concludes on a note of ambiguity, set "some months later," as the commission has completed its report. Paulina, now able to listen to Schubert'sDeath and the Maiden without distress, remains silent throughout an intermission with Gerardo, who is buoyed by his career achievements. In a surreal twist, Roberto—or perhaps his ghost—appears, locking eyes with Paulina as the music envelops them.

This ending leaves audiences pondering unresolved questions about justice, forgiveness, and the haunting persistence of past traumas. The interplay between personal vendettas and broader social healing underscores the enduring complexities in the quest for truth and reconciliation in post-dictatorial societies.

Ariel Dorfman meticulously notes in his stage directions that Death and the Maiden takes place in "a country that is probably Chile but could be any country that has established a democratic government after a long period of dictatorship." This dual nature of specificity and universality has been highlighted by numerous critics, making the play highly relevant in the late 20th century, a time marked by tentative political changes. Frank Rich of the New York Times described the play as a "mousetrap designed to catch the conscience of an international audience at a historic moment when many more nations than Chile are moving from totalitarian terror to fragile freedom." Similarly, John Butt found the play "timely," stating that it traps the audience "in a neat moral dilemma" by making them "face choices that most would presumably leave to the inhabitants of distant and less privileged countries."

Many Latin American countries, including Guatemala, Brazil, and Bolivia, have endured periods of military rule in recent decades. Argentina and Chile, in particular, are often compared due to their shared history and geographical closeness in the "Southern Cone" of South America. Both countries experienced civil repression, extra-judicial abductions and "disappearances," torture, and murder—Chile under Augusto Pinochet's coup and Argentina during the military's "Dirty War." Understanding the modern history of these two nations provides essential context for Death and the Maiden.

In Chile, the political landscape in the first half of the twentieth century frequently oscillated between right and left, with no government strong enough to implement significant changes. Infrastructure development lagged, and rural poverty worsened, leading to rapid urbanization as desperate populations moved to the cities. Although some social reforms were achieved in the 1960s, Chile's politics grew increasingly polarized. Salvador Allende won the presidency in 1970 with a leftist coalition of socialists, communists, and extremists. His extensive economic reforms included nationalizing many private enterprises, which angered the United States due to the seizure of U.S.-controlled copper mines and Chile's open friendship with Cuba, a nation with whom America had severed diplomatic and economic ties.

On September 11, 1973, the Chilean military, led by General Augusto Pinochet, orchestrated a coup, using air force jets to bomb the presidential palace. (The U.S. support of the coup through the CIA has been documented.) Allende died, reportedly by suicide, and thousands of his supporters were killed. Pinochet, leading a four-man ruling junta (a group or council that controls a government), dissolved Chile's congress and violently suppressed political opposition. His regime held power for the next decade and a half, often resorting to terror, including the abduction and torture that Paulina experienced, to silence dissent.

In 1990, a peaceful transfer of presidential power was accomplished, but significant tension persisted between the military and the government regarding the human rights abuses from the Pinochet era. Pinochet, under a constitution drafted during his rule, remained the army commander until he stepped down in March 1998. Even after stepping down, he maintained political influence as a senator for life. Chilean society continues to grapple with the violent legacy of its past. However, the current president, Eduardo Frei, has expedited the reconciliation process by accelerating human rights tribunals and investigations into Chile's "disappeared" (through commissions like the one to which Gerardo is appointed in Death and the Maiden).

Chile's neighbor, Argentina, has similarly experienced frequent interruptions to its democratic processes. The country saw its first coup in 1930 when a coalition of military officers and civilian aristocrats overthrew the government, establishing a semi-fascist state in line with the rising tide of fascism in Europe. A more forceful coup occurred in 1943, aiming to completely restructure Argentine society. This time, the goal was not merely to suppress political radicals but to eradicate civilian politics altogether. Between 1943 and 1976, there were five more coups, culminating in the military's infamous Dirty War. During this period, Colonel Juan Peron emerged as Argentina's most influential leader, first elected president in 1946.

Peron differed from his military predecessors by seeking to integrate the urban working class into his party, although his government maintained a firm stance against more extreme radicalism. His partner in these early presidential years was his mistress, later his wife, Eva Duarte—commonly known as Evita (immortalized by composer Andrew Lloyd Weber and lyricist Tim Rice in their 1978 musical Evita). Eva had sharp political instincts, which Peron came to rely on heavily. When the military ousted Peron in 1955, many social changes initiated by him and Evita remained. Evita's legacy (she died of cancer in 1952), combined with the knowledge that Peron was alive in exile, inspired many to continue supporting Peronist ideals despite the military's efforts to suppress them. Peron returned to power in 1973 as Argentina's economic situation deteriorated, and the public, seeking a positive alternative to military regimes, welcomed him back enthusiastically. Unfortunately, he died just eight months into his new term as president.

