[In the following essay, Baltzer details the contribution of Eleanor and her family to the history of music, particularly of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.]

It is safe to say that, had Eleanor of Aquitaine not made a significant mark on twelfth-century politics and culture, the history of music in the Middle Ages would be very different from what it is. Both directly and indirectly, Eleanor and her family and their descendants, who eventually married into just about every royal house in Europe, profoundly affected the development of medieval music. They did this both as patrons and as practitioners of the art.

It is hardly necessary to mention that Eleanor's grandfather William, the ninth duke of Aquitaine and seventh count of Poitou (1071-1127), is the earliest known troubadour whose Old Provençal lyrics and music survive.¹ His son William X evidently passed on to the young Eleanor a love of poetry and music, though she was no more than fifteen at the time of his death in 1137. Eleanor herself over a period of twenty-one years produced ten children; though she outlived all but two of them, their musical legacies extended even into the fourteenth century. Her two daughters by Louis VII of France, Marie, countess of Champagne, and Alix, countess of Blois, were extremely important patrons of lyric poetry and romance, particularly Marie; they learned the arts of courtly love at Eleanor's court during the third quarter of the twelfth century and later carried on the traditions in establishments of their own.

That such traditions continued to bear fruit is clear from the fact that Marie's grandson—Eleanor's great-grandson—was the most celebrated trouvère in the thirteenth century, Thibaud IV of Champagne (1201-1253). His extant songs outnumber those of every other medieval musician, and he occupies a very large place in the great chansonnier collections of the thirteenth century.²

Two of the sons of Eleanor and Henry II of England are known to have had musicopoetic interests: Richard the Lionhearted is the author of two songs, one in Old French that survives with music and the other in Poitevin dialect,³ and Geoffrey of Brittany is one of the partners (along with the trouvère Gace Brulé) in a jeu-parti, which musically debates a question of courtly love.⁴

Among Eleanor's other children, the most important from a musical standpoint is her daughter Eleanor, who was married at the tender age of nine to Alfonso VIII of Castile. Their court became something of a center of musical patronage on the Iberian peninsula, and this heritage affected their offspring for several generations. Alfonso himself was the founder of the Cistercian monastery of Las Huelgas at Burgos in 1180; he is thus ultimately though indirectly responsible for a large and important musical manuscript compiled at the monastery in the early fourteenth century.⁵ It contains a wide variety of Mass pieces, motets, and conductus, including a monophonic lament upon Alfonso's death in the year 1214—Rex obiit, et labitur Castelle gloria (“The King is dead, and the glory of Castile collapses”).⁶

Of the nearly one dozen children born to the younger Eleanor and Alfonso VIII, two became the mothers of saints as well as of musician-poets. Blanche of Castile, whose grandmother Eleanor of Aquitaine personally chose her to be the bride of Louis VIII of France, may herself have been the author of a religious trouvère song which in its unique source is simply attributed to la röine Blanche; but whether Blanche of Castile is the röine in question has been disputed.⁷ In any case, she was certainly the mother of Louis IX of France (Saint Louis); and her youngest son, Charles d’Anjou, the great-grandson of Eleanor of Aquitaine, is the author of several surviving trouvère songs,⁸ though he was evidently too busy with politics to rival the creations of Thibaud of Champagne. Charles became king of Sicily in 1265, and his court was known for its patronage of both trouvères and troubadours,⁹ including the trouvère Adam de la Halle, one of the few known to have written polyphonic music as well as monophonic songs.¹⁰

Another daughter of the younger Eleanor and Alfonso VIII, Berengaria, became the mother of Ferdinand III of Castile (Saint Ferdinand) and the grandmother of Alfonso X of Castile and León, known as Alfonso el Sabio (1221-1284). The latter was thus the great-great-grandson of Eleanor of Aquitaine and Henry II. It was at the court of Alfonso el Sabio, sometime after 1252, that the largest extant collection of Galician-Portuguese lyrics from this period, the Cantigas de Santa Maria, was compiled, and a number of them may have been composed by Alfonso himself.¹¹

But enough of family trees and royal relations. Before we can properly understand the full effect of Eleanor of Aquitaine and her family upon medieval music, we must first see exactly what types of music flourished in the twelfth century and how these types have come down to us. First of all, no instrumental music has been preserved from the twelfth century, though there is abundant evidence that it enjoyed a healthy existence. The preserved twelfth-century repertory thus divides into music with Latin text, most of which is at least sacred if not directly liturgical, and music with vernacular text, nearly all of which is secular, whatever the language used. Just as in the case of instrumental music, almost no music with vernacular text was written down during the twelfth century. For instance, the earliest extant collections of troubadour and trouvère songs that include the melodies along with the poems date from the mid-thirteenth century, though they are full of the works of twelfth-century poet-musicians.¹² Such a situation strongly implies that, during the twelfth century and much of the thirteenth, the melodies of vernacular songs were transmitted primarily by oral tradition; a similar tradition must have been used for instrumental music as well.¹³

Thus the manuscript sources that actually date from the twelfth century almost without exception contain only sacred music with Latin text. They may be purely liturgical chantbooks, or they may be collections of liturgical dramas, tropes, sequences or proses, and strophic poems called either versus or conductus. Several manuscripts also contain these same sorts of works—particularly tropes, versus, and conductus—set in two-part polyphony as a means of increasing the musical elaborateness of a particular ceremonial or liturgical occasion. The important point for our purposes is that these manuscripts and their style of polyphony are products of the Angevin Empire in Eleanor's time, and this is music with which she was undoubtedly acquainted. (In fact, musicologists now tend to refer to this repertory as Aquitanian polyphony.)

Three manuscripts containing this polyphonic repertory are known to have been in the possession of the Abbey of Saint Martial at Limoges in the early thirteenth century;¹⁴ a fourth and somewhat later source dating from the early thirteenth century contains many of the same works but originated probably near the Spanish border.¹⁵ Further spread of the Aquitanian style can be seen in the more than twenty polyphonic pieces in the well-known Codex Calixtinus, containing, in part, music for the Office of Saint James (Santiago) in Compostela.¹⁶ The codex, which seems to have been compiled over a period of some thirty years in the mid-twelfth century, originated not in Spain but somewhere in the middle of France, to judge from its more northern style of notation.¹⁷ Finally, we find a similar kind of polyphony in some musical flyleaves now in Cambridge University Library; they date from the very end of the twelfth century and come from the North of France.¹⁸ The style which originated in Eleanor's homeland shows every evidence of having traveled throughout the Angevin realms, even across the English Channel.

