Switzer, Richard. “Chateaubriand and the Welsh Indians.” Nineteenth-Century French Studies 3, nos. 1-2 (fall-winter 1974-75): 6-17.

[In the following essay, Switzer details Chateaubriand's romantic reconstruction of the identity of the mound builders of the North American continent, as seen in the author's Voyage en Amérique.]

It is clear that Chateaubriand, attempting to set up a coherent itinerary for his Voyage en Amérique, was being guided much more by his imagination and his readings than by his actual memories of the trip.¹ For this reason, the selection of sites he chose to evoke takes on a particular importance from the literary point of view. Obviously, for example, it is much more poetic to claim to have traveled America from the northern reaches of Canada to the southern tip of Florida, rather than admitting only to a modest itinerary in the northeastern United States.

In the same way, Chateaubriand seemed to be fascinated by the Ohio Indian mounds, a fact not surprising, since these monuments were a much debated sujet d'actualité in Chateaubriand's time. The travelers came back with impressive tales of the region, and well into the nineteenth century the subject was frequently renewed, as by the geographer Malte-Brun, whose review published abundant materials and engravings on the subject.²

It is no wonder therefore that Chateaubriand finds it necessary to include Ohio in his mythical itinerary—a great embarrassment, by the way, to those critics who want to accept Chateaubriand's itinerary as gospel, since it caused the route to assume a most peculiar and illogical formation.

But in describing his visit to the Scioto river region, Chateaubriand is not content with merely relating what he wants us to believe he saw, but he goes further: he wants to determine the history of the monuments, discover who built them.

Modern science has to a great extent solved the problem that baffled Chateaubriand's contemporaries. Today's investigators attribute the mounds to the Adena and Hopewell Indians. Carbon dating has fixed the age of the monuments as between 1000 B.C. and 900 A.D.

Chateaubriand, however, sought a much more poetic explanation. Could the mound-builders be, by chance, that famous race of Welsh Indians or White Indians which had become legendary? There had been many published tales of various encounters with the tribe, of lives saved when the intended European victim started to pray in Welsh, resulting in immediate release; along with tales of a Welsh Bible which the Indians could no longer read. In particular, Father Charlevoix, one of Chateaubriand's prime sources, speaks of a race of white Indians, without, however, identifying them as Welsh.

In picking up this folk theme, Chateaubriand placed himself in a long chain that stretches at least from a strange forerunner of Montesquieu's Lettres persanes called l'Espion turc, through the eleventh edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, passing through sundry other writers such as the poet Southey and the painter Catlin.

Interestingly enough, this preoccupation with the Welsh Indians is not a passing fancy with Chateaubriand. Not only does he mention the area and the legend in the Génie du Christianisme in 1802, but he develops the theme once more a quarter of a century later as he is writing his Voyage en Amérique.

The Génie material comes, characteristically, as an hors d'œuvre in the chapter “Logographie et faits historiques”:

Mais quels nouveaux arguments n'auroit-on point formés contre l'Ecriture si on avoit connu un autre prodige historique qui tient également à des ruines, hélas! comme toute l'histoire des hommes? On a découvert, depuis quelques années, dans l'Amérique septentrionale, des monuments extraordinaires sur les bords du Muskingum, du Miami, du Wabache, de l'Ohio, et surtout du Scioto, où ils occupent un espace de plus de vingt lieues en longueur. Ce sont des murs en terre avec des fossés, des glacis, des lunes, demi-lunes, et de grands cônes qui servent de sépulcres. On a demandé, mais sans succès, quel peuple a laissé de pareilles traces. L'homme est suspendu dans le présent, entre le passé et l'avenir, comme sur un rocher entre deux gouffres; derrière lui, devant lui, tout est ténèbres; à peine aperçoit-il quelques fantômes qui, remontant du fond des deux abîmes, surnagent un instand à leur surface, et s'y replongent. …

Pour moi, amant solitaire de la nature, et simple confesseur de la Divinité, je me suis assis sur ces ruines. Voyageur sans renom, j'ai causé avec ces débris comme moi-même ingnorés. Les souvenirs confus des hommes et les vagues rêveries du désert se mêloient au fond de mon âme. La nuit étoit au milieu de sa course; tout étoit muet, et la lune, et les bois, et les tombeaux. Seulement, à longs intervalles, on entendoit la chute de quelque arbre que la hache du temps abattoit dans la profondeur des forêts: ainsi tout tombe, tout s'anéantit.³

