SOURCE: "The Classics and the Greek Writers of the Early Church: Saint Basil," The Classical Journal, Vol. XIII, No. 8, May, 1918, pp. 579-91.

[In the following excerpt, originally delivered as a lecture in 1917, Deferrari calls attention to Hellenistic influences in Basil's writings, particularly his "Address to Young Men," the Hexaemeron, the Homilies on the Psalms, and his letters. In the critic's judgment, these works demonstrate the value that Basil placed on classical learning as well as his indebtedness to Aristotle, Plutarch, and—most particularly—Plato.]

The purpose of this paper¹ is to serve as a reminder of the close bond which exists between the masters of classical literature and many of the early Christian writers and to emphasize the great value in studying at least certain of the church authors for the acquirement of the fullest understanding of the great minds of antiquity. At the same time we would warn against an over-accentuation of classical elements in the products of later periods and the consequent lack of appreciation of the true value and place of the post-classical in the history of civilization.

St. Basil the Great, of Caesarea, is an excellent example of the Christian Father, a study of whom is very compensating to the classicist. He lived in a period (the fourth century) when the elements of Christianity and pagan life were most closely united. Theodosius the First had made Christianity the state religion, and paganism was from that time on to suffer constant persecution and gradual extermination. Christianity, which had hitherto been fighting desperately for its very existence, and had thus been averse to any principle of life in any way reminiscent of paganism, now, in a feeling of security, readily took over many of the pagan elements of the older civilization. This reaction, as one would expect, is reflected strongly in the literature of the period. It seems, indeed, like one of the ironies of history that scarcely had the church begun to triumph when paganism began to make greater and greater inroads, not only into the literature, but also into the customs, thoughts, and life of the people.

The earliest literary productions of Christianity show very little contact with Hellenism, and in form are almost entirely independent, with some Jewish and oriental influences.² The Apocalypse is the only early Christian literary composition which has a foreign source, and this is Jewish.

From this earliest period down to Clement of Alexandria (latter part of the second century) is the time of transition from a literature hostile to all culture and everything worldly to a literature influenced by a very careful Hellenistic training. The literary products of the third and fourth centuries show the closest contact with Hellenism without lacking at the same time every quality of originality. Not only do we see very marked Hellenistic influences, but we find open declarations of the high value of the classics,³ and accompanying this we notice a correspondingly high level of culture. Basil is one of the foremost authors of this patristic floruit.

It is very noteworthy that the older Greek Fathers, in explaining the nature of the Holy Ghost, had recourse to Platonic formulae, particularly to the doctrine of the soul of the universe.… It has been observed that Origen made use of the theory in describing the Holy Spirit,⁴ and Gregory Nazianzus⁵ frankly compares this idea with the Christian doctrine of the Holy Ghost. Basil also makes free use of these formulae in his work on the Holy Spirit …, so much so that an effort has been made to establish a direct relation between this treatise and the writings of Plotinus.⁶ Although the resemblances in thought are striking and numerous, it is difficult to establish any direct dependency. The arguments contained therein were generally known in Basil's time through the teachings of the popular philosophy and, as we have indicated, through the work of the earlier Christian Fathers. Basil therefore may be depending on the earlier Christian writers (e.g., Origen), or, what is more probable, on the current teachings of the neo-Platonists in general. Furthermore, since Basil's intimate acquaintance with Plato is very marked in some of his other works, it is not too rash to presume that here also he is drawing somewhat on the great master himself.

The influence of the popular diatribe is seen in the form of what are known as the longer and shorter rules for monks.… Both of these works are written in the regular diatribe form of question and answer, and are known as the Monks' Catechism of Morals and Obligations.