But during the course of the twelfth century, just as we witness the change from Romanesque to Gothic in the visual arts, we can see a shift in musical leadership beginning in the third quarter of the century. It is a shift from the Romanesque South and West to the Gothic North, from the Angevin Empire to the royal domain of the French kings in the Ile de France. It was in the second half of the twelfth century that the trouvères and the language of Old French rose to challenge the supremacy of the Old Provençal troubadours, a development in which Eleanor's court figured significantly. And as the fortunes of the Capetian kings and the intellectual attractions of Paris began to increase, in the second half of the century Parisian composers of polyphony began to take the lead over their southern and western counterparts.

Music from the Parisian school—the so-called Notre Dame school—is preserved in a number of manuscripts which, like the vernacular chansonniers, are no earlier than the mid-thirteenth century, even though some of their repertory goes back as far as the 1160's. For our purposes, the two most important of these manuscripts are a mid-thirteenth-century Parisian source now in the Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence¹⁹ and a slightly younger manuscript copied somewhere across the English Channel, now in the ducal library of Wolfenbüttel.²⁰ These two sources contain a number of what we might call “occasional” pieces of music that bear direct relation to events in the lives of Eleanor and her family. The pieces are conductus, Latin compositions for either one or two voices; and their strophic texts comment upon great events, such as crusades, coronations, or royal deaths.²¹ For the most part, they are the work of anonymous clerics, unlike the vernacular songs, whose authors are much more likely to be known to us by name. These Latin conductus required trained musicians—clerics, like their composers—for their performance; theirs is a written and composed tradition, not an oral and improvised one.²²

The oldest piece of music bearing some demonstrable relation to Eleanor of Aquitaine is a troubadour song by Marcabru, Pax! in nomine Domini, that dates from the year 1137.²³ It laments the event that precipitated Eleanor's entry into political affairs, namely, the death of her father, William X of Aquitaine. William had set out on an Easter pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela, accompanied part way by Eleanor. Having fallen ill en route, he lived only long enough to reach Compostela and died before the main altar of the cathedral, where he was subsequently buried. Marcabru's song has eight strophes, and in the first lines he announces his authorship of both poem and music. Sounding the twin themes of pilgrimage and crusade, he both extols Compostela as a washing place and site of holy cleansing and rails against the pagans who have not been driven out of Spain. The last stanza reads:

Desnaturat son li Frances,
Si de l’afar Dieu dizon no
Qu’ie us ai comes.
Antiocha, pretz e valor
Sai plora Guiana e Peitaus.
Dieus, seigner, al tieu lavador
L’arma del comte met en paus;
E sai gart Peitieus e Niort
Lo seigner qui ressors del vas.
Degenerate are the French
If they refuse to support God,
For I have warned them.
Antioch, Guyenne, and Poitou
Weep for worthiness and valor.
Lord God, in your washing place
Give peace to the count's soul;
And may the Lord who rose from the tomb
Keep safe Poitiers and Niort.(24)

Less than three months later, Eleanor, who had quite suddenly become a political trophy, was married in Bordeaux to Louis VII of France.

When Bernard of Clairvaux issued the call for the Second Crusade at Easter of 1146 in Vézelay, Eleanor's daughter Marie was less than two years old, but that did not stop the queen from taking the cross along with her husband, Louis. They departed at Pentecost of 1147.²⁵ An anonymous Old French poet has left us an exhortation to crusade, Chevalier, mult estes guariz, composed sometime between the spring of 1146 and that of 1147; it is thus the oldest datable trouvère song, and the unique source of poem and melody is an Erfurt manuscript.²⁶ Each of the seven stanzas concludes with the same refrain, mentioning Eleanor's husband, who was known for his monkish piety:

Ki ore irat od Loovis
Ja mar d’enfern avrat pouur,
Char s’alme en iert en parëis
Od les angles nostre Segnor.
He who goes with Louis
Will never have fear of Hell,
For his soul will go to Paradise
With the angels of our Lord.(27)

The third stanza in particular cites the king's good example in taking the cross:

Pernez essample a Lodevis,
Ki plus ad que vus nen avez:
Riches est e poestëiz,
Sur tuz altres reis curunez:
Deguerpit ad e vair e gris,
Chastels e viles e citez:
Il est turnez a icelui
Ki pur nus fut en croiz penez.
Follow the example of Louis,
Who is far richer than you:
Wealthier and more powerful
Than all other crowned kings.
He has left behind costly furs,
Castles, towns, and cities:
He has turned toward Him
Who suffered for us on the cross.(28)

After two and a half years of crusading, and growing marital differences, Eleanor and Louis had their marriage dissolved on grounds of consanguinity on March 21, 1152. Less than two months later, to the shock of the Parisian court and clergy, Eleanor married her equally close relation Henry Plantagenet, Count of Anjou, in Poitiers. On Sunday, December 19, 1154, Henry and Eleanor were crowned king and queen of England at Westminster in London. While the chroniclers mentioned the many bishops present and reported that the occasion was a joyous one,²⁹ a more detailed account of such goings-on appeared the following year in the Roman de Brut of Robert Wace, written under the aegis of the royal couple. Musicologist Yvonne Rokseth suggested some thirty-five years ago that Wace's description of the coronation of the legendary King Arthur is probably a reasonable fascimile of Henry and Eleanor's coronation the year before.³⁰ Wace mentions a procession of bishops and other clergy to the king's palace, the presence of knights and vassals, and the actual crowning; then he tell us that

Quant la messe fu comenciee,
Ke le jur fu mult exalciee,
Mult oïssiez orgues suner
E clers chanter e orgener,
Voiz abaissier e voiz lever,
Chanz avaler e chanz munter.
When the Mass had commenced,
Which was of exceptional proportions,
The sound of the organ was heard by many,
And clerics chanted in polyphony,(31)
With voices subsiding and lifting,
Song falling and rising.(32)

It is likely that such polyphony was of the type found in the contemporary Codex Calixtinus and the Saint Martial sources mentioned earlier, since they contain the style which flourished in Angevin realms. Although we cannot be sure whether he is referring to Aquitanian or to Parisian organum, John of Salisbury gives us an even more colorful description of the performance of liturgical polyphony in his Policraticus, which he brought forth in 1159:

Before the face of the Lord, in the very recesses of the sanctuary, showing off in a riot of wanton sound, they [the singers] strive through effeminate mannerisms, through the breaking up of notes and phrases, to astound and to weaken simple souls. Were you to hear these caressing melodies, starting, chiming in, resounding, falling away, intertwining, and twittering, you would think it to be the harmony not of men, but of sirens. You would marvel at the facility of the voices, unrivaled by that of the nightingale, or the parrot, or any other more melodious. This facility is displayed in long ascents and descents, in the dividing or doubling of notes, in the repetition of phrases, and the piling of these one upon the other. The high or even the highest notes are so tempered by the lower and the lowest that the ear loses its power to distinguish, and the mind, soothed by such sweetness, is unable to judge of that which it has heard.³³

Such a description is a performance in itself.

From 1155 to 1174, a period of not quite twenty years, Eleanor was most active as a patron of the literary and musical arts. Her itinerary shows her temporarily in England for the birth of several of her children, but mostly on the Continent. While she moved about through her and Henry's Continental territories, holding her elaborate Christmas court in a different location every year, she returned most often to Poitiers for extended stays.³⁴ It was during this time that the famous courts of love were held, when poets of the South and the North met and mingled, when Arthurian romances came into full flower, and when Eleanor, her daughters, and her daughters-in-law established doctrines of chivalry which had a profound effect on courtly life and ideals. The troubadour songs of Bernart de Ventadorn³⁵ are eloquent testimony to these ideals, as are the early trouvère songs and the romances of Chrétien de Troyes.³⁶

We may turn again to contemporary romances for depictions of special courtly occasions, giving us a better idea of music's part in the scheme. In Wace's Roman de Brut of 1155, immediately after the coronation ceremony and Mass for King Arthur already described, we find an account of the courtly entertainment which followed:

Quant li reis leva del mangier,
Alez sunt tuit esbanier;
De la cité es chans eissirent,
A plusurs gieus se deportirent;
When the King rose from table,
All went out from the city to take
Their pleasure in the fields;
They amused themselves with several games …
Les dames sur les murs muntoent
Pur esgarder cels ki juoent;
Ki ami aveit en la place
Tost li turnot l’oil e la face.
Mult out a la curt jugleürs,
Chanteürs, estrumenteürs;
Mult peüssiez oïr chançcuns,
Rotruenges e novels suns,
Vïeleüres, lais de notes,
Lais de vïeles, lais de rotes,
Lais de harpes, lais de frestels,
Lires, tympes e chalemels,
Symphonies, psalteriuns,
Monacordes, timbes, coruns.
Assez i out tresgeteürs,
Joeresses e jugleürs;
Li un dient contes e fables,
Alquant demandent dez e tables.
The ladies climbed upon the walls
To watch those who were at sport;
She who had a love on the field
Turned her eye to him at once.
At the court were many jugglers,
Singers and instrumentalists;
There one could hear many songs,
Rotrouenges, and new tunes,
Vielle-players, noted lais,
Lais for vielle, lais for rote,
Lais for harp, lais for pipes,
Lyras, cymbals, and shawms,
Hurdy-gurdies, psalteries,
Monochords, timbrels, bagpipes.
There were also magicians,
Performers, and jugglers;
Some tell tales and fables,
Others ask for dice and backgammon.(37)

Quite similar descriptions appear in the romance Erec et Enide by Chrétien de Troyes, whose patron was Eleanor's Capetian daughter Marie de Champagne. Erec, the first of Chrétien's romances, dates from around 1165-1170. Whenever a royal wedding, coronation, or other joyous occasion is described, music takes an important part in the proceedings. For instance, we find that after the wedding of Erec and Enide,

Quant la corz fu tote asanblee,
n’ot menestrel an la contree
qui rien seüst de nul deduit,
qui a la cort ne fussent tuit.
An la sale molt grant joie ot;
chascuns servi de ce qu’il sot;
cil saut, cil tunbe, cil anchante,
li uns sifle, li autres chante,
cil flaüte, cil chalemele,
cil gigue, li autres vïele;
puceles querolent et dancent;
trestuit de joie fere tancent.
Riens n’est qui joie puisse fere
ne cuer d’ome a leesce trere,
qui as noces ne fust le jor.
Sonent tinbre, sonent tabor,
muses, estives et freteles,
et buisines et chalemeles.
When the court was all assembled,
there was not a minstrel in the countryside
with pleasing accomplishment
that did not come to the court.
In the great hall there was much joy,
each one contributing what he could:
one jumps, one tumbles, one does magic;
one whistles, another sings,
one plays the flute, one the shawm,
one the gigue, another the vielle.
Maidens sing and dance,
and outdo each other in merrymaking.
Nothing which can give joy
and incline the heart to gladness
was left undone at the wedding that day.
There is playing of timbrel, tabor,
bagpipes, panpipes,
buisines, and shawms.(38)

On another joyous occasion at court it is mentioned that

Harpes, vïeles, i resonent,
gigues, sautier et sinphonies,
et trestotes les armonies
qu’an porroit dire ne nomer.
Harps, vielles, gigues, psaltery,
and organistrums resound,
and all the other hurdy-gurdies
that one could name.(39)

If one needs a testimonial for twelfth-century instrumental music, one has it abundantly in the romances.⁴⁰

While Eleanor and her court enjoyed such diversions on the Continent, Henry was engaged in more somber events. A monophonic Latin conductus written sometime between 1165 and 1170, In rama sonat gemitus, comments sympathetically about the exile of Thomas Becket to the Continent. Its unique source is the thirteenth-century Wolfenbüttel manuscript that was copied somewhere in England, though its repertory is largely Parisian. The cleric who wrote this piece was no friend of Henry's, for the allegorical text reads:

In Rama sonat gemitus
plorante Rachel Anglie.
Herodis namque genitus
dat ipsum ignominie:
en eius primogenitus
et Ioseph Cantuarie
exulat si sit venditus
Egyptum colit Gallie.
In Rama a cry goes up
from the wailing Rachel of England.
For a descendant of Herod
gives that same woman to ignominy:
behold, her first-born
and the Joseph of Canterbury
is in exile as if he were sold
and he lives in the Egypt of France.(41)

