte à portraits enrichie de diamants,” a reward common for many of the heroes of the novel. Such spectacles, Voltaire points out, reawakened interest in devices, emblems, tourneys, magnificent costumes, superb horses, games of lance and ring, and theatrical machines, as well as in ballets, exhibitions of mythological figures, music, dancing, pantomime, and ingenious and singular mascarades.²¹

As for Paul La Croix's description given above, it finds its parallel in Almahide with the exception that the Sultana proposes that for the festival “chaque Dame soit habillée selon la mode des Femmes de toutes les differentes Nations, & des principales Villes où la Religion Mahometane est establie …” (IV, 250). Preparations are made according to the Queen's command, and Morayma appears as a Persian Queen, Galiane as the Queen of Tartary, Aldoradine as a lady of Constantinople, etc. (IV, 251).

Perhaps the most brilliant spectacle in Almahide and one which represents Scudéry's skill in handling detail and in blending color is the wedding of Almahide. Because Moorish women are not permitted to enter the mosques (this point has been discussed briefly above), it is necessary to hold the ceremony out of doors, midst palms, orange blossoms, myrtles, and playing fountains.

Tous les Trompetes du Roy, tous ses Tambours, tous ses Fiffres, & tous ses Ioüeurs de Timbes, de Timbales, & d'Attabales; de Dulcines, d'Agnafiles, de Nacaires, de Musettes, de Haut-bois, & d'autres Instrumens à la Moresque, sortirent les premiers de l'Halambre. …

The heralds follow in their gorgeous costumes, bearing their golden maces. Following the richly dressed guards rides Boaudilin

sur vn Char d'or, orné de Trophées en basse taille, & tiré par quatre Barbes blancs, attelez de frõt, auec des Housses en broderie. … Cent Esclaues marchoient à l'entour de son Char, ayant des Tuniques de Toile d'argẽt, à gros boutons d'or; & des Coliers de mesme metal.

Other members of his entourage follow equally as resplendent.

At the same time Almahide has left her father's palace, preceded by players of harps, lutes, guitars, and other Moorish instruments, and for the first time in this description colors vary from the white, silver, and gold of her bridegroom's party. Preceding the bride are

Cinquante Esclaues fort magnifiques … portant … des Capelines d'or traict, enrichies de Pierreries; des Pianelles d'or massif, ornez de Turquoises & de Rubis; des Liures de Prieres à la Turque, couuerts de Diamans: des Brasselets; des Colliers & des Pendants d'oreilles d'Esmeraudes de la vieille Roche; vn grand Coffre de Cristal garny d'Orphevrerie, plein de Perles. … Vn autre grand cofre d'Agathe tout plein d'Ambre gris, de Musq, de Ciuette, & d'autres parfums. …

Twenty-four camels follow laden with coffers “de Vernix de la Chine, à feüillages d'or & de Nacarat, tout pleins de Chemises en broderie d'or & de Perles … des Bandeaux & des Voiles de mesme …,” followed by four chariots of slave girls, escorted by twelve black eunuchs. After them come

Trois grands Flambeaux allumez, & tous brillans d'or & de flame, aussi hauts & aussi gros qüe les Mats des plus grands Nauires … traisnez sur vne Machine faite en Candelabre d'or. … Vn char d'argent cizele (pour conuenir à la pureté de l'Espouse) attelé de Barbes blancs, à Housses couuertes de broderie d'argent, & le Chanfrain orné de grandes Aigrettes, suiuoit … & comme ce Char estoit découuert, douze Esclaues richement habillez, y soutenoient au dessus, vn double Dais de Velours rouge cramoisy, tout enrichy de broderie d'or, sous lequel l'incomparable Almahide estoit assise, au milieu de Morayzel & de Semahis.

The bride is described; she had “Vne Cimarre de Toile d'or, r'ataché d'vne Enseigne de Diamans, au derriere de la teste. On luy voyait la gorge, les mains, & les bras, dont la blancheur ébloüissante, auroit terny de la Neige … Quatre Esclaues” march beside the chariot, “tenant de grands Esuentails de Plumes d'Austruche de diuerses couleurs garnis d'or. …”

The two parties arrive at the scene designated for the wedding at the same moment; the king mounts the steps of the estrade on one side, while Almahide ascends another set of stairs on the opposite end of the platform, both being followed by their attendants. From the near-by mosque comes the Muphti

vestu de l'habit des anciens Caliphes, & suiuy des Talismans, des Alfaquis, des Marabous, des Calanders, & de tous les autres Religieux Mahometans de la Ville de Grenade; chantans tous ensemble auec beaucoup de iustesse & d'harmonie, en Langue Arrabique. Au Nom de Dieu misericordieux & propice; qui sont des paroles tirées de l'vn des Sorats de l'Alcoran, … par lesquelles ce Clergé Mahometan souhaitoit que ce Mariage fust heureux, estant fait au nom d'Alla, dont ils estoient comme nous, que viennent toutes les graces. Alors le Muphty monta seul sur ce Theatre, par le troisiéme Escalier: & apres auoir salüé le Roy, & la Princesse Almahide, il s'aprocha d'eux & leur dit certaines paroles Arrabes … & les faisant courber tous deux, il leur porta les mains sur la teste, comme par vne imposition Pontificale. … En suite de cela, le Muphty ayant acheué la Ceremonie Nuptiale, fit signe à ces Musiciens qu'ils changeassent de Cantique: de sorte qu'ils commencerent d'entonner ces mots, en langue Arrabique, Deffends-la, Seigneur, s'il te plaist, du mauuais Ange.

This ceremony is followed by the traditional “long live the queen,” accompanied by the music of Moorish instruments which is mingled with the customary salute from all the cannon of the city (III, 1950).

As for the architecture, as in Faramond, Scudéry's descriptions usually fall into the category of interior decorating, for as Fernand de Solís explains:

Ie ne m'arresteray pourtant pas à vous en décrire particulierement toutes les beautez exterieures, parce que vous les pouuez voir tous les iours vous mesme, du haut du Chasteau de l'Halãbre. …

(III, 1760)

However, he does not hesitate to describe the exterior architecture of a building if it is not located in Granada, and for that reason cannot be viewed by Roderic de Navarre for whose benefit he is making the entire recital. Many of the edifices, such as the Alhambra, actually existed, but Scudéry has not failed “selon” his “coustume, de bastir en Andalouzie & à Grenade de fort belles & de fort magnifiques Maisons” (Au lecteur, I). Such is the magnificent mansion of Lydice at Besmeliane:

vn grand & superbe Bastiment de figure ouale; & vn grand & superbe Donjon quarré: de qui la structure est si vieille & si massiue, que l'on voit auec quelque sorte de veneration, que ceux des vieux Siècles qui l'ont edifiée, ont basti pour l'éternité. … Ce vieux Chasteau est flanqué par tout de Tours & de Guerites; & bordé de Pieces de Canon; & comme la coustume des Maures, est d'orner le haut des Murailles de leurs Villes & de leurs Places fortes, des testes de leurs Ennemis, qu'ils ont tuez à la Guerre; la genereuse & pitoyable Lydice, pour conseruer le souuenir des Victoires de ses Peres, par vn moyen plus humain; a fait oster ces Cranes affreux; & bordet (sic) ces hauts Murs de distance en distance, de belles testes de Sculpture. …²²