The work which best displays Basil's attitude toward the ancient classics is his address to Christian youths on the benefit to be derived from pagan literature.⁷… Life eternal, he says, is the supreme goal of every Christian, and Holy Writ is the guide to this life. Since young men cannot appreciate the deep thoughts contained therein, they should study the profane writings, in which truth appears as in a mirror. As leaves are a protection and an ornament to the fruit of a tree, so is pagan wisdom to Christian truth. In reading pagan literature one must distinguish between the morally helpful and the morally injurious. Since the life eternal is to be obtained through virtue, one must pay particular attention to those passages in which virtue is praised—such examples as may be found in Hesiod, Homer, Solon, Theognis, and Prodicus. Almost all eminent philosophers have extolled virtue, and we must try to realize their words in this life. Every man is divided against himself who does not make his life conform to his words, but who says with Euripides, "The mouth indeed hath sworn, but the heart knows no oath."⁸ To seem to be good when one is not so is, if we are to respect the opinion of Plato⁹ at all, the very height of injustice. In pagan literature virtue is praised in deeds as well as in words, wherefore one should study the acts of noble men which coincide with the teachings of the Scriptures—for example, the deeds of Pericles, Euclid, Socrates, Alexander, and Cleinias. The young man, then, in thought and action must never lose sight of his aim in life. Thus, like the athlete Polydamas and the musician Timotheus, he must bend every energy to one task, the winning of the heavenly crown. This end is to be obtained by freeing the soul from its association with the senses, by scorning riches and reputation, and by subordinating all else to virtue. This ideal will be matured later by the study of the Scriptures, but at present it is to be fostered by the study of the pagan writers. From these should be stored up knowledge for the future.

This résumé in itself tells much about Basil's knowledge of ancient classics. In addition, throughout the whole a strong Platonic influence is felt in the method of expression and in the development of the theme. As often, it is difficult to distinguish between the influence of popular philosophy and a direct relationship with Plato. In certain portions, however, the resemblance to Plato is too marked to admit of doubt—for example, in the early part of the address, where Basil, in considering the merits and demerits of the poets, is clearly basing his remarks on Plato's Republic 376 E ff. Plutarch's [Pos dei ton…] bears many similarities to Basil's work, not so much in content as in methods of argument. Any connection with Basil, however, is probably very slight, as in these cases of likeness we have to do with topoi which may have a common source in the popular philosophy of the time.

Basil's homilies show the most evident dependence on the classics. The Hexaemeron, a series of nine sermons on Genesis, is strikingly influenced by the Timaeus of Plato and the Historia animalium of Aristotle, colored here and there by reminiscences of Origen and Philo.¹⁰ The very statement of the subject recalls the Timaeus. It is a treatise [Peri phoseos] ¹¹ just as the Timaeus is said to be.¹² To mention only a few of the most important parallels: both Basil and Plato say that God bound the elements together by a bond of friendship;¹³ the universe is visible and tangible, and the visibility is due to fire, the tangibility to the hardness of the earth.¹⁴ The last parallelism has a remarkable similarity in phraseology. Other parallels in phraseology as well as in thought are the statements that God kindled the sun and made it of sufficient brightness to shine on the whole universe;¹⁵ the commonplaces on the division of time;¹⁶ the expressions about the origin of flesh;¹⁷ and the respiration offish.¹⁸ An attempt has been made¹⁹ to show that for the most part Basil made use of Posidonius' commentary on Plato's Timaeus. This is only partially true, as the outstanding resemblances cannot be explained simply by the study of a mere commentary.

