Historical Context
The Equal Rights Amendment
Though seemingly straightforward in its wording, the proposed Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the U.S. Constitution ignited a firestorm of political controversy in the 1970s. Comprised of just fifty-two words, the amendment declared:
1. Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. 2. The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. 3. This amendment shall take effect two years after the date of ratification.
The quest for an equal rights amendment first took root in the 1920s, resurfacing persistently over the years. Initial resistance to the amendment, spearheaded by labor unions and social reformers, stemmed from concerns over its potential ramifications on protective laws for women and children. The ERA gained momentum in 1972 when it was passed by Congress, setting the stage for ratification by thirty-eight state legislatures—three-fourths of the fifty states—by 1979. Within a mere year, twenty-five states had embraced the ERA, but then the momentum slowed significantly.
By 1977, the amendment stood on the brink of success, needing only three more states for ratification. Yet, as the 1979 deadline loomed, those crucial endorsements remained elusive. Congress extended the deadline to 1982, but the amendment's fortunes did not improve, and ultimately, it was not ratified.
Political conservatives, driven by apprehension over potential changes to traditional gender roles, spearheaded opposition to the ERA. Phyllis Schlafly, a formidable conservative activist, mobilized the Stop ERA movement, highlighting fears that the amendment might dismantle the conventional family structure. Her campaign suggested that the ERA could nullify a husband's duty to support his family, necessitate unisex bathrooms, and even conscript women into military service.
Abortion Rights
Susan Faludi notes that until the latter half of the nineteenth century, legal abortion in America faced little opposition. By that century's end, however, a tide of legislation swept across the nation, prohibiting abortion except when a woman's life was at risk. In 1967, the National Organization for Women advocated for the repeal of restrictive abortion laws. This call was echoed by other groups like Zero Population Growth, who also championed abortion access. By 1969, the formation of the National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws (NARAL) marked a significant stride. NARAL's efforts found qualified allies among religious organizations like the American Lutheran Church and the United Methodist Board of Church and Society. As a result, four states began to relax their restrictions on legal abortions.
The year 1972 marked a watershed moment when the U.S. Supreme Court, in its landmark decision Roe v. Wade, sided with abortion rights advocates. The ruling articulated that during the first trimester, a woman's right to make medical decisions with her physician could not be obstructed by state laws. However, it allowed for state regulation in the later stages of pregnancy.
The Roe v. Wade decision sent ripples across the nation, sparking a fervent backlash. The Catholic Church in America issued a stern declaration of excommunication for members involved in abortions. Christian evangelical factions also decried the ruling, accusing the Supreme Court of abandoning moral principles. As the anti-abortion movement rebranded itself as pro-life, it gained momentum among political conservatives throughout the late 1970s and into the 1980s. Abortion clinics became the front lines in the battle between pro-life advocates and pro-choice supporters.
Literary Style
Harnessing Evidence to Build a Compelling Case
Susan Faludi’s book brims with an abundance of data and insights, forming the foundation of her argument that the 1980s marked a significant backlash against women’s progress. Her well-researched evidence spans an eclectic array of sources, drawing from newspapers,...
(This entire section contains 191 words.)
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scholarly journals, personal interviews, and comprehensive studies from both governmental and academic institutions. Utilizing such authoritative sources is a powerful technique writers employ to cement their arguments in the readers’ minds. Nevertheless, some critics argue that Faludi’s reliance on an extensive amount of factual data might overwhelm her narrative, potentially clouding her central thesis.
Vivid Personal Portraits
In addition, Faludi weaves in concise profiles of pivotal individuals she believes played roles in the 1980s backlash against women. These profiles serve multiple functions within the book: they bring to life the abstract issues by showcasing real figures whose philosophies, though contrary to Faludi’s, add depth to the discussion; and they provide a welcome diversion from the dense swathes of data. Through these portraits, Faludi directly highlights the commentators, authors, politicians, and intellectuals who, in her view, significantly fueled the backlash’s momentum.
Media Adaptations
In the audiotape rendition of her compelling book, Backlash: The Undeclared War against American Women, Susan Faludi herself becomes the voice that guides the listener. This auditory journey, crafted by Publishing Mills, emerged in 1992, offering a powerful experience of her words.
Bibliography and Further Reading
Sources
Gallagher, Maggie, Review of Backlash: The Undeclared War against American Women, in National Review, Vol. 44, No. 6, March 30, 1992, pp. 41ff.(2).
Gibbs, Nancy, ‘‘The War against Feminism in Popular Culture, in Politics,’’ in Time, Vol. 139, No. 10, March 9, 1992, p. 50.
Gibbs, Nancy, and Jeanne McDowell, ‘‘How to Revive a Revolution: Interview with Gloria Steinem and Susan Faludi,’’ in Time, Vol. 139, No. 10, March 9, 1992, pp. 56ff.(2).
Greene, Gayle, Review of Backlash: The Undeclared War against American Women, in Nation, Vol. 254, No. 5, February 10, 1992, pp. 166ff.(5).
Kaminer, Wendy, Review of Backlash: The Undeclared War against American Women, in Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 268, No. 6, December 1991, pp. 123ff.(4).
Lehrman, Karen, Review of Backlash: The Undeclared War against American Women, in New Republic, Vol. 206, No. 11, March 16, 1992, pp. 30ff.(5).
Morgenson, Gretchen, ‘‘A Whiner’s Bible,’’ in Forbes, Vol. 149, No. 6, March 16, 1992, pp. 152ff.(2).
Norton, Ann, Review of Backlash: The Undeclared War against American Women,’’ in Whole Earth Review, No. 75, Summer 1992, p. 110.
Further Reading
Bloom, Allan, The Closing of the American Mind, Touchstone Books, 1988. In this book, University of Chicago professor Allan Bloom expounds on the failings of the American education system. He argues that the social and political crisis of twentieth-century America is truly an intellectual crisis. Some feminists have criticized this book for a dismissive attitude toward women and their professional roles.
Bly, Robert, Iron John: A Book about Men, Vintage Books, 1992. Poet and former anti-war activist Robert Bly was one of the leaders of the men’s movement in the 1980s, in which men were encouraged to rediscover their masculinity. This book was one of the critical texts of the movement, providing an examination of what it means to be a man through the story and adventures of the mythical Iron John.
Douglas, Susan J., Where the Girls Are: Growing Up Female with the Mass Media, Times Books, 1995. Susan Douglas has written an analysis of the effects of mass media on American women in the second half of the twentieth century. The book combines hard facts with humor.
Friedan, Betty, Life So Far, Simon and Schuster, 2000. Betty Friedan’s autobiography covers her life from her beginning as a labor reporter to her work in founding the National Organization for Women and her work and writings since then.
Gilder, George, Wealth and Poverty, Institute for Contemporary Studies, 1993. This is George Gilder’s most well-known book. Considered by conservatives to be a masterpiece, it discusses how to increase wealth and reduce poverty— but many feminists and liberal readers look upon it as a broadside against women’s economic roles. Gilder argues that most welfare programs only serve to extend poverty and create victims dependent upon government programs.