As Denis Stevens interprets it, Rama represents Canterbury; the wailing Rachel of England is the church; the descendant of Herod, who was known for his infanticide, is of course King Henry; and Becket himself is Joseph, the first-born of Canterbury (that is, the first archbishop born in England), who is forced to go abroad as if sold into Egypt.⁴² It is a song that would not have pleased Queen Eleanor.⁴³

Saint Thomas of Canterbury is the subject of three more pieces composed probably during Eleanor's lifetime, though they cannot be more precisely dated than “after 1170.”⁴⁴ All three appear primarily in Parisian sources. Christi miles, a conductus for two voices, speaks of the martyred archbishop as a soldier of Christ,⁴⁵ and the three-voice conductus Novus miles sequitur takes up a similar theme.⁴⁶ The third piece, also for three voices, is strictly liturgical—a Parisian setting of the responsory Jacet granum to be sung as part of the Office of Saint Thomas.⁴⁷

Because of her role in encouraging her sons to rebel against their father, Eleanor was sequestered by King Henry in either Winchester or Salisbury beginning in 1174. For some ten years her movements were quite restricted, but during the last five years of Henry's life she was able to travel back and forth to the Continent.⁴⁸ Even if Eleanor herself was not a direct participant, the doings of her family continued to inspire “occasional” works of music.

One such even was the coronation of Philip Augustus of France, which took place at Reims on All Saints' Day, November 1, 1179. Philip of course did not accede to the throne until his father's death the following year, but the Capetians had discovered the wisdom of crowning their successors in advance. Since Henry II was technically a vassal of the Capetian king, it was necessary for him to be represented at the coronation, and his own heir-apparent, the Young King Henry, was chosen for this obligation. Contemporary chroniclers tell us that the Young King Henry bore Philip's crown in procession to the coronation.⁴⁹ The occasion was commemorated in a two-voice conductus, Ver pacis aperit, with text by Gautier de Châtillon, who was a friend of the presiding archbishop, Philip's uncle.⁵⁰ Though the poem's five strophes are rather abstract and obscure, Leo Schrade has suggested that Ver pacis may have had a role in the coronation ceremony itself rather than at the ensuing festival banquet, pointing out that various ideas in the text metaphorically parallel the themes of the coronation liturgy.⁵¹

In the year 1181, Henry the Liberal, count of Champagne and husband of Eleanor's daughter Marie, died, and his passing is commemorated in a monophonic Latin planctus, Omnis in lacrimas.⁵² Its seven strophes, organized in paired musical stanzas like those of a sequence or prose, speak with a good bit of feeling about the loss to all segments of society in the count's realm. Only two years later Eleanor's oldest son, the Young King Henry, while feuding with his brothers and his father, fell ill of a fever and died in the Limousin at the age of twenty-eight in June of 1183. The troubadour Bertran de Born, whose political sirventes had helped to fan the flames of rebellion among Eleanor's sons, composed not one but two planhs on the Young King's death, though neither has music extant.⁵³

It was evidently during the early 1180's that the young trouvère Gace Brulé was a member of the circle around another of Eleanor's sons, Geoffrey of Brittany.⁵⁴ At the end of the song Li plusour ont d’Amours chanté (Raynaud 413), in fact, Gace speaks of some advice given him by the count of Brittany.⁵⁵Gace, par droit me respondés (Raynaud 948), the jeu-parti mentioned earlier in which Geoffrey and Gace were partners, is the earliest Old French example of the genre known.⁵⁶ The debate deals with the question of whether the count ought to continue to love a lady who has betrayed and abandoned him; Gace's answer is that he should.

In the summer of 1186, Geoffrey was in Paris visiting Philip Augustus, who had hopes of driving further wedges between the Angevin father and sons. Geoffrey was accidentally trampled by a horse in a tournament; and, although Philip is said to have summoned the best doctors in Paris, Geoffrey died on August 19. Like his older brother, the Young King, he was only twenty-eight when he died. Philip Augustus seems to have been more grieved by the event than anyone else; he saw to it that the count of Brittany was buried with a good deal of ceremony before the high altar of Notre Dame de Paris, consecrated only four years earlier.⁵⁷ Geoffrey's untimely end is the subject of a planh by Bertran de Born⁵⁸ and not one but two Latin laments, the monophonic Anglia, planctus itera and the two-voice Eclypsim patitur, both unique to the Florence manuscript of Parisian origin.⁵⁹ The latter two works must have been composed by clerics close to Philip Augustus, for the almost subjective outpourings of grief are rare in the usually more impersonal Latin poetry. Geoffrey is referred to as “the flower of Brittany,” and Paris is said to suffer as much as his native land from his eclipse.⁶⁰ The end of Eclypsim patitur even cites the circumstance of Geoffrey's fatal injury, with the line “equa non novit parcere [the mare did not know to stop].” The beginning of Anglia, planctus itera seems to refer indirectly to the death of the Young King Henry three years before, for the text opens with the words, “O England, renew your lamentations and return to mourning; consider the double loss, now that the two-fold star has set.”⁶¹

The unrelieved grief of these poems is in evident contrast to the mood of the two-voice conductus composed upon the death of Henry II three years later in 1189. In occasu sideris, found in both the Florence and Wolfenbüttel manuscripts, has a poem of three strophes all sung to the same music.⁶² The first strophe offers England consolation after the royal death, but it also notes already the rising of a new star which will bring a prosperous day; the second and third strophes continue the compliment and tribute to Richardus Pictaviae, Rex futurus Angliae—Richard of Poitou, the future king of England. It was in early July of 1189 that Henry died, and Richard the Lionhearted was crowned at Westminster on the third of September. His mother Eleanor, now released from capitivity, took charge of preparations for his coronation in the interim before he crossed from the Continent. Richard's accession is commemorated in a two-voice conductus, Redit aetas aurea, found in the Florence and Wolfenbüttel manuscripts.⁶³ Of the four strophes of this attractive piece, the first and third are set musically in a through-composed fashion, with long melismas on the penultimate syllable of each; the second and fourth strophes are to be sung to the music of the first and third, respectively. The poem strikes a jubilant tone, rejoicing in the power of king and country:

Redit aetas aurea
Mundus renovatur.
Dives nunc deprimitur,
Pauper exaltatur,
Omnis suo principi
Plebs congratulatur,
Nec est locus sceleri,
Scelus datur funeri,
Scandala fugantur.
Deus regem contulit
Nobis praeoptatum,
Terra cornu protulit
Copiae ditatum,
Murmur omne populi
Prorsus est sedatum,
Plebs sub pace regia
Gaudet, pax, iustitia
Sese osculantur.
Pius, potens, humilis
Dives et maturus
Aetate, sed docilis
Et rerum securus
Suarum, preficitur
Angliae, daturus
Rapinis interitum,
Clero iuris aditum,
Locum veritatis.
Gaudeat Pictavia,
Iam rege ditata,
Tumescat Normannia
Auro coronata,
Vasco, Scotus, Britones
Obtinent optata,
Sine dolo Cambria
Servit et Hibernia
Nostrae potestati.
The golden age returns;
The world is renewed.
The rich man is now cast down;
The poor is lifted up.
Every citizen wishes
Joy to his prince.
Nor is the place defiled;
The wicked one is given to death;
The stumbling blocks flee.
God chose the king
Preferred by us;
The earth brought forth
The fruitful horn of plenty.
The unrest of all the people
Has subsided absolutely;
Citizens under royal peace
Rejoice; peace and justice
Embrace one another.
Pious, powerful, humble,
Rich and mature in age,
But docile and secure
In his circumstances,
He is put in charge
Of England; he shall give
Death to the plunderers,
Access to the clerk of the law,
And a position to truth.
Let Poitou rejoice,
Now that it is enriched with a king;
Let Normandy swell with pride,
Now that it is crowned in gold;
Navarre, Scotland, and Brittany
Obtain their desires;
Without guile Wales
Is in bondage, and Ireland
Does service to our power.(64)

At the time of Richard's accession in 1189, the Third Crusade to the Holy Land was a matter of central concern, and nearly all the “occasional” pieces of music from the 1190's are a result of that concern, whether they are subjective and personal vernacular lyrics⁶⁵ or the more objective and philosophical Latin conductus. Philip Augustus and Richard the Lionhearted both took the cross, but their forces did not succeed in retaking Jerusalem. A monophonic Latin conductus dating from the early 1190's, Sede Syon, in pulvere, laments the fall of Jerusalem in the year 1187 and looks specifically to Eleanor's grandson Henry of Champagne, son of Marie de Champagne and nephew of both Richard and Philip, to recapture it. The fifth of its six strophes reads:

Divinae nutu gratiae
Solus comes Campaniae
Spei favillam suscitat,
Fidelis Sion filius
Velut alter Heraclius
Fide ferroque militat.
By the will of divine grace,
The Count of Champagne alone
Stirs the spark of hope;
The faithful son of Syon,
As if another Heraclius,
Fights with faith and sword.(66)

Richard the Lionhearted's famous song of captivity, Ja nus hons pris, was written to his half-sister Marie de Champagne while he was imprisoned on the Danube by Leopold of Austria in 1193-1194. The poem comprises six strophes followed by a double envoi, all set to a single musical stanza with aab form. Provoked by the slow response to ransom demands, Richard notes with frustration in Strophe Four that

N’est pas merveille, se j’ai le cuer dolent,
Quant mes sires tient ma terre en torment.
S’or il membroit de nostre serement,
Que nos fëismes andui communaument,
Bien sai de voir que cëans longuement,
Ne seroie pas pris.
What marvel that my heart is sad and sore
When my own lord torments my helpless lands!
Well do I know that, if he held his hands,
Remembering the common oath we swore,
I should not here imprisoned with my song
Remain a prisoner long.(67)

This complaint refers to Philip Augustus, who had returned home from the crusade a full year before and taken advantage of Richard's absence. The double envoi appeals directly to his “Contesse suer” Marie for aid, and mentions also the “dame de Chartres,” his other half-sister, Alix.

Having vigorously worked for and finally secured Richard's release from captivity, Eleanor seems to have enjoyed several years of relative peace in the mid-1190's, but her sorrows were not yet done. From the year 1198 is preserved a monophonic Latin planctus, Jerusalem, Jerusalem, quae occidis et lapidas.⁶⁸ Its four strophes lament the death of Eleanor's grandson Henry of Champagne in the Holy Land in September 1197 and mention also the death of his grief-stricken mother, Marie de Champagne, six months later in March 1198. In 1199, tragedy struck again, when the heirless King Richard was fatally wounded in a minor siege. The moving lament on his death by the troubadour Gaucelm Faidit, Fortz chausa es, mourns the loss through six strophes and compares Richard to Alexander the Great, Charlemagne, and King Arthur; the closing tornada petitions the Lord to show mercy upon the king's soul.⁶⁹

To steady the hand of her last and least capable son, John Lackland, Eleanor was once more forced to return to political matters. In the summer of 1199 she spent nearly a week in Tours on the banks of the Loire, where she did homage to Philip Augustus for Poitou.⁷⁰ There is extant a two-voice conductus in praise of the city of Tours, In ripa Ligeris, that stylistically could well date from about this time;⁷¹ if the piece was in fact prompted by this occasion, it more likely stems from the retinue of Philip Augustus than from that of Eleanor, to whom this meeting was undoubtedly rather unpleasant. In ripa Ligeris is the sort of piece that would have delighted the twelfth-century equivalent of a chamber of commerce, for it praises the city's fine climate, beautiful surroundings, and happy citizens. It concludes by saying that the French, the Spanish, the Italians, and the Greeks with great vigor do envy the natives of Tours.⁷² As part of the bargain with Philip Augustus, Eleanor agreed to select one of her grand-daughters as the bride for his son, the future Louis VIII; at the age of nearly eighty in 1200 she traveled across the Pyrenees and chose Blanche of Castile to become a Capetian queen. History confirmed the wisdom of her choice.

In the last four years of her life, after 1200, Eleanor seems to have gradually retired from the world, and her death and burial at Fontevrault in the spring of 1204 seem to have caused little stir. If there were magnificent laments composed upon her passing, as there were for her sons and grandsons who preceded her, they have escaped us. But the absence of such musical testimonials in no way diminishes the importance of her effect upon the music of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. No other medieval monarch inspired so much music as did Eleanor and her family; her court and her realms were fertile soil for a significant flowering of music in the high Middle Ages. Without her, the course of history and the course of music would be entirely different.