This dependence on Plato is found to the greatest extent in the first four sermons, which treat especially of the creation of the universe in contrast to the formation of creatures. After a consideration in the next two homilies of the nature of the universe and the question of the divisions of time, Basil proceeds to the formation of creatures, discussing respectively the creeping things, the creatures of the air, the creatures of the waters, and the creatures of the land. In those questions, which are treated in the last three homilies, Basil's chief source is Aristotle's [Peri zoou].²⁰ Basil did not make use of the discussions of Genesis which were written before his time, as the preserved fragments of these works show no connection with Basil whatsoever. Some assert an influence from the Physiologus. Kraus,²¹ however, convincingly dates the Physiologus at the end of the fourth century or after Basil's time, and Plass (loc. cit.) sees no resemblance striking enough to warrant the slightest idea of dependency. An examination of the two works reveals many passages which have been taken almost verbatim from Aristotle, many which Basil saw fit to expand or curtail, and others which Basil enlarged by adding information from other sources, Aelian and Oppian.²²

The influence which Philo and Origen exerted on Basil's Hexaemeron has been summarized thus:

Basil probably derived from Philo directly or indirectly the reason why the luminaries were not created until the fourth day, and the notion that both birds and fish swim. Both likewise speak of underground veins of water, and Basil evidently refers to Philo and his school when he says that certain Jews assert that the plural verb in the command "let us make man" signifies that the angels are addressed.²³

It is difficult to tell how much Basil drew from Origen, because so much of the work of the latter has been lost. It is generally supposed, however, that in asserting so firmly his belief that the upper waters are real water, and rejecting an allegorical interpretation of the passage, Basil directs his arguments against Origen, with whom allegory was a favorite method of exegesis.²⁴ Basil owes many of his arguments against astrology to Origen, and the idea that it is impious to assert that God is ever inactive is common to Origen and Basil.²⁵

The homilies on the psalms are naturally of a more popular nature. If it is true that Basil composed these sermons extempore,²⁶ we cannot doubt that he poured forth his mind with perfect freedom on every topic. Thus it is only natural that we should find that in these sermons Basil did not excerpt from any particular author, but spoke sentiments which were the composite product of his training in the schools of rhetoric and his studies in the ancient pagan and later Christian authors.

Homily VI … is such a composition. Although many passages therein agree with certain sentiments of the Cynics and Stoics, it does not follow that Basil leaned to their teachings. Such passages have their source in the popular philosophy of the day.

Homily VII … bears very manifest traces of Plutarch and Clement of Alexandria. The parallelism between this sermon and Plutarch's [Peri philoploutias] and Clement's Paedagogus are so close that we suspect that Basil read these works very shortly before he delivered his talk. Starting out with the words of the Scripture (Matt., chap. 19) he mingles his own sentiments with the words of a Christian and a pagan.

Basil's homily on Psalm 14 … bears a very close resemblance to Plutarch's [Peri ton me dei].²⁷ As in Homily VII, the resemblances are so close that Basil must have read Plutarch's work but a short time previously.

Homily XXI … has very marked indications of being an extempore speech. All the sentiments of this sermon are met with in others of Basil's works. Expressions from the Cynic and Stoic, Plato, Plutarch, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, are all woven together into a composite mass.

In the field of epistolography Basil stands out as one of the leading writers of Greek literature. He has left us a group of vigorous letters of high literary value, a mine of information for the life of the times. In these private communications it is impossible to trace any direct connection with another author, except where occasionally a letter on some theological question develops into a small treatise. In such cases Basil presents views necessarily influenced in part by the earlier Christian Fathers. Yet Basil's training in the classics and in schools of rhetoric is everywhere apparent if only in his manner of expression. Furthermore, he makes many allusions to classical authors and subjects. In "Letter 1" he speaks of passing the city on the Hellespont more unmoved than any Ulysses passing Sirens' songs.²⁸ In "Letter 74" he says: "Not then would I pray that I might listen to you, like Alcinous to Ulysses, only for a year, but throughout all my life." In "Letter 239," Basil quotes Homer directly: "I am moved to say as Diomed said—

'Would God, Atrides, thy request were yet to
  undertake,
. … he's proud enough.'"²⁹

In "Letter 3" Basil mentions Plato (Rep. vi. 10): "You do not give up the study of literature, but, as Plato has it, in the midst of the storm and tempest of affairs, you stand aloof, as it were, under some strong wall, and keep your mind clear of all disturbances."³⁰ Anecdotes apparently taken from Plutarch occur about Demosthenes in "Letter 3, "³¹ and about Solon in "Letter 74,"³² Other echoes from classical antiquity may be seen in "Letters 4," 8, 14, 21, 39, 133, 112, 291," and "339." These references are by no means all that exist in Basil's letters, but only a small portion collected at random.

