Wulfstan c. mid-late 10th century-1023
English homilist, legislator, and political theorist.
Wulfstan, who occasionally wrote under the pseudonym “Lupus,” is, along with Ælfric, one of the two outstanding Old English writers of the late Anglo-Saxon period. His best-known work, the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos (c. 1014) is an impassioned exhortation to the people of England to repent for their sins or face the ever-deepening wrath of God. Principally studied as an orator and homilist, Wulfstan occupied the position of spiritual leader in England during the latter portions of the calamitous reign of King Ethelred. These years were full of civil unrest sparked in part by Viking invasions and tensions among Danish settlers in the so-called Danelaw—the subsequently English regions of East Anglia, Essex, and Northumbria. Wulfstan's formulation of legal and ecclesiastical codes for Kings Ethelred and Cnut indicates the degree to which Wulfstan helped mold political life during the period, and his Institutes of Polity (c. 1023) is considered a singular contribution to the development of political theory in the late Anglo-Saxon era. Additionally, Wulfstan is frequently cited for his zealous work as a church reformer focused on the northern English sees of Worcester and York, where he sought to instruct the laity in the fundamentals of Christian faith and to stem the abuse or disregard of ecclesiastical law.
Relatively little is known of Wulfstan's life, particularly before he reached adulthood. The date of his birth is open to speculation, although it can be assumed that he was born sometime in the mid to late tenth century. While the Book of Ely, a twelfth-century manuscript from the monastery of the same name, contains information of his life and stories of the minor miracles he performed, few of its claims can be substantiated and scholars generally view this near-hagiographic work with skepticism. Beyond the likely supposition that Wulfstan came from a prominent family, facts about his parents and other relations are sketchy. It is believed that his mother died during his birth by caesarean section, and some legal records related to his brothers and sisters are extant. The first documented event in Wulfstan's life marks his appointment to the post of Bishop of London in 996. He may have served as an abbot before being named bishop, and would certainly have received a formal education and oratorical training prior to his selection by the church, but no solid details are known. Likewise, contradictory evidence exists as to whether he was ever a monk, although he was clearly a member of the Benedictine Order. A few scholars suggest that King Ethelred may have employed Wulfstan during his first term as Bishop in London. This period was marked by an increase in Danish (Viking) raids of the English and Welsh coasts. Seeking to curtail aggressions in 1002, the Anglo-Saxon English made a third payment of Danegeld, a land tax of some 24,000 pounds used as tribute to buy off the invaders. King Ethelred's order of the notorious St. Brice's Day massacre of Danes living in England that same year, however, renewed hostilities. Meanwhile, the death of Archbishop Ealdulf of Worcester and York in 1002 opened a path to advancement for Wulfstan, who was named Bishop of Worcester from 1002 to 1016, and Archbishop of York from 1002 to 1023. In Worcester Wulfstan gained control of a substantial library of Latin texts, and made considerable efforts to expand this collection of patristic and canonical literature. It is also during this early period at Worcester that Wulfstan began to devote himself to his most notable literary endeavors on both sacred and secular matters, writing his Christian homilies, the Canons of Edgar, and Laws of Edward and Guthrum (the two latter works were probably composed sometime between 1002 and 1008, while dates for the homilies are less precise). Incontrovertible evidence that Wulfstan served as a personal advisor to Kings Ethelred and Cnut is lacking, but many scholars suggest that the Bishop's close personal and public relationship to these men can be safely assumed. Wulfstan almost certainly played a major role in the political life of England near the end of Ethelred's reign and drafted portions of his late legal codes (designated as V-X Ethelred) between 1008 and 1012. Records also indicate that in 1020 he consecrated a church at Ashingdon for Cnut, the Danish invader who had become the undisputed king of England by 1016. Other evidence suggests that Wulfstan probably counseled the new king as well. He appears to have had a strong professional affiliation with Ælfric, the renowned Archbishop of Canterbury and outstanding Anglo-Saxon writer of the day. The date of Wulfstan's death is recorded as 28 May 1023. He was buried at Ely.