Notes

1. Although twelve poems by William IX are extant, only one, Pos de chantar m’es pres talens, survives with a portion of melody. The extant repertory of troubadour melodies is transcribed by Friedrich Gennrich, Der musikalische Nachlass der Troubadours, vols. III and IV of his Summa musicae medii aevi (Darmstadt, 1958, 1960). For William's song, see III, 25, and IV, 23.

2. Since he became King of Navarre in 1234, Thibaud is often identified in the musical manuscripts simply as le roi de Navarre. See Friedrich Gennrich, “Thibaut IV,” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Friedrich Blume, vol. XIII (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1966), cols. 335-337, esp. 336; see also the list under Thibaud's name in Hans Spanke's revised edition of G. Raynauds Bibliographie des altfranzösischen Liedes, neu bearbeitet und ergänzt, erster Teil (Leiden: Brill, 1955), p. 32; hereafter cited as Raynaud. No complete musical edition is available, though a number of songs have been transcribed in various publications of trouvère music by Gennrich and others. Trouvère songs will be identified by their Raynaud number.

3. Ja nus hons pris (Raynaud 1891) and Dalfin, je’us voill deresnier (Raynaud 1274a); see also the listing in Alfred Pillet and Henry Carstens, Bibliographie der Troubadours (Halle: Niemeyer, 1933), pp. 379-380; hereafter cited as Pillet-Carstens. Both songs date from the 1190's.

4. Gace, par droit me respondés (Raynaud 948).

5. Burgos, Monastery of Las Huelgas, manuscript without shelf number. See the facsimile, transcription, and commentary published by Higini Anglès, El Còdex musical de las Huelgas, 3 vols. (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 1931).

6. Anglès, El Còdex, II, folios 161v-162; transcription, III, no. 169. See Anglès's comments in I, 354.

7. See the composition, Amours, ou trop tart me sui pris (Raynaud 1604a), and the discussion by Jean Maillard, Roi-trouvère du XIII^e siècle: Charles d’Anjou ([Dallas]: American Institute of Musicology, 1967), pp. 66-68.

8. Edited by Maillard, Roi-trouvère, pp. 37-63.

9. Ibid., pp. 27-32.

10. The old Coussemaker edition of Adam's compositions has been superseded by Nigel Wilkins, The Lyric Works of Adam de la Halle ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1967).

11. Musical edition by Higini Anglès, La música de las Cantigas de Santa María del rey Alfonso el Sabio (Barcelona: Diputación Provincial de Barcelona, Biblioteca Central, 1943).

12. The earliest collection of any size is that in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale (Bibl. Nat.), français 20050, which dates from the middle of the thirteenth century; see the facsimile by Paul Meyer and Gaston Raynaud, Le Chansonnier français de Saint-Germain-des-Prés (Paris, 1892).

13. See the discussion of written and oral traditions in chanson transmission by Hendrik van der Werf, The Chansons of the Troubadours and Trouvères: A Study of the Melodies and Their Relation to the Poems (Utrecht: A. Oosthoek, 1972), pp. 26-34.

14. Paris, Bibl. Nat., latin 1139, latin 3549, and latin 3719. Descriptions, bibliography, and inventories appear in Gilbert Reaney's Manuscripts of Polyphonic Music, 11th-Early 14th Century, Répertoire International des Sources Musicales, B IV¹ (Munich-Duisberg: G. Henle, 1966), pp. 402-409.

15. British Museum, Additional 36881. See Reaney, Manuscripts, pp. 519-521.

16. Santiago de Compostela, Biblioteca de la Catedral, Codex Calixtinus. A facsimile edition that is today almost inaccessible was issued by W. M. Whitehill and German Prado as Liber Sancti Jacobi: Codex Calixtinus, 3 vols. (Santiago de Compostela: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Instituto P. Sarmiento de Estudios Gallegos, 1944). A diplomatic facsimile by Peter Wagner which appeared in 1931 is more widely available: Die Gesänge der Jakobusliturgie zu Santiago de Compostela (Fribourg, Switz.: Kommissionsverlag, Universitäts-Buchhandlung, Gebr. Hess Co., 1931).

17. See Reaney, Manuscripts, pp. 238-239, and, more recently, Max Lütolf, Die mehrstimmigen Ordinarium Missae-Sätze vom ausgehenden 11. bis zur Wende des 13. zum 14. Jahrhundert, 2 vols. (Bern: Paul Haupt, 1970), I, 78-95, esp. 88-89.

18. Cambridge, University Library, Ff.1.17, inventoried by Reaney, Manuscripts, pp. 485-486. See also Lütolf, Die mehrstimmigen Ordinarium, I, 46-57.

19. Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, MS Pluteus 29, 1. Published by Luther Dittmer, Firenze, Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, Pluteo 29, 1: Facsimile Reproduction of the Manuscript, Publications of Mediaeval Musical Manuscripts, nos. 10-11 (Brooklyn: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1966-1967); hereafter cited as F.

20. Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek 677 (olim Helmstedt 628). Facsimile by J. H. Baxter, An Old St. Andrews Music Book (Cod. Helmst. 628), St. Andrews University Publications, no. 30 (London: Humphrey Milford, 1931); hereafter cited as W1.

21. Most of the texts are edited in vols. XX and XXI of Analecta hymnica medii aevi, ed. Clemens Blume and Guido M. Dreves, 55 vols. (Leipzig, 1886-1922); hereafter cited as Analecta hymnica. For additional comment on the “occasional” texts in the Florence manuscript, see Léopold Delisle's report dealing with F in the Annuaire-Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de France 22(1885):100-139.

22. The quality of these “occasional” Latin texts is generally below that of the best Latin poetry of the period, which fact suggests that they may well have been produced by court clerics whose main duties lay elsewhere but whose Latin was good enough for versification, when necessary. The quality of the music, however, is characteristic of the conductus repertory as a whole—some mediocre, some quite excellent.