In touching upon Basil's language there is need of great caution. We classicists are very apt to forget that elementary principle of philology which declares that language, totally distinct from literature, experiences no rise and decline, but ever changes and develops. Consequently we often erroneously speak of the quality and purity of a writer's Greek, of a decline in the use of moods, etc. However, if we may compare Basil's Greek with that which we know as Attic, we can say that the resemblance is very close. Certain words, to be sure, bear a slightly different meaning. There is a tendency to make a minimum use of the moods. Yet the differences on the whole are very slight.³³ Since he was born in Cappadocian Caesarea, the son of a worthy rhetor and lawyer, trained by his father from the beginning in rhetorical studies, and then for several years taught in the University at Athens, it is difficult to understand how Basil could write anything but Greek, very closely resembling the classical.

In a literary way, then, Basil belongs to those Church Fathers in whom classical culture and Christianity are most closely united. He is well read in profane literature and knows how to employ his wide reading fittingly. He has an intimate first-hand knowledge of Aristotle and Plutarch, but is especially well acquainted with Plato, particularly the Republic. The popular philosophical tracts of the Cynics, a long rhetorical training, and a careful study of the earliest Christian Fathers have all shown their influence on Basil. His theology is colored by Platonic and Stoic ideas. As for his language, he unconsciously rather than consciously follows the method of the second Sophistic in imitating Attic as his norm. Although Basil may not have appreciated the importance of classical culture in all its phases, he did recognize in it a lasting and imperishable worth for the cultivation of men's minds, and he did much to preserve the intellectual product of Hellenic culture for later generations.

Aside from the literary and purely theological and ecclesiastic interest which Basil's writings-possess, we cannot pass over a value which has never been fully recognized. Indeed we may make the same statement about the voluminous writings of his brother Gregory of Nyssa and his friend Gregory of Nazianzen. They possess great worth as storing up many facts about the condition of society and education in the late Roman Empire, about the administration and law as practically affecting the people, about the taxpayer's views on taxation, the traveler's views as to the roads and the seasons, the householder's views on the safety of his property, the merchant's and the investor's views on the public credit, and the standard of commercial honesty—in short, about the ordinary life of a highly organized community, in which the original style of society and manners was being replaced by the European. Above all, however, these writings show us the views entertained by a man of power and education as to the duties of the church in its relation to all these various interests.³⁴ …

Notes

¹ Delivered at the meeting of the American Philological Association at the University of Pennsylvania, December 28, 1917.

² E.g., the Epistles to the Hebrews and the so-called first letter of St. Clement show a strong rhetorical and slightly stoical influence. Cf. P. Wendland, Christentum und Hellenismus in ihren litterarischen Besiehungen (Leipzig, 1902); E. Norden, Die Antike Kunstprosa (Leipzig and Berlin, 1909), II, 460; E. Hatch, Griechtum und Christentum (Freiburg, 1892).

³ Cf. Jerome, Ad magnum oratorem; Basil, Homily on Education 3. 584 C7; Epistles 4. 1092 CIO; 4. 572 C8.

⁴ Baumgarten-Crusius, Histor. Dogm. T.H., p. 1025.

⁵Or. 37.

⁶ Jahnius, Basilius Magnus Plotinizans (Bemae, 1838); Carolus Gronau, De Basilio, Gregorio Nazianzeno Nyssenoque Platonis Imitatoribus (Goettingae, 1908).