This is the “poetic” part of the evocation. For the “scientific” explanation Chateaubriand refers us to an extensive note, in which the possible theories of the origins are related: the Egyptians, the Aztecs, even Hernando de Soto. Among these hypotheses Chateaubriand mentions the Welsh story:

Les chroniques des Welches parlent d'un certain Madoc, fils d'un prince de Galles, qui, mécontent de son pays, s'embarqua en 1170, fit voile à l'ouest en laissant l'Irlande au nord, découvrit une contrée fertile, revint en Angleterre, d'où il repartit avec douze vaisseaux pour la terre qu'il avoit trouvée. On prétend qu'il existe encore, vers les sources du Missouri, des Sauvages blancs qui parlent le celte et qui sont chrétiens. Que Madoc et sa colonie, supposé qu'ils aient abordé au Nouveau-Monde, n'aient pu construire les immenses ouvrages de l'Ohio, c'est, je pense, ce qui n'a pas besoin de discussion.⁴

At this point, Chateaubriand appears to reject all the theories of origin, finding contradictory evidence in each case.

The legend of the white Indians has remained so persistent and has appeared in so many versions that it is easy to trace. Apparently the immediate source of the legend's revival is an interesting work of the late seventeenth century, l'Espion Turc,⁵ presumably the correspondence of a spy for the Sublime Porte residing in Paris and reporting all, from diplomacy to gossip. The work has an interesting history. It was prepared first in an Italian version in Paris by Paolo Marana, who then published the Italian and French versions almost simultaneously. Certainly other authors took part in the various augmented editions that kept appearing in France, England and elsewhere well through the eighteenth century. Presumably Defoe was the author of some of the English additions.

The material on the Welsh Indians is contained in one of the letters of the last volume of the collection, devoted ostensibly to a portrayal of the character of Charles II. But the discussion of that Prince's wide dominions leads the spy to recount the strange stories that have persisted:

Ce prince [Charles II], comme je l'ai déjà dit, est souverain de plusieurs nations; et l'on croit qu'il ne sait qu'à peine lui-même, la juste étendue des pays qu'il possède dans l'Amérique. Il y a dans ce continent un pays habité par des gens qu'on appelle Tuscoraras et Doegs. Leur langage est le même que celui des Galois ou Bretons; nation qui a possédé autrefois toute l'île de la Grand'Bretagne; mais ils en furent chassés peu à peu, et poussés dans un coin montueux de cette île, où leurs descendants sont encore aujourd'hui.

Ces Tuscoraras et Doegs de l'Amérique, descendent à ce qu'on croit des Galois, et sont de la postérité de ceux qui suivirent la fortune d'un certain Madoc prince breton. Il y a environ cinq ou six cents ans que ce prince n'étant pas content chez lui, résolut d'aller chercher fortune dans les pays étrangers. Ayant donc fait provision de vaisseaux, d'hommes, et de tout ce qui lui était nécessaire, et il fit voile du côté de l'occident, et traversa la mer Atlantique, sans savoir quel serait le dénouement de son dessein. La lune néanmoins avait fait à peine deux fois le tour du Zodiaque, qu'il acheva sa navigation, et fit descente dans l'Amérique, où il établit une colonie de Bretons, et puis revint à son pays. Il remit en mer peu de temps après, pour retourner au même lieu. On ne sait pas au juste ce qu'il devint dans la suite, mais les habitants de cette province ont une tradition qui dit, qu'il vécut fort vieux, et vit avant sa mort son peuple multiplé jusqu'à plusieurs millions. Car au second voyage qu'il fit, il y amena des femmes bretonnes. On fait voir son tombeau encore aujourd'hui, des chapelets, des crucifix, et autres reliques.