Wulfstan's sermons, consisting of twenty-two Old English homilies and four Latin homilies, are generally considered his most significant texts and are the principal subject of scholarly interest in his writings. Specifically designed to move audiences with their rhetorical intensity, many of the sermons also exhibit a plainer style better suited to instruction. Repetition is a key element in these prose works, which demonstrate a varied use of such poetic elements as rhythm, rhyme, assonance, and alliteration. Sometimes characterized by intermittent irony, their thrust is principally moral, either in the form of catechistic instruction or as eschatological pieces detailing the imminent end of the world. Principal among the sermons, Wulfstan's renowned Sermo Lupi ad Anglos (“Sermon of Lupus to the English”), composed in the West Saxon literary dialect, features an expanding list of catastrophes from the reign of Ethelred, and interprets these disasters as the result of divine retribution for the accumulated sins and moral transgressions of the English people in the early eleventh century. It constitutes a dire call for repentance, faith, and supplication to God that He might suspend His punishment and vengeance. Wulfstan's earliest sermons (categorized as Homilies I-V by scholar Dorothy Bethurum and probably written near the beginning of his public career) conform to the eschatological pattern of the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos by prophesying the coming of the Last Days. Among these, “De Anticristo” (Homily 1b) warns of the impending approach of the Devil who seeks to ensnare and destroy humankind. Others include free translations of biblical passages, such as Homily VI, a summary of Christian history that draws from the books of Isaiah and Jeremiah, and is representative of Wulfstan's didactic works. The following group (VII to Xc) includes sermons on baptism, the Creed, the commandments, and the sins, virtues, and duties of man. Still others, such as “De godcundre warnunge” (Homily XIX) and “De falsis deis” (Homily XII) are more properly adaptations; the former is comprised of portions from Leviticus, the latter a paraphrase of Ælfric's sermon against the worship of false gods. The remaining homilies variously deal with the duties of an archbishop, detailing such topics as the performance of penance during Lent or the consecration of a church. Exceptional in Old English literature as the only known text principally focused on political theory, Wulfstan's unfinished Institutes of Polity sets out the roles played by diverse classes in society, from the king, to members of the clergy, to the common man. It additionally defines power relationships between the church and secular authorities. Beginning with an analysis of kingship, the Institutes of Polity identifies the monarch's status as a worldly substitute for God whose chief concern should be the defense and welfare of his people. Wulfstan also elucidates the king's responsibilities to the church in his role of shepherding civil prosperity in the Institutes. Wulfstan's other political writings, a series of legal and ecclesiastical codes, are less systematic, but nonetheless seek to strengthen the association between secular and religious authority while defining legal minutiae (such as specific penalties for lesser crimes) within the overarching context of a Christian notion of justice. Wulfstan's abiding interest in the delineation of the proper modes of church authority seems apparent in the Canons of Edgar, a work generally attributed to him, although scholars insist that his sole authorship is not beyond question. A complementary text, the Laws of Edward and Guthrum, is likely one of Wulfstan's early legislative works and defines legal regulations concerning Danish settlement in England as well as the responsibilities of the church in regard to the Christian instruction of the predominately heathen Danes. Among the most notable of Wulfstan's collections of Old English and Latin manuscripts is the assortment commonly referred to as Wulfstan's “commonplace book.” While only a few of the writings included in this compilation are actually attributed to the Archbishop's hand, many feature his marginal annotations and provide insight into the texts that he found to be of particular interest or interpolated in some fashion in his homiletic or legal works.