23. Pillet-Carstens 293.35. The only copy with music is in Paris, Bibl. Nat., français 844, folio 194v; see the facsimile edition by Jean and Louise Beck, Le Manuscrit du roi: Fonds français no. 844 de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Corpus cantilenarum medii aevi, 1st ser., no. 2 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1938), vol. 1. Friedrich Gennrich has published several transcriptions of this piece, including those in Lo gai saber: 50 ausgewählte Troubadourlieder (Darmstadt, 1959), pp. 4-5; in Troubadours, Trouvères, Minne- und Meistergesang, vol. II of Das Musikwerk (Cologne: Arno Volk, 1951), p. 12; and in Der musikalische Nachlass der Troubadours, III, 28.

24. Text from Gennrich, Lo gai saber, p. 5; my translation.

25. See the itinerary for Eleanor published by Rita Lejeune as an appendix to her article, “Rôle littéraire d’Aliénor d’Aquitaine et de sa famille,” Cultura Neolatina 14(1954):5-57; the itinerary begins on p. 50. Additional information on Eleanor's movements appears in H. G. Richardson's “The Letters and Charters of Eleanor of Aquitaine,” The English Historical Review 74(1959):193-213.

26. Raynaud 1548a; Erfurt, Wissenschaftliche Bibliothek der Stadt Erfurt, Bibliothek Amploniana, 8° 32, folio 88. The best facsimile is in Pierre Aubry's Les Plus Anciens Monuments de la musique française (Paris: H. Welter, 1905), pl. 3. Both a facsimile and a transcription are included in Friedrich Gennrich's Exempla altfranzösischer Lyrik: 40 altfranzösische Lieder (Darmstadt, 1958), pp. vi-vii, 1-2; a transcription alone is in Gennrich's Troubadours, Trouvères, Minne-und Meistergesang, p. 42.

27. Text from Gennrich, Exempla altfranzösischer Lyrik, p. 1; my translation.

28. Ibid.

29. See, for instance, R. W. Eyton, Court, Household, and Itinerary of King Henry II (London, 1878), pp. 1-2.

30. Yvonne Rokseth, Polyphonies du XIII^e siècle: Le Manuscrit H 196 de la Faculté de Médecine de Montpellier, 4 vols. (Paris: Editions de l’Oiseau-Lyre, 1935-1939), IV, 40.

31. Orgener here means to sing organum, i.e., polyphony.

32. Wace, Le Roman de Brut de Wace, ed. Ivor Arnold, 2 vols. (Paris: Société des Anciens Textes français, 1940), II, 546-547, lines 10419-10424; my translation.

33. John of Salisbury, Joannis Saresberiensis Episcopi Carnotensis Policratici, ed. Clement Webb, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1909), I, 41-42 (Book I, Ch. 6). The translation is adapted from those of H. E. Wooldridge, Oxford History of Music, 2d ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1929), I, 290; Joseph Pike, Frivolities of Courtiers and Footprints of Philosophers (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1938), p. 32; and Janet Knapp, Introduction to The Polyphonic Conductus: The Florence Repertory (New Haven: Yale University Press, forthcoming), with special thanks to Knapp.

34. Lejeune, “Rôle littéraire d’Aliénor,” pp. 53-55.

35. Critical edition of the poetry (with French translations, introduction, notes, and glossary) by Moshé Lazar, Bernard de Ventadour, Troubadour du XII^e siècle: Chansons d’amour (Paris: C. Klincksieck, 1966); English translations by Stephen G. Nichols, Jr., John A. Galm, et al., in The Songs of Bernart de Ventadorn, North Carolina Studies in the Romance Languages and Literatures, no. 39 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962). The eighteen extant melodies are available in diplomatic facsimile by Carl Appel, “Die Singweisen Bernarts von Ventadorn,” Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, Beiheft 81 (Halle, 1934), and in rhythmic transcription by Friedrich Gennrich, Der musikalische Nachlass der Troubadours.

36. Raynaud, p. 22, lists five songs by Chrétien; their debt to Bernart's poetry is generally acknowledged.

37. Wace, Roman de Brut, ed. Arnold, II, 552-553, lines 10521-10524, 10539-10556; my translation. The rotrouenge, like the lai, is an Old French poetic form. For information on musical instruments, see Sibyl Marcuse, Musical Instruments: A Comprehensive Dictionary (New York: Doubleday, 1964).

38. Chrétien de Troyes, Erec et Enide, ed. Mario Roques, Les Romans de Chrétien de Troyes, vol. I; Classiques français du Moyen Age, no. 80 (Paris: H. Champion, 1953), p. 61, lines 1983-2000; translation adapted from that of W. W. Comfort, Chrétien de Troyes: Arthurian Romances (London: Dent, Everyman's Library, 1914), p. 27.

39. Chrétien de Troyes, Erec et Enide, ed. Roques, lines 6330-6333; my translation (cf. Comfort's translation, Chrétien de Troyes, p. 82).

40. Werner Bachmann also cites twelfth- and thirteenth-century testimony about the instrumental capabilities expected of minstrels in The Origins of Bowing and the Development of Bowed String Instruments up to the Thirteenth Century, trans. Norma Deane (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), pp. 118-119.

41. W1, folio 185v (new 168v) (see note 20 above); translation by Denis Stevens, “Music in Honor of St. Thomas of Canterbury,” The Musical Quarterly 56(1970):317.

42. Stevens, “Music,” pp. 317-318.

43. A recent transcription by Alexander Blachly is included as the first piece in Music in Honour of St. Thomas of Canterbury, ed. Denis Stevens, Alexander Blachly, Joan Long, and Cornelia Weininger (London: Novello, 1970); an older transcription by Leonard Ellinwood appeared in The Musical Quarterly 27(1941):194. The melody has an over-all form of aab (2 + 2 + 4 lines), one which came to be a favorite in vernacular lyrics, particularly those of the Northern French trouvères.

44. Denis Stevens makes a case, however, for the dating of the second of these works in early 1173 because of political allusions in the text; see “Music,” pp. 338-340.

45. The sole musical source is F, folios 373v-375 (see note 19 above); a transcription by Joan Long is included in Music in Honour of St. Thomas of Canterbury, ed. Stevens et al., pp. 4-9.