The mansion has its own magnificent mosque, its stables and out-houses, all surrounded by moats, and to the rear of these buildings is “vn petit Iardin solitaire auec des Grottes: mais si couuert, & si retiré, que les Murailles en estant couuertes de verdure.” A description of the walls about the old château is given. They were

basties auec vn certain Ciment, où s'est trouué vn Sel si merueilleux & si fertile, qu'elles sont toutes couuertes d'Oeillets, depuis la surface de l'eau, iusques au haut du Parapet: de sorte qu'en la Saison de ces Fleurs, ce grand & antique Bastiment paroist tout en feu.

(V, 1634 f.)

The grounds surrounding these palaces are the traditional French parks found in so many of the novels of the Seventeenth Century. The beautiful land surrounding Besmeliane is stocked with “Cerfs, de Biches, de Daims, de Cheureüils, & de Sangliers, qui ne se font aucun mal, & qui n'en font à personne: tant on les a rendus prieuz, & tant ils sont bien accoustumez ensemble” (V, 1630). The air is sweet with the song of a thousand birds.²³ There is

vne Pelouse d'vne Lieuë de long & de deux ou trois cens pas de large: toute vnie, toute verte; & toute couuerte de Lapins, que l'on y voit bondir & courir, sortir & rentrer dans leurs trous. … Cette belle Pelouse est bornée à la main gauche de la Mer, que l'on voit toute pleine de Bateaux & de Nauires, & toute bordée d'Oyzeaux Aquatiques & Maritimes … & à la main droite est vn Lac de mesme longueur que la Plaine, & d'vn quart de lieuë de large: dont l'eau pure & transparante, paroist de Cristal. …

The crowning feature of this lake is a little isle covered with rushes and flowers and populated by swans that glide majestically on the water's surface. Valleys and dales covered with trees and dotted with cabins, hamlets, and mosques, greet the eye from every direction (V, 1629 f.).

Other estates described by Scudéry are similar to this one with the exception that most are more resplendent with their statues placed at regular intervals along the many walks and avenues, lined with stately trees of all species, and invariably there are several fountains from which jets of water play.²⁴

The houses are immense, and contain innumerable rooms all of which are described to the last detail. To enter the palace of Therose (VIII, 394), one crosses a moat bordered on either side by “vne Balustrade de Marbre blanc: & l'on voit la Court formée par les trois faces du Bastiment.” Two lines of busts adorn this court. The vestibule is paved with black and white marble and is ornamented with medals and trophies.

L'Escalier spacieux et aisé, a d'vn costé vne Balustrade de Marbre blanc, & de l'autre de grands Païsages peints à fresque contre la Muraille … & tous ces Repos sont pauez de ces mesmes Marbres blancs & noirs. Le Dôme²⁵ de cét Escalier, a quatre Tableaux en Camayeu, deux jaunes & deux verds: representant des Sacrifices à l'antique; des Festõs, des Fleurs & de Fruits, colorez au naturel; & beaucoup d'autres ornemens d'Architecture. Lors que l'on est monté, l'on se trouue dans vne Sale d'vn quarré oblong, fort peinte & fort enrichie: & qui a vn Balcon à Balustrade de fer peint & doré. …

(VIII, 394 f.)

From this room one passes into an ante-chamber, equally as magnificent, and then into “vne chambre d'Alcoue, à l'Italienne,” with its decorations of the seven liberal arts “representez par des Femmes assises sur la Corniche, & par des Enfans, des Vazes, & des Festons, qui trompent les yeux. … Le Lit, la Tapisserie, le Tapis, les Chaises & les Fauteüils, y sont de Toile d'argent à Fleurs naturelles: dont la beauté & la richesse disputent le prix. …”

Every mansion described by Scudéry in Almahide has its art gallery with its busts and statues, its murals and its tapestries. Thérose's home has a private mosque with adjoining apartments for meditation. From this room one passes into “vne Terrasse balustrée” and then across a small bridge into six great “Parterres à grands Fleurons, bordez d'Arbustes rares, & fleuris, & divisez par de grandes Allées sablées” and in these gardens one finds the expected group of priceless sculptured pieces, grottoes, and treelined walks. Parallel with these walks are canals from which jets of water rise.

THE RôLE OF PAINTING AND THE “SALONS” IN ALMAHIDE

The descriptions discussed above will give some idea of Scudéry's method and style in treating architecture and interior decorating. Included in the latter category are the innumerable paintings which he has described in this novel and which, as has been indicated, should be included along with d'Urfé's treatment of the same subjects as forerunners of the Salons of Diderot in the Eighteenth Century. As has been shown, Scudéry was intensely interested in this phase of the beaux arts and goes a step further than his predecessor in the Astrée, because to d'Urfé's descriptions, he has added discussions of the technique of painting. One cannot help but believe that Scudéry is sincere when he declares that painting is so beautiful and noble an art that it is worthy of great esteem and that those who do not care for it are worthy of much scorn. To him a great painter is much more than a mere man wielding a brush and transcribing images to a strip of canvas. An artist to be great must have a vast knowledge of all the arts:

car outre que cette imitation trompeuse qui deçoit les yeux, & qui … fait croire veritable ce qui ne l'est pas, est vne chose admirable; car outre que ce merueilleux racourcy, qui dans vn petit espace, nous fait voir vn grand Païs, & fort loin ce qui est fort prés, donne de l'estonnement; car outre que la varieté du Coloris, l'opposition de la lumiere & de l'ombre, & … la Carnation, les Drapperies, les beaux plis, la diminution des Objets, par les diuerses teintes; l'vnion, l'ordonnance, & plusieurs autres rares parties, qui regardent l'Art & la justesse du Pinceau, meritent bien de l'estime … il faut necessairement qu'il sçache l'Architecture, la Geometrie, la Perspectiue, l'Optique, le Poinct de Veuë, l'Anatomie … qu'il n'ignore ny l'Histoire ny la Fable … qu'il connoisse tous les Siecles & toutes les Nations; pour donner à ceux qu'il representera, les habillemens & les Armes qui leur conuiennent; pour ne pas trauestir les Nations & les Siecles; & pour ne pas faire voir son ignorance, en pensant monstrer son sçauoir. … Quoy plus? il faut qu'il s'esleue jusques à la Philosophie, pour connoistre parfaitement la nature des passions, afin de les pouuoir bien representer: comme la joye & la douleur; l'amour & la haine; la colere & la pitié; celles qui resserrent le cœur, & celles qui le dilattent; celles qui doiuent estre modestes, & celles qui doiuent éclatter. …

(VII, 655 f.)