Il est certain que la première fois que les Espagnols firent la conquête du Mexique, ils furent surpris d'entendre parler les habitants d'un peuple étranger qui s'y était habitué; qui leur enseignait la connaissance de Dieu et son immortalité, les instruisit aussi de la vertu et des bonnes mœurs, et leur prescrivit pour la religion de saintes cérémonies. Ce qu'un roi indien dit à un Espagnol est encore remarquable. Dans les siècles précédents, dit-il, il arriva par mer un peuple étranger que mes ancêtres reçurent favorablement, parce qu'ils le trouvèrent gens d'esprit et de courage, et doués de plusieurs autres bonnes qualités. Mais il ne put lui dire ni le nom ni l'origine de ce peuple. Montezuma Empereur de Mexique dit à Fernando Cortez Ambassadeur du Roi d'Espagne, et son général en ces quartiers-là: Que ses ancêtres y avaient mis pied à terre comme étrangers, sous la conduite d'un certain grand homme qui y fit quelque séjour, et laissa un nombre considérable de ceux qui l'avaient suivi. Qu'il y revint un an après mieux accompagné, et que c'était de lui que les empereurs de Mexique étaient descendus, et les Mexiquains du reste de ce nouveau peuple. La langue bretonne y est si fort dominante, que les villes, les ponts, les bêtes, les oiseaux, les rivières, les montagnes, &c. ont des noms bretons. Un certain habitant de Virginie, pays de la dépendance du roi de la Grand'Bretagne, s'étant égaré il n'y a pas longtemps dans le désert, tomba par un pur effet du hasard, entre les mains d'un certain peuple, qui suivant la loi et la coutume du pays, le condamna à la mort. Le pauvre malhereaux apprenant cette fâcheuse nouvelle fit sa prière en breton, et fut relâché …⁶

Robert Southey in 1806 made use of the Welsh legend as material for an epic poem Madoc. He outlines the background materials he uses:

The historical facts on which this poem is founded may be related in few words. On the death of Owen Gwyneth, king of North Wales, A. D. 1169, his children disputed for the succession. Yorwerth, the eldest, was set aside without a struggle, as being incapacitated by a blemish on his face. Hoel, although illegitimate, and born of an Irish mother, obtained possession of the throne for a while, till he was defeated and slain by David, the eldest son of the late king by a second wife. The conqueror, who then succeeded without opposition, slew Yorwerth, imprisoned Rodri, and hunted others of his brethren into exile. But Madoc, meantime, abandoned his barbarous country, and sailed away into the West in search of some better resting place. The land which he discovered pleased him; he left there part of his people, and went back to Wales for a fresh supply of adventurers, with whom he again set sail, and was heard of no more. There is strong evidence that he reached America, and that his posterity exists there to this day, on the southern branches of the Missouri, retaining their complexion, their language, and, in some degree, their arts.⁷

Chateaubriand does mention Southey once, in his Histoire de la littérature anglaise, but it is a passing mention, and nothing is said in particular of Madoc, although it is entirely possible that Chateaubriand did know the poem. However, Southey cannot have been the original inspiration for Chateaubriand, whose initial discussion was to be found in the Génie in 1802. At this point the Voyage en Amérique text can be useful.

The long polemic surrounding the text and fact of the Voyage en Amérique has elucidated most of the textual borrowings of Chateaubriand. In this portion of the book the parallels between Chateaubriand's text and Imlay are very close. Gilbert Imlay was born around 1755 in New Jersey. He authored a Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America. This work was translated and published in France in 1793, after Chateaubriand's trip in 1791, but before his first writings on the subject.

Chateaubriand retells the legend in the Voyage:

Une autre tradition veut que les ouvrages de l'Ohio aient été élevés par les Indiens blancs. Ces Indiens blancs, selon les Indiens rouges, devoient être venus de l'orient; et lorsqu'ils quittèrent le lac sans rivages (la mer), ils étoient vêtus comme les chairs-blanches d'aujourd'hui.

Sur cette foible tradition, on a raconté que, vers l'an 1170, Ogan, prince du pays de Galles, ou son fils Madoc, s'embarqua avec un grand nombre de ses sujects, et qu'il aborda à des pays inconnus, vers l'occident. Mais est-il possible d'imaginer que les descendants de ces Gallois aient pu construire les ouvrages de l'Ohio, et qu'en même temps, ayant perdu tous les arts, ils se soient trouvés réduits à une poignée de guerriers errants dans les bois comme les autres Indiens?