Wulfstan's reputation after his death appears to have suffered from accusations of corruption in Worcester and claims that he had poorly directed its holdings in favor of the northern see of York. Other records contrast sharply, including the eulogistic Book of Ely, which offers unalloyed praise for the man and his wisdom, treating him as a saint. Wulfstan's homilies were broadly influential in the eleventh century, but his impact waned after the Norman Conquest of England. There is evidence that his sermons, or portions thereof, were read or possibly delivered sporadically into the twelfth century, but interest in the works declined sharply thereafter. The writer attracted little scholarly curiosity until the late 1800s, when many of his homilies were rediscovered and indexed by A. S. Napier. By the beginning of the twentieth century nothing substantial was known about Wulfstan aside from his authorship of the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos. In 1932 the scholar Karl Jost initiated a thorough study of Wulfstan and attributed a number of works to him. What followed was a period of extensive linguistic analysis of Wulfstan's homilies, including Angus McIntosh's 1949 identification of Wulfstan's two-stress mode of prose composition in a lecture focused principally on the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos. McIntosh's work remained one of the most influential studies of the Archbishop's homiletic style in the mid-twentieth century; but many of his conclusions have since been reinterpreted or expanded upon by subsequent scholars. Interest in the so-called Wulfstan style, both as means of attributing authorship and for the purpose of textual analysis, has since become a significant sub-discipline within Old English studies. As part of this process, critics have frequently compared Wulfstan with his contemporary, the great prose-writer and theologian Ælfric, whose literary output was considerably larger than Wulfstan's. The writers appear to have had a mutual influence on one another, and some controversy persists as to the proper attribution of several disputed works. Wulfstan's frequent borrowing of texts has made the process of authorial designation difficult, particularly for works potentially written by either author. Generally, judgments have been made using stylistic criteria, usually by distinguishing between Wulfstan's direct, unsubtle, and frequently strident or legalistic tone, and the more reflective manner of Ælfric. In cases where Wulfstan's authorship is generally undisputed, as in regard to the homilies, commentators have remarked on the significance of his works to the development of the Old English vernacular in the eleventh century.
“De Anticristo” (sermon) c. 1002-05
“Secundum Lucam” (sermon) c. 1002-05
“Secundum Matheum” (sermon) c. 1002-05
Canons of Edgar (ecclesiastical code) c. 1002-08
Laws of Edward and Guthrum (legal code) c. 1002-08
“Secundum Marcum” (sermon) c. 1008
Sermo Lupi ad Anglos (sermon) c. 1014
Institutes of Polity (political treatise) c. 1023
“De baptismate” (sermon) early 11th century
“De cristianitate” (sermon) early 11th century
“De fide catholica” (sermon) early 11th century
“De godcundre warnunge” (sermon) early 11th century
“De septiformi spiritu” (sermon) early 11th century
“De temporibus Anticristi” (sermon) early 11th century
“Sermo ad populum” (sermon) early 11th century
The Homilies of Wulfstan (translated by Dorothy Bethurum) 1957
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SOURCE: Whitelock, Dorothy. “Archbishop Wulfstan, Homilist and Statesman.” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 4th series (1942): 25-45.
[In the following essay, originally delivered as a speech in 1941, Whitelock outlines evidence concerning Wulfstan's life and literary activities in the early eleventh century.]
When Wulfstan II, archbishop of York from 1002 and bishop of Worcester from 1002 to 1016, alias Lupus episcopus, died at York on 28 May 1023, his body was taken for burial to the monastery of Ely, in accordance with his wishes.1 From the twelfth-century historian of this abbey we get the only mediaeval account of the prelate,2 a brief, and in some respects unreliable, account. Among other things, it states that miracles were worked at his tomb, but there is no hint elsewhere that Wulfstan had any special claims to sanctity. There was certainly never any question of canonisation; hence there was little motive for the writing of his life by his contemporaries or successors. When we consider how little we should know of the activities of Dunstan or Oswold if we had been denied the contemporary lives of these saints, it is perhaps not remarkable that political historians of the period refer to Wulfstan, if at all, merely as the author of a sermon, the famous Sermo Lupi ad Anglos,3 revealing contemporary conditions in England, or as the...
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SOURCE: Bethurum, Dorothy. “Archbishop Wulfstan's Commonplace Book.” PMLA 57, no. 4, part 1 (December 1942): 916-29.