When Abenamin attacks the aesthetic ignorance of Lindarache's visitors who praise the work of his brush without discrimination, he is making a pointed attack on “the majority of persons of quality who are hardly more versed in the art of painting.” These visitors gaze at Abenamin's art and speak of it:

comme la pluspart des jeunes Gens de la Cour … c'est à dire en ne s'y connoissant point du tout; en loüant ce qu'il ne faut pas loüer; en ne loüant pas ce qui merite bien de la loüange; en disant que c'est la plus belle chose du monde, sans sçauoir si elle est belle ou laide, & presques sans la regarder; en ne parlant que des belles Couleurs, & comptant pour rien toutes les autres rares parties de la Peinture; en demandant pourquoy les Figures ont du noir à costé du nez, sans comprendre que c'en est l'ombre; & voulant encore sçauoir la raison de ce qu'il y en a de si grandes & de si petites, sans conceuoir que c'est l'effet de l'esloignement, & le plus beau de la Perspectiue & de l'Optique. Et au bout de tout cela, vn pas de Sarabande; vn mot de quelque Chanson; vne Piroüette, vne Gambade; porter la main à ses cheueux; siffler vn peu à demy-bas; se tourner preste comme sur vn Piuot; & demander quel temps il fait, & quelle heure est il? n'ayant rien de meilleur à dire. …

(VII, 614 f.)

selon eux, il n'y a point de distinction entre le plus grand Peintre du Monde & vn Broyeur d'Ocre: ni entre ce grand Peintre, & le plus bas Artisan: & le mal est, qu'ils ne sont pas seuls dans cette honteuse ignorance: & que la pluspart des gens de qualité, ne sont gueres plus sçauants.

(VII, 657 f.)

It has been indicated elsewhere that the subject of the Scudéry salon is almost always from Greek or Roman mythology. An example or two of his descriptions of paintings will suffice to demonstrate his ability. Describing a picture of dancing nymphs, he writes:

On croyoit effectiuement les voir danser et sauter. Le vent agitoit leurs cheueux & faisoit voler leurs Robes … cét exercise violent sembloit leur auoir mis sur le visage, vn incarnat vif & animé. … Vn Berger, pressant sa Musette du bras gauche, soufflant à iouës enflées dans l'vn de ses chalumeaux, & paroissant remuër les doigts de l'vne & de l'autre main. …

(VII, 135)

Atalanta in the race is described thus:

Elle estoit peinte en courant de toute sa force, vn pied leué, & l'autre à terre; la jambe droite racourcie; les bras auancez; le corps à demy courbé en auant; ses cheueux & la Draperie de son habillement poussez en arriere par le Vent, qui resistoit à la vistesse de sa course; & Hypomene qui la suiuoit, auec vne legereté aprochante de la sienne. Il sembloit auoir jetté vne Pomme d'Or; cette Belle sembloit aussi tourner la teste pour la regarder; & le Peintre auoit si bien exprimé son irresolution, par l'action douteuse qu'elle faisoit, que l'on connoissoit aisément qu'elle hesitoit, qu'elle balançoit. …

(VII, 139 f.)

The same technique is used by Scudéry in his other renditions of tableaux which have been pointed out in a preceding chapter.²⁶ No detail is omitted to convey life-likeness to the figures of the pictures. The mythological subjects are included primarily as exterior decorations, while others, especially the series of tableaux depicting Mohammed's life, are obviously for educational purposes and for local color.

DESCRIPTION OF NATURE

Scudéry's nature descriptions in Almahide suffer from the same artificiality found in so many of its contemporaries. The presentation of country estates in Granada as was shown above with their orderliness, their walks laid out symmetrically and lined with trees and statues, their fountains, and their stocks of tame animals seems drawn from a blue-print methodically followed. Even a description of a pirate abode on the island of Origny offers nothing of the wildwood which one would naturally expect it to possess. Scudéry would have the reader believe that nature has followed a plan which would be well for art to imitate, but the handiwork of civilization is detected even here:

Vne haute esleuation de terre … au delà de ce Marais … forme vn grand demy Cercle.

This prominence is covered with pines, firs, and cypress trees. At several points the usual fountains throw forth their jets

De sorte que l'on voit en ce lieu là, comme vn superbe Amphitheatre, dont la Scene pompeuse, & pourtant rustique, seroit toute preparée pour representer vne Pastorale: tant il est vray que la Nature est digne d'estre imitée par l'Art.

(I, 245)

The contrast between mobility and its antithesis is interesting. Aquatic birds plunge and swim, but nearby stands a crane on one foot, head hidden beneath a wing. In the same picture wild geese and ducks rend the air with the screams as they frolic in the rushes.

The descriptions of the sunrise and sunset are marked by the same artificiality. They differ from most other descriptions of the kind found in the contemporary novel because of the use of color. Scudéry's suns cast forth more than a golden hue:

l'Aurore monta sur l'Horison plus belle & plus éclattante que les Poëtes & les Peintres ne la representent; & fit voir en l'air parmy vne riche impression de lumiere, mille couleurs differentes, & pourtant toutes rares en beauté: qui meslant le sombre à l'éclattant, l'incarnat au jaune doré & la couleur de feu au bleu pasle, & qui se confondant & s'effaçant en suite les vnes apres les autres, exposoient aux yeux le plus changeant & le plus magnifique objet du monde. Il en faut pourtant excepter celuy du grand Astre qui le suiuit: car il parut ce iour là auec tant de pompe & tant d'éclat, tant de rayons & tant de lumiere, que toute la magnificence des Rois eust paru pauure, en comparaison de la superbe richesse que le Soleil estala & répandit sur l'Hemisphere … Il communiqua mesmes ses beautez à tout le reste de la Nature: les Prez, les Champs, & les Bois, en parurent beaucoup plus verds, & beaucoup plus agreables: les Riuieres & les Fontaines redoublerent leur esclat, en seruant de Miroirs à ce bel Astre: & sa splendeur se meslant à celle de leur Cristal, en fit rejalir de nouueaux feux sur tous ces charmans Riuages. Mille & mille Perles liquides brilloient dessus les Buissons, & brodoient toutes les Herbes: & le Zephire doux & flateur murmuroit comme les Ruisseaux, & temperoit l'ardeur du Soleil, par son haleine fraische, douce, parfumée, & delicieuse. Toutes les Fleurs s'ouvrant à ce beau matin, faisoient que la Terre disputoit au Ciel, la beauté, l'éclat, & la magnificence: & les Oiseaux salüant la clarté naissante, & meslant leur joye & leurs chants, à tant de choses rauissantes, firent entendre vne harmonie, qui charmoit l'ame comme les oreilles. …

(VII, 120 f.)