46. The piece is found for two voice-parts in Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, 20486, folios 139-139v (facsimile by Luther Dittmer), and in the Las Huelgas Codex, folio 101v (see note 5 above); it appears for three voices in F, folios 230-230v. If in fact the work dates from 1173, it is unlikely that the third voice was added before the end of the century, even though the three-part version appears in the earliest manuscript source. Published transcriptions are available by Janet Knapp, Thirty-five Conductus for Two and Three Voices, Yale Collegium Musicum No. 6 (New Haven: Department of Music, Graduate School, Yale University, 1965), pp. 40-41; Denis Stevens, Music in Honour of St. Thomas of Canterbury, ed. Stevens et al., pp. 10-11; and Higini Anglès, El Còdex musical de las Huelgas, III, 187, no. 102.

47. Unique to F, folios 19v-20v; transcription by Heinrich Husmann, Die drei- und vierstimmigen Notre-Dame-Organa, Publikationen älterer Musik, no. 11 (Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1940), pp. 43-45.

48. See Lejeune's itinerary, “Rôle littéraire d’Aliénor,” p. 55; Richardson, “Letters,” pp. 198-200.

49. See, for instance, the accounts of Rigord, Benedict of Peterborough (actually Roger of Hoveden), Ralph of Diceto, and Roger of Hoveden, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, vol. XVII, ed. Léopold Delisle and M. J. J. Brial (Paris, 1878), pp. 5, 438, 617.

50. The music appears in F, folio 355, and St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, 383, p. 173; the text alone appears in several other sources. The poem is edited by Karl Strecker in Die Lieder Walters von Chatillon in der Handschrift 351 von St. Omer (Berlin: Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1964), pp. 55-58. I am grateful to Janet Knapp for the loan of her transcriptions of Ver pacis aperit and the other polyphonic conductus mentioned subsequently in this discussion.

51. Leo Schrade, “Political Compositions in French Music of the 12th and 13th Centuries,” in Leo Schrade: De Scientia Musicae Studia atque Orationes, ed. Ernst Lichtenhahn (Bern: Paul Haupt, 1967), pp. 160-168, 180-181; Schrade's essay first appeared in Annales musicologiques 1(1953):9-63. Since the lower voice-part of Ver pacis aperit appears in a chansonnier with the Old French text Ma joie me semont by Blondel de Nesle (Raynaud 1924), the question of which version came first has been a subject of much debate; see Schrade, “Political Compositions,” p. 161.

52. F, folio 415v; text edited in Analecta hymnica, XXI, 180.

53. Mon chan fenisc ab dol et ab mal traire (Pillet-Carstens 80.26) and Si tuit le dol e·lh plor e·lh marrimen (Pillet-Carstens 80.41), though there are conflicting attributions of the latter to two other poets. The texts are edited by Albert Stimming, Bertran von Born, 2d ed. (Halle: Niemeyer, 1913), pp. 74-78, and Carl Appel, Die Lieder Bertrans von Born, Sammlung romanischer Übungstexte, nos. 19-20 (Halle: Niemeyer, 1932), pp. 39-42, 98-99.

54. See Friedrich Gennrich, “Gace Brulé,” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Blume, vol. IV (1955), cols. 1215-1223. After Geoffrey's death, Gace was associated with the court of Marie de Champagne.

55. Ibid., cols. 1217-1218. Texts of this and other poems by Gace are edited by Gédéon Huet, Chansons de Gace Brulé (Paris: Didot, 1902); no complete musical edition is available.

56. See Arthur Låangfors, A. Jeanroy, and L. Brandin, eds., Recueil général des jeux-partis français, 2 vols. (Paris: Société des Anciens Textes français, 1926), I, 7-10, xiv-xvii.

57. See the account of events given by Ralph of Diceto in his Imaginibus historiarum, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, vol. XVII, ed. Delisle and Brial, p. 628.

58. A totz dic que ja mais no volh (Pillet-Carstens 80.6a), preserved in a single source without music; the text is edited by Appel, Die Lieder Bertrans von Born, pp. 63-65.

59. Anglia, planctus itera appears in F on folios 421v-422, where it is one of the more melismatic of the monophonic pieces in fascicle 10; the text is edited in Analecta hymnica, XXI, 177, with the comment “nur ein Bruchstück des Ganzen [only a fragment of the whole].” Eclypsim patitur is on folios 322v-323 in F, and its text is edited in Analecta hymnica, XXI, 179.

60. Though it is a commonplace to compare the death of a noble personage with an eclipse of the sun (as happens in both of these poems), it is interesting that Ralph of Diceto's chronicle mentions eclipses of both the sun and the moon in the late spring of 1186, only a few months before Geoffrey's death (Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, vol. XVII, ed. Delisle and Brial, p. 627).

61. Anglia, planctus itera / Et ad luctum revertere, / Duplex dampnum considera / Duplici merso sidere.

62. F, folios 350v-351; W1, folio 117 (new 108); text edited in Analecta hymnica, XXI, 178.

63. F, folios 318v-319; W1, folio 110v (new 101v).

64. Cf. Analecta hymnica, XXI, 177-178. I wish to thank James H. Cook for assistance with the translation.

65. Some examples are given by Joseph Bédier and Pierre Aubry, Les Chansons de croisade avec leurs mélodies (Paris, 1909).

66. F, folios 419v-420; strophes 1, 3, and 5 are written out with music, while strophes 2, 4, and 6 are to be sung to the immediately prior melody. The complete poem is in Analecta hymnica, XXI, 164; my translation. Heraclius was the patriarch of Jerusalem who in 1185 had journeyed to the West to seek aid from Henry II and Philip Augustus.

67. Raynaud 1891; Pillet-Carstens 420.2; text and translation from Henry Adams, Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1913), p. 222. Gennrich includes a musical transcription in Exempla altfranzösischer Lyrik, pp. 6-7 (see note 26 above).

68. F, folios 434-435; text in Analecta hymnica, XXI, 181.

69. Pillet-Carstens 167.22. Two readily accessible musical transcriptions by Gennrich can be found in Troubadours, Trouvères, Minne- und Meistergesang, pp. 17-18, and Lo gai saber, pp. 49-50.

70. See Lejeune's itinerary, “Rôle littéraire d’Aliénor,” p. 57; Richardson, “Letters,” pp. 198-200.

71. F, folios 339v-340v; text in Analecta hymnica, XXI, 182.

72. Gallus, Hispanus, Apulus / et Greculus / invident Turonensibus / cum viribus / profunde.

Note: When this article was presented as part of the symposium, a number of the musical compositions discussed were performed by members of the University of Texas Collegium Musicum under the direction of Gilbert L. Blount.