[In the following essay, Bethurum studies the collection of manuscripts known as Wulfstan's ‘commonplace book,’ suggesting Wulfstan's use of its mostly Latin contents in composing his homilies and other works, including the Canons of Edgar and Institutes of Polity.]
MSS CCCC 190 and 265, Bodley 718 (2632), Junius 121 (5232), Nero A 1, and Bibl. Paris MS Fonds Latin 3182, all from the end of the tenth or beginning of the eleventh century, contain a great many common entries relating to the affairs of a bishop and have been studied with some care by several scholars.1 Miss Mary Bateson nearly fifty years ago made it clear that the theological and legal material in these MSS really constituted a sort of bishop's commonplace book, and she identified a number of the random excerpts found here in such bewildering confusion. It is my purpose to present some evidence that Archbishop Wulfstan early in his episcopacy at Worcester made extensive use of the material collected here and perhaps directed its assembling as a part of his attempt to regulate the practices of both bishops and lesser clergy under his supervision. To the list given above must be added two other MSS which contain the same excerpts in somewhat the same order—Copenhagen Royal Library Gl. Kgl....
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SOURCE: McIntosh, Angus. “Wulfstan's Prose.” Proceedings of the British Academy 35 (1949): 109-42.
[In the following excerpt from a lecture delivered on 11 May 1949, McIntosh identifies five principle styles of Old English writing, including the unique two-stress phrasing of Wulfstan's prose, which he reserves for special analysis.]
When the British Academy honoured me with an invitation to deliver this lecture, I thought at first of speaking about the alliterative measure. It was on the poetry written in the various forms of this measure that Sir Israel Gollancz worked for the greater part of his life, to the advantage of all who have come after him, and it would have been a fitting act of commemoration to consider something with which he was so nearly concerned. But the alliterative measure, though by no means completely understood, has received much attention, and I do not feel that it would be easy to say something new about it, at least of a kind which lends itself to presentation in a lecture. On the other hand, less work has been done on those early English prose writings which have affinities with the alliterative verse, and it so happens that the writings of Wulfstan provide a valuable focal point for any study of this kind. Here, then, is a subject not too far removed from that which I had at first contemplated. It will allow me, I hope, to avoid trepassing too blatantly on the chosen...
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SOURCE: Hollis, Stephanie. “The Thematic Structure of the Sermo Lupi.” Anglo-Saxon England 6 (1977): 175-95.
[In the following essay, Hollis analyzes the complex thematic pattern of Wulfstan's eschatological homily Sermo Lupi ad Anglos as it follows the moral decline of England to its culmination in disaster.]
Sermo Lupi ad Anglos has attracted far more attention by its subject matter than have other Wulfstan sermons, because its apparent topicality is of interest to students of the Old English period. Like all Wulfstan's sermons, though, it has been chiefly esteemed for its forceful oratory—it is this sermon, indeed, which is responsible for his reputation as a fiery orator in the Old Testament vein. Most readers have praised it more enthusiastically than Sir Frank Stenton did, when he stated that it ‘makes its effect by sheer monotony of commination’.1 But even its admirers have regarded it as little more than a stringing together of the nation's sins and tribulations which impresses by the horrific accumulation of detail.2 Such a view, it will be argued, is a drastic oversimplification. The Sermo Lupi presents a number of closely related themes, and the catalogues are but one aspect of the development of these themes. Certainly the seemingly inexhaustible fashion in which Wulfstan heaps up specific instances of the nation's iniquities and...
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SOURCE: Jurovics, Raachel. “Sermo Lupi and the Moral Purpose of Rhetoric.” In The Old English Homily and Its Backgrounds, edited by Paul E. Szarmach and Bernard F. Huppé, pp. 203-20. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1978.
[In the following essay, Jurovics explicates the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, arguing that Wulfstan's most well-known homily—an impassioned call for repentance and a return to Christian morality—is entirely consistent in tone and style with his remaining works.]