On March 24, 1976, a coup toppled Isabel Perón, who had served as president since her husband's death. A military junta, composed of the three armed forces' commanders in chief, seized control of the government. Between the coup and the return to democratic elections in 1983, the military waged a brutal and clandestine war against the Argentine populace, aiming to completely dismantle political consciousness. During this period, a network of over three hundred secret concentration camps operated at its peak. These camps were the epicenter of a comprehensive policy of abduction, torture, murder, and disposal. Estimates suggest that up to thirty thousand people were killed, and countless survivors had their lives destroyed in various ways. Much like in Chile, after a fragile return to democracy, Argentine society continues to grapple with addressing the violent past. Activist groups like Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo, who bravely began protesting against the military regime while it was still in power, persist in urging the current government to investigate human rights violations. Despite their efforts, many of the perpetrators remain unpunished.

Death and the Maiden by Ariel Dorfman is a gripping exploration of realism in theater, unraveling a plot through a linear progression, vivid characters, and a tangible setting. The play diverges from this realism only at its conclusion, introducing an expressionistic twist that enhances its thematic depth. This deliberate blend of styles challenges audiences to ponder the reconciliation of a society with its violent past.

A Unique Realism

The play's adherence to realism is chiefly evident in its structure and character development. The narrative unfolds in a straightforward manner, allowing the audience to grasp the complexities of the characters and their relationships. However, Dorfman injects a unique twist at the climax, shifting the setting to a concert hall, and employing a mirror aimed at the audience. This technique serves to blur the boundary between the play and reality, engaging the audience in a self-reflective exploration of the moral and social issues at play.

Critical Perspectives

Critics have often refrained from categorizing Dorfman's dramatic technique, focusing instead on the political context and novel content of Death and the Maiden. Unlike many playwrights who are placed within established theatrical movements, Dorfman's work resists such classification. His background as an intellectual and academic may contribute to this, as does the play’s setting in a political landscape unfamiliar to many English and American audiences. While some align Dorfman with Harold Pinter, their connection lies more in shared political concerns rather than stylistic similarities. Though Dorfman's influences may include Pinter, he diverges in style, opting for realism over the absurdist touches that characterize Pinter's work.

The Absurd and Realism

The existentialist notion of the absurd, as described by Albert Camus, suggests a world devoid of meaning, where individuals are adrift in an indifferent universe. Death and the Maiden taps into this theme through its depiction of a society under military oppression, yet maintains a realistic theatrical style. Dorfman's work stands apart from the exaggerated stylistic elements found in the works of absurdist playwrights like Samuel Beckett and Eugene Ionesco. While these playwrights employ techniques that highlight absurdity, Dorfman grounds his play in realism, focusing on the plausible and immediate.

Tragic Parallels

Despite its realist form, Death and the Maiden evokes the essence of Greek tragedy. Critics have noted its "formal perfection" and the inevitable unfolding of its narrative akin to classical tragedies, as observed by John Butt in the Times Literary Supplement. Although it diverges from classical tragedy in key aspects—lacking a protagonist's downfall or self-recognition—similarities persist. The play adheres to classical unities of time and place and keeps its violence offstage, echoing the structure and solemnity of ancient drama.

Dorfman's Vision of Tragedy

Dorfman embraces the concept of tragedy when discussing Death and the Maiden, vehemently denying accusations of political propaganda. As he stated in Index on Censorship, "tragedies are never propaganda, ever." He highlights the cathartic potential of the play, aiming to purge emotions of pity and terror—an effect reminiscent of the societal functions of Greek tragedies. Dorfman aspires for his work to facilitate a similar catharsis within Chilean society, aiding in its reconciliation with historical traumas.

The Mirror as Catharsis

The play's climactic mirror device is central to achieving this cathartic effect. In a London Times interview, Dorfman emphasized that the play "is not about somebody else, it's a play about them." By reflecting the audience within the moral quandary, the mirror compels introspection. "People are going to watch themselves and ask: 'what would I do, who am I in the midst of all this?'" This device not only breaks from the play’s realistic structure but also leaves the audience with a profound imagery of unresolved conflict.

Ultimately, Death and the Maiden stands as a testament to Dorfman's mastery of integrating realism with thematic and dramatic complexity. It challenges audiences to not only witness the unfolding drama but to engage with it, fostering self-reflection and societal reconciliation.

1992: Augusto Pinochet, who transferred the Chilean presidency in 1990 to the democratically elected Patricio Aylwin Azocar, still holds the position of army commander in chief.

Today: Pinochet has resigned as army commander, but in March 1998, he was granted the title of senator for life, despite significant public opposition.

1992: With Pinochet as their commander in chief, the Chilean armed forces continue to maintain substantial independent power within Chilean society.

