the Declaration of Independence holds promises that were only written forwhite men and not for all men. Likewise, King calls upon the promises of the Declaration of Independence as well as the Constitution in his "I Have a Dream" speech:

When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds.

King echoes Douglass's sentiments that although the Declaration of Independence should be extended to all Americans, citizens of color are still commonly denied access to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The rights found in the foundational documents of our country hold empty promises for King and other African Americans.

Both Douglass and King also find fault in those who hide under (false) religious beliefs in order to perpetuate slavery. In his autobiography Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, he writes in the appendix that he detests the "slave-holding" Christianity espoused by some whites that allow them to view people as property. Douglass does believe in the teachings of Christ and true Christianity, and he asserts that anyone following the true teachings of Christ could never align with the immoral and hypocritical practices of slave holding. King, of course, was a Baptist preacher, and commonly drew on the teachings of Christ in his advocacy for freedom for all people. In "Letter from Birmingham Jail," King denounces the halfhearted efforts of white churches by saying this:

I have heard numerous religious leaders of the South call upon their worshipers to comply with a desegregation decision because it is the law, but I have longed to hear white ministers say, follow this decree because integration is morally right and the Negro is your brother. In the midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churches stand on the sidelines and merely mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst of a mighty struggle to rid our nation of racial and economic injustice, I have heard so many ministers say, "Those are social issues which the gospel has nothing to do with," and I have watched so many churches commit themselves to a completely otherworldly religion which made a strange distinction between bodies and souls, the sacred and the secular. There was a time when the church was very powerful. It was during that period that the early Christians rejoiced when they were deemed worthy to suffer for what they believed. In those days the church was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was the thermostat that transformed the mores of society. Wherever the early Christians entered a town the power structure got disturbed and immediately sought to convict them for being "disturbers of the peace" and "outside agitators." But they went on with the conviction that they were "a colony of heaven" and had to obey God rather than man. They were small in number but big in commitment. They were too God-intoxicated to be "astronomically intimidated." They brought an end to such ancient evils as infanticide and gladiatorial contest.

Things are different now. The contemporary church is so often a weak, ineffectual voice with an uncertain sound.

King recalls the strength of early Christians and claims that they can do more to help their brothers in Christ who are not white. Early Christians were powerful world-influencers, much unlike the passive and mild Christians King sees in the communities he visits during this era.

The subject of using violence to achieve equality shows some differences of thought between the two men. This is how Douglass explains his ideas in My Bondage and My Freedom:

A man, without force, is without the essential dignity of humanity. Human nature is so constituted, that it cannot honor a helpless man, although it can pity him; and even this it cannot do long, if the signs of power do not arise.

Having been a slave and having suffered beatings himself, Douglass once found himself in a battle with Mr. Covey. Because he had to physically defend himself, he transforms into a man who says that a white man who wants to whip him must also succeed in killing him. He reaches his metaphorical line in the sand in this section. King, however, stands strongly by peaceful protests and without the use of violence. In "Letter from Birmingham Jail," King outlines the system he believes in:

In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices are alive,
negotiation, self-purification, and direct action. We have gone through all of these steps in Birmingham.

King fought tirelessly to change social discrepancies between races by genuine and authentic conversations and by highlighting places and ideas of segregation through nonviolent means.

King surely walked in the footsteps of the work Douglass began. This tireless journey continues today by modern world-changers who seek to find true equality for all Americans regardless of ability, age, gender, race, and national origin.