This description is balanced by one of a sunset, and just as the sunrise has awakened all nature, with the dropping of the golden orb below the horizon, she drowses off to sleep again. This description is not as lengthy, nor is the use of colors so pronounced (cf. VII, 341 f.).

The tinge of fierceness often characteristic of nature is given her by Scudéry in his picture of a storm at sea, but this description differs from the classical model of Vergil's Aeneid only in length and greater detail:

vn bruit sourd & confus commença de se faire entendre confusément, & du costé de la pleine Mer, & du costé de la Terre; & le Vent s'eschapant d'entre les Montagnes, s'en vint souleuer les flots; mesler les Cordages; enfler trop les Voiles; & faire gemir le Vaisseau, sous la violence des vagues qui le heurtoient.

The efforts of the expert pilot to control the movement of his ship are in vain, and the roar of the wind and the waves, the splashing of the rain, the pounding of the hail stones, and the crash of the thunder prevent the sailors from hearing one another or from being able to execute the captain's orders:

Milles fois les Vagues enflées, esleuerent nostre Nauire iusques dans le Ciel: & mille fois les Vagues fenduës le laisserent retomber auec elles iusques dans l'abisme. Quoy que la nuict eust vsurpé l'Empire du iour, apres auoir esté quelque temps sans rien voir, tout d'vn coup, les éclairs remplissant tout l'air obscurcy d'vn feu serpentant & prompt, faisoient voir les Montagnes de flots noirs, & des Montagnes blanches d'escume. … Et puis, ce feu subit s'esteignant subitement, remettoit tous ces horribles obiets, dans des tenebres encore plus noires & plus espaisses, qu'elles n'estoient auparauant: tant il est vray que les contraires opposez seruent à se faire paroistre l'vn l'autre.

The conscious effort of the author for antithesis is again evident here. The ship is pushed by one blast of wind to the right, by another to the left, and the vessel is caught fore and aft at the same time by the crushing fingers of Aeolus which cause it to spin for a quarter of an hour!

Du fond des Rochers cauerneux, la Mer poussoit comme de longs gemissemens, capables de transir de crainte, l'ame la plus assurée: les Vents glissant entre les Cordages, & retentissant entre les Tillacs, où ils entroient & sortoient, mesloient encore à ce premier bruit, vn sifflement espouuentable: & tous les Mats esbranlez & prests à rompre, par de si rudes secousses sembloient encore gemir, sous l'effort de ce Demon inuisible qui les agitoit.

Colors again provide a striking effect for “Tout le Ciel & toute la Mer, paroissoient comme vn meslange de feu, de noir, de blanc, & de bleu. … Vn autre Vent soûterrain, sousleuoit le sable du fond de la Mer, à gros tourbillons, & le rouloit confusément parmy les ondes.”

The ship continues to be tossed in all directions, and the play of lightning becomes so horrific that the victims of the storm begin to wonder whether they are to be drowned or burned to death. Fire and water again give a powerful contrast. A gigantic wave smashes the prow, just as a bolt of lightning demolishes the poop. The destruction is complete as the ship, leaking like a sieve, is cut asunder against a rock and “l'impitoyable Mer, engloutit peslemesle dans ses vastes & profonds abysmes, Cordages, voiles, Planches brisées, Mats rompus, & gens noyez” (I, 259 f.).

This description, while an amplification of Vergil's, is perhaps the best treatment of nature in Almahide and is a departure from the order found in others of this subject in the novel. It is also the least artificial of them. However, it is the nature of the subject under treatment rather than Scudéry's own talent which makes it so. A storm at sea is a terrible thing, but Scudéry by force of habit exaggerates, or amplifies if you will, and at times he is amusing: picture the ship whirling like a top for fifteen minutes on the crest of a wave! Or a subterranean sea wind strewing sand over the surface of the waves!

THE USE OF COLORS IN ALMAHIDE

As even a casual examination of Scudéry's descriptions of costumes and festivals in Almahide will indicate, colors run riot. This point is important in the light of Magendie's criticism of the lack of color in descriptions in most Seventeenth Century French novels. Not only are colors utilized profusely in descriptive passages, but their origin and respective merits are discussed, and following many earlier novelists, there is a trace of color symbolism, although not so much as one finds in Las Guerras Civiles. However, Scudéry or his characters speak of colors objectively: they are discussed impersonally and in the descriptions they produce no emotional reaction on the part of the characters. In this respect, he merely amplifies the usage of Pérez de Hita, and differs from that of Saint-Pierre and of Nineteenth Century novelists, for his colors are restricted to use where they are necessary; i.e., costumes, physical traits, buildings, landscapes, etc.

In his treatment of the origin of color, he writes:

Qui sçait si le blanc n'est point la couleur primitiue, dont le noir n'est que la priuation? comme la nuit n'est autre chose que celle du iour: & si toutes les Couleurs ne se font point des changemens de celles-cy? Qui sçait encore, s'il n'est pas vray, qu'il n'y a que trois couleurs en la Nature? le noir, le blanc, & le rouge: le premier, qui assemble les autres; le second, où elles s'élargissent & s'étendent, receuant celles qui s'y meslent: & le troisiéme, dont se compose la diuersité des couleurs, par le meslange des deux autres? Et qui sçait encore, si le noir ne vient pas de la Terre? le blanc de l'Air? & le rouge du Feu? l'Eau n'ayant point de couleur, & ne seruant qu'à nourrir & faire croistre les Plantes. Qui sçait … si le rouge n'est point la couleur unique, qui produit toutes les autres? le noir ny le blanc n'estans pas veritablement des couleurs; mais seulement cette premiere resserrée, ou étenduë, & qui par là, fait apres les couleurs brunes, ou les couleurs éclatantes. Nous ne sçauons … rien de tout cela bien precisément: mais peut-estre qu'il viendra vn iour quelqu'vn apres nous, qui éclaircira le Monde de toutes ces choses. …

(I, 431 f.)

Color symbolism is employed to a certain extent. Morayzel ousts Almadan from Semahis' favor. The two cavaliers prepare to engage in a duel and take care

de se fournir d'vn équipage, proportionné à l'estat present de leur fortune: dont … les couleurs, pussent bien exprimer celuy de leur ame. …

Morayzel, known as the insensible, had formerly worn a silvery white symbolical of his imperviousness to love, but now “pour exprimer la nouvelle & haute esperance qu'il auoit, sa Cotte d'armes, & la Housse de son Cheual, estoient de velours vert en broderie d'argent,” and he wears a “Panache de la mesme couleur.” Almadan to represent his despair dresses in garments of “feüillemorte,” and has a plume of the same color (I, 193 f.). In the carrousel Zelebin wears green as the symbol of hope (II, 741). As for Abenamin, “comme la belle Lindarache estoit alors en deüil, pour la mort d'vn de ses proches Parens; & que de plus le braue Abenamin son Amant … estoit vn peu broüillé auec elle: l'on vit entrer” his entourage clad in black (II, 749).