On a aussi prétendu qu'aux sources du Missouri, des peuples nombreaux et civilisés vivent dans des enceintes militaires pareilles à celles des bords de l'Ohio; que ces peuples se servent de chevaux et d'autres animaux domestiques; qu'ils ont des villes, des chemins publics, qu'ils sont gouvernés par des rois.⁸

The text of Imlay, while not supplying all of the details presented by Chateaubriand, is still close enough to indicate the parentage of the text:

In the year 1170, Madoc, son of Owen Gwynnedh, prince of Wales, dissatisfied with the situation of affairs at home, left his country, as related by the Welsh historians, in quest of new settlements, and leaving Ireland to the north, proceeded west till he discovered a fertile country where, leaving a colony, he returned, and persuading many of his countrymen to join him, put to sea with 10 ships, and was never heard of.

The western settlers have received frequent accounts of a nation, inhabiting at a great distance up the Missouri, in manners and appearances resembling the other Indians, but speaking Welsh, and retaining some ceremonies of Christian worship … There are several remains in Kentucky which seem to prove that this country was formerly inhabited by a nation farther advanced in the arts of life than the Indians. These are usually attributed to the Welsh, who are supposed to have formerly inhabited here; but having been expelled by the natives, were forced to take refuge near the sources of the Missouri. It is well known that no Indian nation has ever practiced the method of defending themselves by entrenchments, and such work would even be no easy one, while these nations were unacquainted with the use of iron.⁹

To return for a moment to the Génie version, in the note already referred to on the white Indians, Chateaubriand remarks: “on peut voir, sur ce que nous disons ici Duprat [i.e. Le Page du Pratz], Charlevoix, etc., et les derniers voyageurs en Amérique, tels que Bartram, Imlay, etc.” Obviously the notes that inspired him in 1802 were still useful in 1826 for the elaboration of the Voyage. New materials, such as the Malte-Brun articles already mentioned, were added to the Imlay sources, of course.

Before leaving the subject, it is necessary to comment on one curious transformation of the source material. Chateaubriand attributes the trip to either Madoc or his father Ogen. There is little justification for the spelling Ogen which appears a simple error on Chateaubriand's part. A more serious error is the attributing of the trip possibly to Owen, since the heart of the legend is the battle of succession which led to the exile to America. Both of these mistakes however are characteristic of Chateaubriand, and occur particularly in the Voyage en Amérique where he was utilizing notes made a quarter of a century earlier.

Most correctly, Madoc is known as Madog ap Owain Gwynedd. It is tempting to speculate that Chateaubriand was unacquainted with the particle ap (son of) and that he transcribed for his notes Madoc ou Owen.

Chateaubriand however is not by any means the last writer to speculate on the White Indians. The celebrated painter of American Indians, George Catlin dwells at length on the subject in his North American Indians.¹⁰ Catlin is best known for his painting of Indians made in the West in the first half of the nineteenth century. His celebrated gallery of Indian paintings, now in the possession of the Smithsonian Institution, was exposed throughout the world.

The details of Indian life that he gathered in the course of his painting expeditions formed the basis of his book. At the end of his recital, he becomes philosophical at the thought of leaving his favorite Indian tribe, the Mandans, and wonders what can explain the great differences between the Mandans and the other Indians he has known. And indeed, the answer is once more the Welsh Indians:

These facts then, with the host of their peculiarities which stare a traveller in the face, lead the mind back in search of some more remote and rational cause for such striking singularities; and in this dilemma, I have been almost disposed (not to advance it as a theory but) to enquire whether here may not be found, yet existing, the remains of the Welsh colony—the followers of Madoc; who history tells us, if I recollect right, started with ten ships, to colonize a country which he had discovered in the Western Ocean; whose expedition I think has been pretty clearly traced to the mouth of the Mississippi, or the coast of Florida, and whose fate further than this seems sealed in unsearchable mystery.

I am travelling in this country as I have before said, not to advance or to prove theories, but to see all I am able to see, and to tell it in the simplest and most intelligible manner I can to the world, for their own conclusions, or for theories I may feel disposed to advance, and be better able to defend after I get out of this singular country; where all the power of one's faculties are required, and much better employed I consider, in helping him along and in gathering materials, than in stopping to draw too nice and delicate conclusions by the way.