Today: Tensions persist between the government and the military over the human rights abuses during Pinochet's regime. Although current president Eduardo Frei has expedited human rights tribunals and investigations into Chile's "disappeared," punishing the culprits remains highly challenging.

1992: The Apartheid era in South Africa is gradually ending, with a referendum showing a two-to-one vote by whites to give President F. W. de Klerk a mandate to terminate white-minority rule. However, a June massacre in a black township and allegations of police involvement underscore the urgent need for more rapid reform.

Today: South Africa still faces many political, social, and economic challenges, but the peaceful transition of power to President Nelson Mandela illustrates how a society can navigate the complex path to democracy.

1992: On April 5, Peru's President Alberto Fujimori suspends the Constitution and assumes dictatorial powers to combat corruption and the Maoist guerrilla group Sendero Luminoso ("Shining Path"). In response, the United States suspends aid to Peru.

Today: On April 22, 1997, President Fujimori orders a military assault on leftist guerrillas who have been holding hostages for several months at the Japanese embassy in Lima. All fourteen guerrillas are killed, along with two soldiers and one hostage; many others are injured. While Fujimori's actions receive international acclaim, issues persist, including strained relations with Japan (which had advocated for a peaceful resolution) and accusations that Fujimori used government intelligence to investigate political adversaries. Across Latin America, the ongoing presence of guerrilla activities alongside stringent government policies highlights the continuing fragility of many of the region's democracies.

Death and the Maiden was turned into a film in 1994, directed by Roman Polanski. The cast featured Sigourney Weaver as Paulina, Ben Kingsley as Miranda, and Stuart Wilson as Gerardo. The screenplay, adapted from the original play, was written by novelist Rafael Yglesias (Fearless) in collaboration with Dorfman.

SOURCES

Butt, John. "Guilty Conscience?" in the Times Literary Supplement, February 28, 1992, p. 22.

Disch, Thomas M. Review of Death and the Maiden in the Nation, May 11, 1992, pp. 640-43.

Dorfman, Ariel. Afterword to Death and the Maiden, Penguin (New York), 1992, pp. 71-75.

Kramer, Mimi. "Magical Opportunism" in the New Yorker, March 30, 1992, p. 69.

Kroll, Jack. "Broadway Mind-Stretchers" in Newsweek, March 30, 1992, p. 65.

Reyes, Carlos, and Maggie Patterson. "Ariel Dorfman on Memory and Truth" on the Amnesty International Home Page, http://www.oneworld.org/textver/amnesty/journal-july97/carlos.html.

Rich, Frank. "Close, Hackman and Dreyfuss in 'Death and the Maiden'" in the New York Times, March 18, 1992, p. C15.

Simon, John. "The Guary Apes" in New York, March 30, 1992, pp. 87-88.

Wolf, Matt. "Power Games at Home" in the Times (London), November 4, 1991, p. 14.

FURTHER READING

Contemporary Literary Criticism, Gale Vol. 48, 1988, Vol. 77, 1993.
This resource compiles selections of criticism and serves as an excellent starting point for research on Dorfman. The selections in these volumes span Dorfman's career up to 1993, with criticism of Death and the Maiden found in Volume 77. Dorfman is also discussed in Hispanic Writers, Hispanic Literary Criticism, and Volume 130 of Contemporary Authors.

Graham-Yooll, Andrew. "Dorfman: A Case of Conscience" in Index on Censorship, Vol. 20, no. 6, 1991, pp. 3-4.
An interview with Dorfman where the playwright discusses Chile's transition to democracy and his plays Reader and Death and the Maiden.

Gregory, Stephen. "Ariel Dorfman and Harold Pinter: Politics of the Periphery and Theater of the Metropolis" in Comparative Drama, Vol. 30, no. 3, 1996, pp. 325-45.
This article explores the "string of contingencies" between these two writers. Gregory summarizes their political involvements, analyzes several plays including Death and the Maiden, and concludes with a retrospective political reading of Dorfman's study of Pinter, showing how it anticipates both his later work on Latin America and the issues that connect the two writers two decades after its publication.

Guzman, Patricio. The Battle of Chile (re-release), First Run/Icarus Films, 1998.
A documentary produced between 1973-1976, still banned in Chile today. The film offers a leftist perspective on Salvador Allende's presidency, Pinochet's coup, and the initial "years of terror" following the establishment of the dictatorship. Guzman's recent works include the film Chile: The Persistent Memory.

Skidmore, Thomas E. and Peter H. Smith. Modern Latin America, fourth edition, Oxford University Press (New York), 1997.
A comprehensive resource on the interconnected political histories of Latin America, valuable for understanding the context of Dorfman's play. It is applicable to Chile and other Latin American countries that have experienced military repression. Students interested in modern Chile's history might explore books such as Mark Falcoff's Modern Chile, 1970-1989: A Critical History (Transaction, 1989).