Scudéry delights in shifting colors before the eye of the reader so that they become merged into a thing of beauty. Two groups of Moors, one garbed in red, the other in silvery white, meet in a tourney:

Quelquesfois on voyoit tous les Caualiers blancs sur vne mesme ligne; & tous ceux qui portoient la couleur de feu, sur vne autre: & puis tout d'vn coup, l'vn & l'autre Party faisant la demy volte; les gens de Morayzel se retrouuoient à la place de ceux d'Almadan, & ceux d'Almadan à la place de ceux de Morayzel. Vne autre fois on voyoit ces deux couleurs meslées également par tout, auec vn art qui paroissoit estre sans art: & puis tous ces Caualiers tournans leurs cheuaux la croupe en dedans, faisoient changer l'objet de couleur, & redonnoient vne autre forme à leur Combat. …

(I, 98)

The tulip was Scudéry's favorite flower because in it is found all of the colors scattered among the other flowers. The following description affords a parade of colors concentrated within a page or two:

les vnes (tulips) sont toutes rouges; les autres toutes blanches; les autres sont toutes jaunes: quelques-vnes iaunes & rouges; quelques-autres rouges & blanches; celles-cy de couleur de Pourpre & de blanc; celles-là de blanc & d'incarnat … d'Amarante brun … blanc & de violet: & quelques autres de quatre ou cinq couleurs differentes & distinctes … du coulombin, du gris, de lin, & de l'Isabelle … de la feüille-morte, de la Laque, & de la couleur de Citron … du gris, cendré, du minime, & de la fiamette … de l'Orangé, de la couleur de Rose, & de la couleur de Brique … l'vne est couleur de Feu, couleur de Pensée, & de Chamois: l'autre est de couleur de cou de Pigeon, d'Aurore, & de rouge brun velouté. Celle-cy se fait voir de Fleur de Pescher, de Nacarat, & de vert: & celle-là de couleur de Souffre, & de Rose seche. L'vne est d'vn Drap d'or … & l'autre d'vn Drap d'Argent le plus riche que l'on puisse voir.

(I, 428 f.)

During one of the many sessions of the king's circle, someone brings up the question: which is the most beautiful of the colors? Each color is taken up in turn as each person defends his or her own favorite in a cold, impersonal manner. The argument has a logical ending since the whole matter is a question of taste. The evidence offered in favor of the color blue will give some idea of the nature of the discussion:

comme la Nature sçait … le prix de tous ses Ouurages … elle parle visiblement en faueur du bleu: car en ayant formé le Ciel, qui la plus grande & la plus noble partie de l'Vniuers; il semble qu'il n'est pas douteux que c'en est aussi la plus belle, puis que son choix ne sçauroit errer: & par consequent, que cette couleur peut aspirer sans iniustice & sans tyrannie, à la Royauté des autres couleurs, c'est à dire au premier rang. De plus, la Nature ne s'est pas contentée d'en orner cette merueilleuse Voute, dont tout le Monde est couuert, car elle en a encore paré la Terre: diuerses Fleurs sont peintes de son bel Azur: & les Zaphirs tiennent vn rang trop considerable entre les rares Pierreries, pour estre oubliez en cette occasion: eux de qui le bleu Celeste plaist tant à la veuë … Mais ce ne sont ni les Fleurs, ni les Zaphirs, ni le Ciel mesme, qui parlent le plus hautement en sa faueur: il est vn Azur plus precieux & plus brillant que le leur ne nous paroist … ce dangereux Azur que l'on voit dans les yeux bleus …

(IV, 360)

In conclusion, it should be pointed out that in costume description Scudéry utilizes various precious stones quite effectively by which colors are suggested to the reader without their being actually mentioned. Mere reference to the ruby, the opal, the sapphire, the emerald, the pearl is of course synonymous with color. Costumes are resplendent especially with diamonds which render a wonderful color effect when caught properly by the rays of the sun.

POETIC AND EPISTOLARY FORMS IN ALMAHIDE

Like its model the Astrée, Almahide contains a large collection of verses and letters. The poetry suspends the action, often needlessly, and is characterized by excessive affectation in the best précieuse manner and a dearth of ideas. All of the male characters in the novel are poets if need be, and their efforts are usually prompted by the beauty of their loved one, ardent outbursts of love, or disappointment. There are two hundred and fourteen pieces of poetry distributed through the eight volumes, including fifty stances, forty-four sonnets, thirty-three epigrams, five elegies, two eclogues, three madrigals, three récits, one prière, two romances or ballads, three serenades, one mascarade, nine odes, twelve quatrains, nineteen chansons, two epitaphs in verse, and twenty-three pieces of unclassified verse.²⁷ The few poems which bear titles include “Les Fleurs” (I, 434); “Les Egyptiennes” (IV, 429); “Pallas aux Muses” (V, 1309); “Les Vainqvevrs Esclaues” (VII, 265); “Elegie sur vne absence” (III, 1401); “Sur vn cœur brulé par le Soleil” (II, 1094), etc.

As indicated above, the poetry of Almahide is extremely précieuse. An example or two will suffice to support this statement:

Sa gorge est de la Neige, en vn tas amassée:
Mais cette Neige brusle, eust-on l'ame glacée:
Et sur ces deux beaux Monts, que la Nature orna,
L'on trouue & Neige, & Feux, ainsi que sur l'Ætna.
Son visage accomply fait voir cent belles choses:
Des Perles, du Coral, & des Lis, & des Roses:

(V, 1313)

Par l'oreille & non par les yeux,
Prenant le Poison qui me tuë,
Ha! ie l'aime comme les Dieux,
C'est à dire sans l'auoir veuë.
Ouy, par vn Papier enchanté,
Et de ce beau feu qui l'anime,
L'inuisible Diuinité,
Me brusle comme sa Victime.

(V, 1590)

Rarely does Scudéry depart from the love theme, but there are two noteworthy digressions from this subject. The didactic element enters into the Salomon instrvisant Muley Hazen, as has been shown above, and in his ode “Au Roy,” he follows the tendency of many of his contemporaries in appealing to Louis XIV to patronize poets. The final stanza will give some idea as to its contents:

Protege done ces Grands Hommes,
Qui font reuiure les Rois;
Tu peux en auoir le choix,
Dans l'heureux Siecle où nous sommes.
C'est dans leurs diuins trauaux,
Que sur tes Nobles Riuaux,
L'on te verra l'auantage:
Et que mesme apres la Paix,
Le Genil vainera le Tage,
Et le vainera pour iamais.