⁷ Cf. Georg Buettner, Basileios des Grossen Mahnworte an die Jugend über nützlichen Gebrauch der heidnischen Literatur (München, 1908); Shear, The Influence of Plato on St. Basil (Baltimore, 1906); Eichoff, Zwei Schriften des Basilius und des Augustinus als geschichtliche Dokumente der Vereinigung von klassischer Bildung und Christentum; de Vos, De legendis gentilium libris in scholastica adolescentium institutione quid sit sentiendum, quid S. Baslius M senserit (Warendorf, 1855); Padelford, Essays on the Study and Use of Poetry by Plutarch and Basil the Great (New York, 1902).

⁸ Hippolytus 612.

⁹Rep. ii. 361.

¹⁰ Cf. Shear, loc. cit.; Robbins, The Hexaemeral Literature (Chicago, 1912); Plass, De Basilii et Ambrosii excerptis ad historiam animalium partinentibus; Müllenhoff, "Aristotles bei Basilius," Hermes, II, 252; Jahn, Neue Jahrb., XLIX, 397; Hiller, Neue Jahrb., CIX., 174.

¹¹ Bas. 1. 8AI.

¹²Tim. 27A.

¹³Tim. 32C; Bas. 33A.

¹⁴Tim. 3IB; Bas. i. 25 A14.

¹⁵Tim. 39B; Bas. 137B.

¹⁶Tim. 39B; Bas. 137B.

¹⁷Tim. 82C; Bas. 168A.

¹⁸Tim. 92A; Bas. 149B.

¹⁹ Gronau, loc. cit.

²⁰ Cf. Müllenhof f an d Plass, loc. cit.

²¹Geschichte der christlichen Kunst (Freiburg, 1896).

²² Cf. (a) Basil 149A; Aristotle (Aristotelis opera ed. Acad. Reg. Borussica Berolini) 754a, 21: B. 152C; A. 675a, 3 and 675a, 5: B. 152C, 5; A. 591a, 7 and 22 and 25: B. 157B; A. 601b, 16 and 598b, 3: B. 1693; A. 486a, 23: B. 172B; A. 487b, 33: B. 180A; A. 563b, 7, etc.; (b) Basil 149A; Aristotle 489a, 35: B. 149B; A. 479b, 8: B. 177A; A. 542b, 4: D 184D; A. 541b, 9, etc.; (c) Basil 1491; Aristotle 566b, 16; Oppian De piscat. 1. 734: B. 153C; A. 622a, 8; 0. ii. 233: B. 180A; A. 756a, 15 and 539a, 30; Aelian (ed. R. Hercher), p. 35, 22, etc.

²³Hex. 205B3; De op. mund. 25. 17.

²⁴Hex. 76A; Origen, Hom. in Gen. 148A.

²⁵ Cf. Origen, De prin. iii. 5. 3; Basil 32B3; Philo 2. 12. The quotation is from Robbins, op. cit., p. 44.

²⁶ Cf. Fialon, Éktude littéraire et historique sur St. Basile (Paris, 1869), p. 183.

²⁷ Cf. A. Jahn, Animadversiones in St. Basilii opera, fasc. 1. Accadunt emblemata Plutarchea ex Basilii homilia in Ps. XIV (Bern. 1842).

²⁸ Hom. Od. xii. 158.

²⁹IL ix. 694-95 (Chapman). Hom. III. 346 is quoted in "Letter 348," but the authenticity of this letter is questioned.

³⁰ Plato is mentioned in "Letter 348," but the genuine character of this letter is questioned.

³¹ Cf. Plut. [Pol paragg]. xxii.

³² Cf. Plut. Solon 30. Note reference to Alexander from Plutarch's Alexander in doubtful "Letter 272."

³³ Cf. J. Trunk, De Basilio Magno sermonis Attici imitatore (Stuttgart, 1911).

³⁴ Cf. W. M. Ramsay, "Basil of Caesarea," Expositor, January, 1896, pp. 49-61 (a criticism of Jackson's translation of St. Basil's letters).