Because of its style and subject Dorothy Bethurum argues that the Sermo ad Anglos, though the best known of Wulfstan's works, is in some respects the “least characteristic” of him.1 But when the Sermo is considered in the light of Wulfstan's lifework as churchman and lawmaker, the Sermo stands, I believe, as his most characteristic work.2 Wulfstan was, above all, a man of practical morality. All of his activities reflected the dominant purpose of his career, which was the moral regeneration of the English nation. He believed that such regeneration would heal the political and social maladies of his people. All his legal codes, those for clergy and those for laity, as well as many sermons, testify to his intense concern for “an orderly arrangement of society.”3 To this end he brought to his episcopal duties enthusiasm and energy both for...
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SOURCE: Greenfield, Stanley B., and Daniel G. Calder. “Ælfric, Wulfstan, and Other Late Prose.” In A New Critical History of Old English Literature, pp. 68-106. New York: New York University Press, 1986.
[In the following excerpt, Greenfield and Calder briefly survey Wulfstan's major writings, largely comparing his work with that of his Anglo-Saxon contemporary Ælfric.]
Wulfstan first appears in the historical records as bishop of London from 966 to 1002; from 1002 to his death in 1023 he was archbishop of York and bishop of Worcester, though he relinquished the latter see in 1016, or, perhaps, appointed a suffragan. While he was at York, he instituted reforms in the northern Church, which had suffered severely from Danish depredations, and probably helped rebuild the York library by encouraging the collection of manuscripts. Though there is no record of his belonging to any of the eleventh-century monastic houses, Wulfstan was a Benedictine. He died at York, but was buried at Ely, as the one medieval account of his life, the twelfth-century Historia Eliensis, informs us.1
During his tenure as bishop of London he established his reputation as a preacher, probably with his eschatological sermons, five texts on the coming of Antichrist. The approach of the millennium and the incursions of the Danes gave rise to a rash of such works. … Wulfstan related the end of...
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SOURCE: Cross, J. E. and Alan Brown. “Literary Impetus for Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi.” Leeds Studies in English 20 (1989): 271-91.
[In the following excerpt, Cross and Brown suggest that a military-themed sermon by Abbo of Saint-Germain-des-Prés is a likely source text for Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi ad Anglos.]
‘No work smells less of the study.’ So Dorothy Whitelock firmly concluded her discussion of literary influences bearing on Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi ad Anglos.1 Yet one written source for two of the three versions of the sermon has been recorded,2 the citation of Alcuin's reference to Gildas.3 Professor Whitelock also offered a probable influence from a passage within a manuscript of Wulfstan's ‘Commonplace Book’,4 being the lamentation on God's punishment for the sins of the English, in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 190.5 A writer's experience, however, from which he creates, derives from his five senses, not least sight and hearing, and that section in Corpus 190 is embedded in a longer series of extracts which allows us to argue that one lamentation and also exhortation to milites provided a literary impetus for the Sermo Lupi.
That impetus, we suggest, came from a sermon by Abbo of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, which has recently been edited by Ute Önnerfors,6 although we saw the...
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SOURCE: Orchard, A. P. McD. “Crying Wolf: Oral Style and the Sermones Lupi.” Anglo-Saxon England 21 (1992): 239-64.
[In the following excerpt, Orchard investigates the principal elements of Wulfstan's homiletic style, maintaining that the “essence of Wulfstan's technique is repetition.”]
Archbishop Wulfstan enjoyed a high reputation as a stylist amongst his contemporaries; when he was still bishop of London (996-1002) one correspondent spoke of the ‘very sweet wisdom of [his] eloquence and the richness of [his] composition fittingly organised’, whilst the wide dissemination of his sermons and their susceptibility to imitation bear dual witness to his popularity throughout the eleventh century.1
For modern readers, however, the problem of defining the origins of Wulfstan's sermon style has proved acute. On the one hand, Dorothy Bethurum pointed to a whole battery of ‘manuals of rhetoric that Wulfstan knew’, by authors such as Alcuin, Isidore and Hrabanus Maurus, and she gave several examples from his sermons of rhetorical figures such as verborum exornatio, gradatio, traductio, interpretatio, conversio, conduplicatio and dubitatio.2 But against Bethurum's insistence that Wulfstan was steeped in the Latin rhetorical tradition might be set the comment of Dorothy Whitelock on the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, that ‘no work smells less...