(VIII, 388)

One of the stances, although dealing with love, recalls the famous verse of Juan Ruiz, Archpriest of Hita, in El libro de buen amor, dedicated to little women (v. Clásicos Castellanos, II, 252):

Celle que i'adore est petite,
A ne la voir que par dehors:
Mais i'y découure vn grand merite,
Qu'elle cache en vn petit corps.
Ces Chefs-d'œuures de la Nature;
Ses yeux pleins de flame & d'attraits,
Nous font vne grande blessure,
En nous lançant de petits Traits.
Elle paroist peu redoutable,
Lors qu'elle me veut escouter:
Mais comme on la voit toute aimable,
On la doit pourtant redouter.
Par mille graces sans pareilles,
Quand ie la voy sans cruauté,
C'est vn abregé des Merueilles,
Dont se compose la beauté.
Enfin auant que de me taire,
Ie veux encore dire icy,
Que c'est la Reyne de Cithere,
Peinte en vn Portrait racourcy.

(IV, 743)

Scudéry points out that the coplas are the Spanish equivalent of stances and composes in Spanish the coplas Por la niña enferma, the first of the five stanzas of which follows:

Niño Amor, la Niña bella,
Pierde donaire y color;
Aduierte que su dolor
Te harà (sic) morir con ella,
Si a mudar no vas aquella
Malina y sangrienta Estrella
D'esta Niña, Niño Amor.

(VIII, 460)

As for the metrical system employed in Almahide, Scudéry is consistent in following the tendencies of his contemporaries in the sonnet, the ode, and the elegy. For the ode he uses generally the ten-verse stanza of seven syllables. The rhyme is ababccdeed. The sonnet is written in alexandrines of two quatrains and two tercets, the rhyme being abbaabbaccdeed. The elegy is found in varying lengths, the longest of them being of sixty-six verses written in couplets. The verses are usually decasyllabic:

Sombre Séjour, où demeure l'effroy;
Tombeau funeste, et moins triste que moy
De quelque horreur qu'vne ame soit atteinte
Quand ta noirceur la fait paslir de crainte.

(III, 1401)

As I have indicated, the stance is the most frequent. The length of the stanza is quite variable: four (II, 1058); six (II, 1165); or eight (IV, 576) verses. The number of syllables in the verses within the stanza varies also. A four-syllable line alternates with one of five syllables; in another stance of six verses, one finds twelve syllables in the two initial lines in each stanza, which are followed by four verses of eight syllables. Some of the poems of this form are consistent with stanzas of four verses, octosyllabic. The eight-verse stanza rimes ababcdcd; the six-verse stanza abbacc; the four-verse stanza abab.

In one instance, obviously influenced by the many romances found in Las Guerras Civiles, Scudéry attempts this type of versification in seven-syllabic blank verse (IV, 505).²⁸

The epistolary forms found in Almahide are like most of those found in the Seventeenth Century French novel. With their stiff formality and preciosity, they are a far cry from the delightful epistles of Mme de Sévigné or even from the conversational letters of the Astrée. Some are characterized by the same redundancy which typifies those of the Astrée: they are preceded by such captions as “le Malhevrevx Ponce de León à la crvelle Aminte” and “Aminte à l'Illvstre Ponce de León.” The name of the addressee is repeated in the body of the letter, and that of the writer in the signature. No more need be said of them except to cite an example which will illustrate their balanced structure, their lack of the writer's personality, and of warmth, even in a love epistle. Ponce addresses Almahide thus:

Ie n'ay manqué de respect; mais i'ay manqué de patience: ie n'ay point songé à vous déplaire, mais i'ay cherché à me consoler: & lors que mes Riuaux possedent un bien effectif, i'en ay demandé vn en Peinture. Cependant l'ombre & le corps sont deux choses bien differentes, belle & fiere Aminte: & durant qu'ils ioüissent de la veuë de l'vn, vous ne deuiez pas me refuser l'autre. Mais puisque vous ne m'auez pas iugé digne de cét honneur, ie ne me iuge plus digne de viure, & vous deuez desia compter parmy les Morts. …

(II, 1082)

STRUCTURE AND STYLE OF ALMAHIDE

As Tallemant des Réaux has stated, the novels of the Scudérys are perhaps the best written of all the romans de longue haleine. Georges' Almahide especially deserves this compliment, for it is well-planned. Every line written by Scudéry seems to follow a preconceived outline, and though Almahide has all of the characteristics of the long-winded novel, i. e., in medias res and intercalated stories, it is superior in the fact that with the exception of one of the five intercalations, all are completed in one continuous narration instead of being divided and scattered through ten or twelve volumes. The criticism that can be made is that these stories in themselves are strung out by the insertion of descriptions of buildings, costumes, festivals, portraits, and by the inclusion of seventy-nine monologues, one hundred and twenty-four letters, two hundred and fourteen poems, seventy-one discussions of love, and eighteen harangues varying in length from one to three hundred pages. Delete these and the action is sufficiently compact.

The main action lasts only twelve days approximately. The whole structure is marked by balance. Just as there is no suspense concerning the final outcome of the various stories, there is no uncertainty as to the structure, so methodically does the author follow the blue-print. A harangue by one leader of two rival factions will be followed by a harangue by the chief of the second faction (I, 10-12; 14-15). A horoscope for the heroine is followed by one for the hero (I, 220; I, 235); an act of valor by one rival is balanced by a similar act by the second (II, 1618 f.); if Alvare writes a poem for Almahide, it is certain that Ponce will duplicate his efforts (III, 1584, 1591). Letters are always answered: if two letters are dispatched to two different people, two replies are forthcoming.

The structure of the various volumes is consistent, and the same plan is followed through each. Let us examine two typical volumes: IV and V. They are arranged in this manner:

• I. Volumes IV and V.
  • A. Main action.
    1. Brief review of the unhappy situation of the main characters.
    2. A new diversion is announced to alleviate a tense situation (pp. 1-130).
    3. The circle meets to discuss love or to review past spectacles and to plan for a future one (pp. 130-253).
    4. The five principals, Almahide, Ponce, Alvare, Esperanza de Hita, and Fernand de Solís meet to review their affairs (pp. 253-271).
    5. The single intercalated historiette within an histoire is resumed by Fernand (pp. 271-298).
    6. The new festival is described, in this case a sarrao. The discussion includes a description of setting, costumes, discussions, and then the details of the various events in the sarrao, ballets, dances, etc. (pp. 299-447).
    7. Transition to an intercalated history. Roderic de Navarre becomes interested in one of the couples and insists on hearing a story.
  • B. An intercalated story related by Fernand de Solís.
    1. Background and qualities of the characters being treated (pp. 455-474).
    2. Adventures of the hero and heroine, in which the plan of the main action is adhered to. In this instance, Ferdinand's story begins on page 455, and continues through the next volume.

Attention should be called to the fact that, after devoting the first three volumes of the novel to the affairs of Almahide, Ponce, Alvare, and their parents, Scudéry has cleared away all unfinished business, and is prepared to pursue the stories of the subordinate characters in pairs. Though Tallemant states that Scudéry came to Paris to publish a novel of twelve volumes, it is likely that it would have reached sixteen, since at the conclusion of the original there remain eight couples whose stories had not been given. Scudéry thought probably that Abindarrays deserved two volumes since he himself is represented in this character, but, beginning with the sixth volume, he followed the plan of devoting one volume to each of the couples.