If my indefinite recollections of the fate of that colony, however, as recorded in history be correct, I see no harm in suggesting the inquiry, whether they did not sail up the Mississippi river in their ten ships, or such number of them as might have arrived safe in its mouth; and having advanced up the Ohio from its junction, (as they naturally would, it being the widest and most gentle current) to a rich and fertile country, planted themselves as agriculturalists on its rich banks, where they lived and flourished, and increased in numbers, until they were attacked, and at last besieged by the numerous hordes of savages who were jealous of their growing condition; and as a protection against their assaults, built those numerous civilized fortifications, the ruins of which are now to be seen on the Ohio and the Muskingum, in which they were at last all destroyed, except some few families who had intermarried with the Indians, and whose offspring, being half-breeds, were in such a manner allied to them that their lives were spared; and forming themselves into a small and separate community, took up their residence on the banks of the Missouri; on which, for the want of a permanent location, being on the lands of their more powerful enemies, were obliged repeatedly to remove; and continuing their course up the river, have in time migrated to the place where they are now living, and consequently found with the numerous and most unaccountable peculiarities of which I have before spoken, so inconsonant with the general character of the North American Indians; with complexions of every shade; with hair of all the colours in civilized society, and many with hazel, with grey, and with blue eyes.¹¹

The followers of Madoc have been associated with many Indian tribes. James Mooney, in The American Anthropologist¹² traced associations with the Tuscaroras, the Mokis and the Modocs. They are located by Mooney first on the Eastern Seaboard, then the area of Saint Louis, and finally the West. There is no indication however, of a linking of the followers of Madoc with the Indian tribes of the Ohio area, which makes all the more interesting Catlin's concurrence in seeing in the Welshmen the builders of the Ohio monuments. It is only likely to assume that Imlay serves as the inspiration both for Chateaubriand and Catlin.

A kind of “present state of Welsh Indian studies” is to be found in the Britannica, 11th edition. There had been no corresponding article in the ninth. The probable fountainhead of the Turkish Spy is alluded to, and an outline of the legendary facts is presented.

There are other traces of the legend's persistence, as we can see in some of Catlin's remarks:

THE WELSH COLONY

Which I barely spoke of in page 319, which sailed under the direction of Prince Madoc, or Madawe, from North Wales, in the early part of the fourteenth century in ten ships, according to numerous and accredited authors, and never returned to their own country, have been supposed to have landed somewhere on the coast of North or South America; and from the best authorities, (which I will suppose everybody has read rather than quote them at this time), I believe it has been pretty clearly proved that they landed either on the coast of Florida or about the mouth of the Mississippi, and according to the history and poetry of their country, settled somewhere in the interior of North America, where they are yet remaining intermixed with some of the savage tribes.¹³

Unfortunately, the public is no longer as conversant with these “best authorities.” Some recent works deal with them, however (see, for example, Richard Deacon, Madoc and the Discovery of America, 1967).

Certainly Marana did not invent the Welsh legend. There is ample evidence of the legend transmitted from earlier times. As early as 1787 the controversy was rampant, as indicated in the collection of papers on the subject published by George Burder in that year (and reprinted in 1922). Similar evidence of the persistent stories is to be found in other publications.¹⁴ Finally, the subject is current to the extent that one of the Library of Congress subject card listings is “Welsh Indians.”

As we have already seen, the mysteries of the Ohio monuments have today been largely explained. Any authenticity of the Welsh Indian legend on this score is therefore out of the question. The problem which does remain, however, is why these stories gripped so strongly the popular (and literary) mind that they survived over the centuries. Chateaubriand, when he first mentioned the legend in the Génie seemed quite adamant in denying the possibility of Madoc's followers as the original authors of the works. Yet when he returns to the subject in the Voyage en Amérique his opposition to the idea is much attenuated. And further, even in denying the legend, the very fact that he finds it necessary to repeat the story shows to what an extent the idea has captured his imagination.

The reasons that lie behind the success of the legend are several. There is first the fascination of a mystery—something seemingly inexplicable which must nevertheless have some explanation. The apparent impossibility of constructing the Egyptian pyramids without modern machinery evokes the same kind of wonder and amazement.

Another attraction of the Welsh Indian legend is the paradox it involves. Chateaubriand is a great lover of paradox, a great admirer of sharp contrasts, so that this is undoubtedly one of the things that attracts him here. The obvious contradiction of peaux-rouges blanches, Welsh-speaking Indians, Europeans in the wilderness, civilization among the savages, all this is precisely along the lines of what appeals to Chateaubriand. We cannot forget that one of Chateaubriand's most vivid scenes (albeit most probably fictional) occurs when, a solitary traveler in the wilds of America, he comes across M. Violet, dancing master to the Indians, teaching the Iroquois to dance the minuet to the tune of his miniature fiddle.¹⁵

It is very satisfying in a Rousseauistic sense, to see M. Violet and the followers of Madoc leaving civilization to establish themselves in le désert.