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SOURCE: Wilcox, Jonathan. “The St. Brice's Day Massacre and Archbishop Wulfstan.” In Peace and Negotiation: Strategies for Coexistence in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, edited by Diane Wolfthal, pp. 79-91. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2000.
[In the following essay, Wilcox concentrates on Wulfstan's relationship to the English massacre of Danish settlers in 1002 in order to discern the Archbishop's views on reconciliation and peaceful coexistence in a Christian polity.]
As a preacher and legislator in late Anglo-Saxon England, Archbishop Wulfstan was in a position to play a significant role as peacemaker in violent and divisive times. The archbishop's attitude to those times has been preserved in a significant body of writing that makes him one of the most articulate voices from the reigns of Æthelred II and Cnut. In this essay, I will examine how Wulfstan handled the role of peacemaker by focusing first on a spectacular breakdown of peaceful co-existence in Æthelred's England—the St. Brice's Day massacre of 1002—and then by careful attention to the archbishop's articulation of peaceful co-existence in the light of that event. Wulfstan's relation to the massacre has never been considered at length before, perhaps because there is no record of his precise role in the event, yet I will show that juxtaposing the preacher and the slaughter provides insight both into the activity of 1002 and,...
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SOURCE: Wilcox, Jonathan. “Wulfstan and the Twelfth Century.” In Rewriting Old English in the Twelfth Century, edited by Mary Swan and Elaine M. Treharne, pp. 83-97. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
[In the following essay, Wilcox considers the reasons for the steep decline in the rhetorical appeal of Wulfstan's homilies after the Norman Conquest of England.]
Some Old English preaching texts were kept alive by being copied in the twelfth century more than others were. … Ælfric's homilies were re-used quite extensively; Wulfstan's homilies, by contrast, were re-used significantly less. In the eleventh century, Wulfstan's sermons were copied extensively and extracts were often taken over and made new by re-use in a new context.1 In the twelfth century, on the other hand, there is only one surviving example of a manuscript copy of Wulfstan's vernacular homilies and only one example of a Wulfstan homily made new through extensive borrowing in a new context. Two slight echoes and a few copies of Latin homilies fill out the picture. In this [essay] I will examine all these twelfth-century uses of Wulfstan's homilies and thereby illustrate the preaching alternatives available at the time. I will suggest the reason why Wulfstan's works were used so little and, by contrast, demonstrate the reason for their appeal in the eleventh century.
The single twelfth-century...
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Bethurum, Dorothy. “Wulfstan.” In Continuations and Beginnings: Studies in Old English Literature, edited by Eric Gerald Stanley, pp. 210-46. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1966.
Presents an overview of Wulfstan's life and career, considering stylistic elements in his writing and his role as an archbishop in eleventh-century England.
———. Introduction to The Homilies of Wulfstan, pp. 1-112. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957.
Contains extensive information on Wulfstan's life, language, literary style, and the manuscript history of his homiletic writing.
Cross, J. E. “Wulfstan's De Anticristo in a Twelfth-Century Worcester Manuscript.” Anglo-Saxon England (1991): 203-20.
Investigates the contents of a Latin manuscript including a version of Wulfstan's sermon “De Anticristo” and other works that may be attributed to him.
Cummings, Michael. “Paired Opposites in Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi ad Anglos.” Revue de l'Université d'Ottawa 50, no. 2 (April-June 1980): 233-43.
Highlights the pattern of rhetorical opposition in Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi ad Anglos and other homilies.
Funke, O. “Some Remarks on Wulfstan's Prose Rhythm.” English Studies 43 (1962): 311-18.
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