As I have stated, the structure and style of Almahide is characterized by perfect orderliness and precision. These traits, however, are accompanied by a certain monotony that can become deadly to one who does not have the leisure time for reading that the Seventeenth Century public must have had. All characters behave exactly the same way in similar circumstances, all go through the same trials and tribulations. If there are twenty-four contestants in a bull-fight or a carrousel, Scudéry describes their costumes one by one, and then begins over again as he gives an individual account of their actions on the field. If he describes twelve booths of a bazaar in detail, at the conclusion of the twelfth description, he returns to the first booth and relates the action taking place before it and then on through the twelfth again.

Scudéry is aware of the fact that he is too wordy, and he apologizes for it: “ie crains d'abuser de la fauorable audience que vous me faites la grace de me donner,” Fernand tells Roderic (I, 210). Apparently he fears that the reader too may become lost in detail for there are several cases in which he gives a brief summary or repetition of all preceding action. For example, the many loves of Abindarrays are summed up in a page or two (V, 1560 f.). He is also aware evidently that his narrator may appear to have too prodigious a memory, for Fernand is constantly repeating such remarks as this: “Il (Alvare) releua ces deux Papiers qu'ils auoient rompus … & les ayant mis dans sa poche, il me les montra depuis: ce qui m'a mis en estat de vous les pouuoir reciter” (III, 1718).

As for the language of Almahide it soon becomes apparent that Scudéry's stock of adjectives is very limited. Many of them are over-worked; the adjective belle, for example, appears fifty-four times within ninety-four pages (II, 1030-1124). Other words frequently encountered are genereux, divine, and invincible. Adjectives are an important index to the character of the various figures of the novel: le violent Dragut, la melancholique Zelindore, and, when one of the more despicable characters is being treated, the invectives flow. Alabée is described as “cette Furie invisible, cette Fourbe adroite, la sanguinaire Alabée, cette infernale Furie, cette Megere,” etc.

Scudéry's style is also characterized by the frequent use of the metaphor, simile, and other figures of speech. Darkness during a storm at sea is described as the usurper of the day (I, 260); Almahide's tears become “de Perles liquides” (III, 1586), a resigning monarch and his successor are called “le Soleil Leuant” and “le Soleil Couchant” (III, 1754). Bold lovers are called “les Torrents qui bondissent” and timid ones “Les Riuieres qui coulent si vniment” (IV, 192). A woman is described as “vne masse informe de blanc & d'incarnat” or a “bel amas de neige” (IV, 478), and a loquacious man is “vn Torrent continuel de paroles” (IV, 515). Night is “la Mer du Silence” (IV, 522). Abindarrays' amorous heart is made of “Abeste, de Bithume, & de Naphte” (V, 1496).

A few additional examples will suffice: “des yeux où l'amour sembloit nager dans la ioye” (VI, 1993); “vn nouueau Poison dans ses beaux yeux” (II, 1287); “le lion lançant des regards enflamez” (III, 1617); “vne brulante neige” (V, 1665).

The use of similes is also frequent. Abindarrays' fickleness is “comme les Etoiles errantes” which “ne deuiennent pas Etoiles fixes” (IV, 710); Osmane's “esprit pique pour guerir, comme la Lancette du Chirurgien” (V, 1261), and Alabée appears before Homar “fiere comme vn Aspic” (VI, 2351).

As for sentence structure, the following observations can be made. The partitive is quite common and may be used singly in a series “de la rage & de la fureur … beaucoup de plaisir … de l'allegresse … de la confusion … de la honte …” (I, 64) or in pairs “de la tendresse & de la melancholie; de la douleur & de l'amour” (I, 668).

Often one finds a series of nouns connected by the conjunction et:

L'amour partageoit egalement entre ces deux nobles cœurs, toutes ses Roses & toutes ses Espines: c'est à dire, tous ses plaisirs, & toutes ses peines; toutes ses ioyes & toutes ses douleurs; tous ses rauissemens & toutes ses inquietudes.

(I, 368)

The preposition de and à may be combined in a series:

ils passerent bientost du plaisir à la douleur, de la satisfaction à l'ennuy, de la tranquilité à l'inquietude, de la joye au chagrin, & presques de l'amour à la haine.

(V, 1337)

The interjection o is another word performing double duty. On a single page I find “O cher Pere, ô cher Esclaue, ô chere personne, ô Dieu, ô genereux Captif” (I, 41); on two others “ô belle, & trop fiere Semahis … ô aimable Despine, ô charmante Algadire; ô parfaite Miriane … O trop malicieux Zaniel … ô trop adroit Machmut; ô trop fin Ismael; ô trop eloquent Zizim” (I, 172-173). Observe the use of the adverb trop and the adjectives in the examples just cited.

A series of nouns preceded by ni is frequently encountered (II, 963). Scudéry also makes effective use of a series of short sentences, perfectly balanced, all containing the same number of words: a pronoun, a verb, and an adjective: “Il fut propre, il fut magnifique, il fut liberal, il fut complaisant” (I, 174), or “Elle est douce; elle est complaisante; elle est ciuile; elle est flateuse” (I, 481). In the following examples three short balanced sentences are in turn balanced in idea: “il est ieune, il est homme, il est absent … mais tu es ieune, tu es fille, tu es absente …” (II, 965). Sometimes the sentence is balanced, but the word order is reversed: “L'Amant soupira & gemit; l'Amante gemit & soupira” (III, 1882). Another noticeable trick of Scudéry is the repetition of the verb in the semi-conclusion or conclusion (the decision of the speaker) in the monologue: “perdons le donc, perdons-le” (VI, 1846), the monologuist cries. Or “cherche … cherche” (VI, 2208) or “espere donc, espere” (VII, 587).

The conditional sentence is quite common. At times, three if clauses may have one conclusion (II, 1289). There are two pages on which there are conditional sentences only consisting of the condition and the conclusion (V, 1266-7). On another “il faut” is used exactly nine times (III, 1854). If a phrase catches the fancy of Scudéry, he will repeat it, for example, “vn discours qui auroit pû toucher le cœur d'vn Tigre (VI, 2024, 2210, 2339, 2859; VII, 424; V, 1231), and “vn cœur faist comme le mien” (IV, 488, 570, 752; V, 1181; VI, 1867, 1878, 2018, 2322, 2461; VIII, 707); and “noire melancholie” (II, 1302, 1336; III, 1539, 2075; VII, 474; VIII, 274, 313, 663).