However there is another, and perhaps more important reason for the persistence of the Welsh Indian legend. In discussing popular attitudes, a distinction between conscious and subconscious convictions must be made. Chateaubriand supplies us with an example of this in Atala. Although Chateaubriand had seen Indians in America and had read extensively about the Indians, he chose not to portray them realistically, on the whole. He knew very well that the Indian was dark in complexion and oriental in cast of features. Yet his Indians, and in particular, Atala, are portrayed in the European mold. One is ever surprised to be told that in death Atala's blue veins could be seen through her alabaster skin. The detail of her flowing golden hair which brushes in the face of Chactas is another unlikely feature in a realistic sense. It seems obvious that Chateaubriand was artistically wise enough to realize that for his audience, it was necessary to envision beauty in the European sense, or else there would not be that immediate reaction to the vision of beauty that Chateaubriand sought to achieve. The eighteenth century might well have arrived at its conclusion that beauty was relative, but this was only a surface recognition that did not involve the subconscious and the automatic reflexes.

Likewise, the European at the turn of the century was often convinced, in the wake of Rousseau, that the noble savage was the highest incarnation of man, that he represented pure virtue, that he represented man as he should be. But when it comes to specifics, the European is not convinced. Spiritually, perhaps, the Savage represents the ideal, but there seems to be the conviction that certainly a mere savage can not compete with civilized man when it comes to the arts and sciences.

Chateaubriand, as most of the other observers, constantly remarks that the present Indians of America can certainly not be the makers of the Ohio monuments. The explanation which might seem to come first to mind is that the modern tribes represent the decadence of former and greater tribes, which is in fact the case, not only in the Ohio area, but to a far greater extent in the areas of the Aztec, the Maya and the Inca. But this is not the explanation that seems to be most attractive. On the contrary, some authors seem bound to attribute to Europeans, however primitive, the authorship of works which seem beyond the capacities of a simple savage. In a similar fashion, it is noteworthy to see that the “decadence” idea is a difficult one to accept in other areas as well. As an example, there are those amateur archaeologists who want to explain the Mexican Aztec and the Mayan pyramids in terms of inspiration from Egyptian immigrants.

The persistence of the Welsh Indian myth seems to be rooted in this civilized European feeling of superiority which can not be eradicated in spite of the philosophical protestations to the contrary. Man, in his perversity, seems entirely capable of denying perfectibility with one breath and insisting with the next on the impossibility of other than European hands creating the impressive monuments of the Scioto.

Notes

1. See the introduction to our edition of the Voyage en Amérique (Paris: Didier, 1964) for the details of this long controversy.

2. Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, XIX (1823), 428; XXVIII (1825), 145; 187.

3. I, iv, 2.

4. Notes et éclaircissements.

5. See Joseph Tucker, “The Turkish Spy and its French Background,” Revue de littérature comparée, janvier-mars, 1958, pp. 74-91. The authorship of the Spy has been carefully studied by William McBurney in “The Authorship of the Turkish Spy,” PMLA, 72 (1957), 915-935.

6. L'Espion dans les cours des princes chrétiens, ou lettres et mémoires d'un envoyé secret de la Porte dans les cours de l'Europe, où l'on voit les découvertes qu'il a faites dans toutes les Cours où il s'est trouvé, avec une dissertation curieuse de leurs forces, poltique & religion (Cologne: Erasme Kinkius, 1715), VI, 237-238. Lettre LI. A Kerker Hassan Bassa. The letter is dated 1679.

7. Robert Southey, Madoc (London: Longman, 1807), pp. vii-viii.

8. I, 149-150.

9. Ibid.

10. Philadelphia: Bradley, 1859.

11. Pp. 319-320.

12. IV (October, 1891), 393.

13. P. 781.

14. In addition to the Deacon work, see: George Burder, Welsh Indians (London: Chapman, 1787); Benjamin Bowen, America Discovered by the Welsh (Philadelphia, 1876); Zella Armstrong, Who Discovered America (Tennessee, 1950).

15. Voyage, I, 102; Itinéraire de Paris à Jerusalem, Œuvres complètes (Garnier), V, 422-423.