In conclusion, the style of Almahide is marked by clearness, rhythmic flow of periods, mathematical precision of balance with a tendency to become monotonous. While précieuse to a certain degree, Almahide does not become offensive or ridiculous. The vocabulary is limited with a consistent use of metaphors and similes. As for the treatment of content, the procedure is the same as in many other contemporary novels: monologues, discussions, and poetry. The structure is that of in medias res with the intercalated story.

CONCLUSION

Little remains to be said in this study that has not already been stated above. Almahide deserves more attention than it has received for the following reasons: 1. it is the first important Hispanic-Moorish novel in France; 2. of all the novels appearing under Georges de Scudéry's name, it appears to be the only one in which Madeleine did not have a hand, judging by a vast amount of internal evidence available together with contemporary testimony; 3. Almahide enjoys a peculiar position among its contemporaries because, as far as we know, it is the only one in which an author republishes within the frame of a different literary classification, works which he had already offered to the public. In Almahide there are three such works. 4. It is also remarkable as a roman à clef and for its extensive use of color.

I have stated elsewhere in this study that Almahide deserves a better fate. An examination of novels contemporary with Almahide or studies made of these novels reveal that Almahide possesses every element which made those novels popular. Bochet, in his evaluation of the Astrée, states that

Une œuvre n'est vraiment significative dans l'histoire littéraire que si elle réunit les trois conditions suivantes: elle doit se rattacher à une tradition intellectuelle et artistique, représenter fidèlement le goût et les idées de son époque, et contenir des éléments viables dont la génération suivante peut faire son profit. Tournée vers le passé, elle reçoit l'héritage préparé, éprouvé par le tempérament national; au présent elle demande la vie.²⁹

Almahide meets every requirement mentioned by M. Bochet. In its various elements it follows every intellectual and artistic tradition set up by its forerunners, as has been shown; it certainly represents the tastes and ideas of its day; it contains many elements which could have been of value to future generations, and the present generation is not excluded. It is an admirable study of Seventeenth Century manners and customs, and has many fine lessons in morality and virtue to teach. Then why did it fail; why was there only one edition; why has it been almost completely neglected as a potential literary source by writers who followed Scudéry? There can be only one definitive answer: it appeared about ten years too late; in range of intercalated stories it was too limited; and it was left unfinished, an important factor from a psychological point of view. Otherwise, there is no reason to believe that it would not have taken a place alongside the Cyrus and Clélie in popularity. It includes the same sort of materials, the same kind of love stories, the same péripétie of the heroic novel; space is given to neo-platonic discussions of love, to a study of the “anatomie” of the heart; heroism, constancy, and courage in men are exalted; the virtue and beauty of womanhood are extolled. It cannot be argued that its lack of success is due to this repetition of materials and themes, for Almahide in its birth went through biological processes which are as natural for pieces of literature as for human beings, or animals, or flowers. If Clélie enjoyed such popularity though its last volumes appeared in 1660, then why the sudden change in taste which doomed Almahide to oblivion? Let the reader be reminded that I am not pleading that Almahide is a great novel, far from it. The contention is that Almahide is not inferior to others of its literary kind which did receive public applause. It is then to be supposed that the fact that it was left dangling without a conclusion is responsible for the reception accorded it. This alone can explain the sudden change in tastes, unless it was that the public was weary of itself, weary of watching an endless parade of its own reflection in the novels of d'Urfé, La Calprenède, and Mlle de Scudéry.

Forgetting for the moment its lack of originality and its great length and considering it apart from its contemporaries, Almahide is a valuable document of Seventeenth Century life, and as such should be of value to a student of sociology and history, as well as to those interested in French life and letters of the period treated.

Notes

1. George Sale, The Koran, London and New York, 1891, p. 77.

2. Ibid., p. 73.

3. Detailed description of the Zarabanda is particularly interesting.

4. Autor here must mean “stage director.” Rennert lists him with actors and actresses.

5. Rennert, The Spanish Stage in the Time of Lope de Vega, New York, 1909, pp. 63 and 573.

6. “Creon Roy de Corinthe” is evidently an error. It should be Thebes.

7. Cf. Rennert, op. cit., p. 29, n.

8. Scudéry apparently means that Aeschylus and Aristophanes wore the masks.

9. Aragonnès, Madeleine de Scudéry, reine du tendre, Paris, 1934, p. 69.

10. Cited by Aragonnès, op. cit., p. 70.

11. Ibid., p. 71.

12. Koerting, Geschichte des Französischen Romans im XVII Jahrhundert, Leipzig, 1891, p. 172.

13. Op. cit., I, 372-3.

14. For comment on Scudéry's descriptive ability v. Loret, La muse historique, Letter XXXVII, Book VI, September, 1655, T. I. p. 97, and Gautier's Les Grotesques, Paris, 1856, p. 317.

15. Pitou, La Calprenède's Faramond, Baltimore, 1938, p. 115.

16. V. T. I, p. 21.

17. Cf. below and Vol. III, p. 1766 f.

18. T. VI, 1913.

19. T. II, 733.

20. XVII^me Siècle Institutions, Usages, et Costumes, Firmin-Didot, Paris, 1880, p. 471 f.

21. Cited by La Croix, op. cit., loc. cit.

22. Cf. I, 300, and I, 548. These descriptions are stereotyped.

23. Cf. I, 307.

24. Cf. I, 300, 546 f.; VII, 133 f.; VII, 190 f.

25. Cf. I, 310 and I, 548.

26. V. especially his descriptions of the flood, I, 311 f.

27. The poetry is distributed as follows: I, fourteen; II, twelve; III, eighteen; IV, eighteen; V, forty-four; VI, nine; VII, thirty; VIII, sixty-nine.

28. D'Urfé had used blank verse in his Sylvanire.

29. Bochet, L'Astrée, ses origines, son importance dans la formation de la littérature classique, Geneva, 1923, p. 179.

Bibliography

Aragonnès, Claude, Madeleine de Scudéry, reine du tendre, Paris, 1934.

Bochet, Henry, L'Astrée, ses origines, son importance dans la formation de la littérature classique, Geneva, 1923.

Davity, Pierre, Nouveau Theatre du Monde, Paris, 1644.

Gautier, Théophile, Les Grotesques, Paris, 1856.

Koerting, Heinrich, Geschichte des Französischen Romans im XVII Jahrhundert, Leipzig, 1891.

La Croix, Paul, XVII^e Siècle Institutions, Usages, et Costumes, Paris, 1880.

Magendie, Maurice, Du nouveau sur l'Astrée, Paris, 1927.

———. L'Astrée, analyse et extraits, Paris, 1928.

———. Le roman français au XVII^e siècle de l'Astrée au Grand Cyrus, Paris, 1932.

Pérez de Hita (Ginés), Historia de los vandos de los Zegrís y Abencerrages, cavalleros moros de Granada; de las civiles guerras que hubo en ella, y batallas que se dieron entre Christianos y moros, hasta que el rey Don Fernando V la ganó, edit. Blanchard-Demouge, Madrid, 1913.

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