U.S. v. Nixon eText - Primary Source

Primary Source

President Nixon, having resigned from office, waves the victory sign as he leaves the White House for the final time. U.S. V. NIXON (EX-PRESIDENT), PHOTOGRAPH. President Nixon, having resigned from office, waves the victory sign as he leaves the White House for the final time. U.S. V. NIXON (EX-PRESIDENT), PHOTOGRAPH. Published by Gale Cengage U.S. V. NIXON (EX-PRESIDENT), PHOTOGRAPH.
Special Watergate Prosecutor Leon Jaworski speaks to reporters on May 16, 1974. AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS. REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION. Special Watergate Prosecutor Leon Jaworski speaks to reporters on May 16, 1974. AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS. REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION. Published by Gale Cengage AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS. REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION.

Supreme Court decision

By: Warren Burger

Date: July 24, 1974

Source: Burger, Warren. United States v. Nixon. 418 U.S. 683 (1974). Available online at http://laws.findlaw.com/us/418/683.html; website home page: http://www.findlaw.com (accessed April 16, 2003).

About the Author: Warren Burger (1907–1995) graduated from St. Paul College of Law. After having a private practice for over twenty years and serving as a U.S. assistant attorney general and then a judge in the U.S. Court of Appeals, he was appointed chief justice in 1969. Burger's judicial record reflected his belief in "strict constructionism," where the Constitution was construed narrowly, and that society's rights should outweigh the rights of the accused.


One item about the British governmental system that irked the colonists before the American Revolution (1775–1783) was the supposedly unchecked power of the British monarch. To prevent a repeat of this, but to give a central figure enough power to govern, the United States created the U.S. Constitution. This system had a bailiwick of separation of powers and checks and balances, with three, supposedly equal branches of government: judicial, legislative, and executive.

In the twentieth century, however, the executive branch had been growing in power, especially with the creation of agencies to fight the Cold War, such as the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). At the same time, the United States' involvement in the Vietnam War (1964–1975), along with a large number of American servicemen killed there, led to severe criticism of Presidents Lyndon Johnson (served 1963–1969) and Richard Nixon (served 1969–1974).

Nixon did not like criticism, so he created a secret team, drawing on people who had experience with the CIA and similar agencies, to stop leaks and eliminate criticism. He called this team his "plumbers" and funded it with assets diverted from his reelection campaign. The plumbers hired people to break into Democratic National Headquarters in the Watergate building, people who were caught and arrested. In spite of the Watergate incident, Nixon still managed to win the 1972 election.

For quite some time, the congressional committee that had been established to investigate the Watergate incident failed to make much progress. But then, at one point the committee asked a White House aide about the existence of a taping system, and this line of inquiry revealed that Nixon taped almost everything that went on in the Oval Office. A special prosecutor who was appointed to investigate the whole matter asked for the tapes; Nixon refused. Eventually, the matter of whether or not Nixon had to hand over the tapes came before the Supreme Court.


The Supreme Court unanimously held that Nixon had to hand over the tapes. The separation of powers had been upheld, at least in theory, as no branch of government was supposed to be above any other. The question then became whether or not Nixon would obey the Court's ruling.

Nixon finally did hand them over, even though there was a gap of eighteen and a half minutes on one of the tapes. Then, on August 9, 1974, four days after surrendering the tapes, he resigned from his office. Gerald Ford (served 1974–1977) became president and pardoned Nixon, so that, to paraphrase Ford, "the long national nightmare" would be over.

Even though the nation as a whole eventually recovered from this scandal, few have trusted the post-Watergate presidents as much as they trusted pre-Watergate presidents. Some argue that the system worked to check Nixon's abuse of power, but the nation paid a heavy price to be sure that the system worked. Others argue that previous presidents had done things just as scandalous as Nixon, but managed not to get caught. Regardless, the record indicates that Nixon's abuse and pursuit of his enemies outshadows any before him. While U.S. v. Nixon, and its result, is a victory for "law and order," the circumstances that brought it about are a dark shadow on that span of American history.

Primary Source: U.S. v. Nixon [excerpt]

SYNOPSIS: Chief Justice Warren Burger comments that the Court does have jurisdiction over the case and that there is a judicial issue to be adjudicated. He then notes that there is no absolute right to executive privilege and that while executive authority is given deference, it cannot be used to avoid the law. He closes his decision by indicating that the review of the material by the district court judge should prevent any improper materials from being released.

Mr. Chief Justice Burger delivered the opinion of the Court.…

In the District Court, the President's counsel argued that the court lacked jurisdiction to issue the subpoena because the matter was an intra-branch dispute between a subordinate and superior officer of the Executive Branch and hence not subject to judicial resolution. That argument has been renewed in this Court with emphasis on the contention that the dispute does not present a "case" or "controversy" which can be adjudicated in the federal courts.… The Special Prosecutor's demand for the items therefore presents, in the view of the President's counsel, a political question under Baker v. Carr… since it involves a "textually demonstrable" grant of power under Art. II.

The mere assertion of a claim of an "intra-branch dispute," without more, has never operated to defeat federal jurisdiction; justiciability does not depend on such a surface inquiry.…

Our starting point is the nature of the proceeding for which the evidence is sought—here a pending criminal prosecution. It is a judicial proceeding in a federal court alleging violation of federal laws and is brought in the name of the United States as sovereign.… Under the authority of Art. II, 2, Congress has vested in the Attorney General the power to conduct the criminal litigation of the United States Government.… It has also vested in him the power to appoint subordinate officers to assist him in the discharge of his duties.… Acting pursuant to those statutes, the Attorney General has delegated the authority to represent the United States in these particular matters to a Special Prosecutor with unique authority and tenure. The regulation gives the Special Prosecutor explicit power to contest the invocation of executive privilege in the process of seeking evidence deemed relevant to the performance of these specially delegated duties.…

In light of the uniqueness of the setting in which the conflict arises, the fact that both parties are officers of the Executive Branch cannot be viewed as a barrier to justiciability. It would be inconsistent with the applicable law and regulation, and the unique facts of this case to conclude other than that the Special Prosecutor has standing to bring this action and that a justiciable controversy is presented for decision.…

Having determined that the requirements of Rule 17 (c) were satisfied, we turn to the claim that the subpoena should be quashed because it demands "confidential conversations between a President and his close advisors that it would be inconsistent with the public interest to produce." … The first contention is a broad claim that the separation of powers doctrine precludes judicial review of a President's claim of privilege. The second contention is that if he does not prevail on the claim of absolute privilege, the court should hold as a matter of constitutional law that the privilege prevails over the subpoena duces tecum.

In the performance of assigned constitutional duties each branch of the Government must initially interpret the Constitution, and the interpretation of its powers by any branch is due great respect from the others. The President's counsel, as we have noted, reads the Constitution as providing an absolute privilege of confidentiality for all Presidential communications. Many decisions of this Court, however, have unequivocally reaffirmed the holding of Marbury v. Madison, … that "[i]t is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is." …

No holding of the Court has defined the scope of judicial power specifically relating to the enforcement of a subpoena for confidential Presidential communications for use in a criminal prosecution, but other exercises of power by the Executive Branch and the Legislative Branch have been found invalid as in conflict with the Constitution.… Since this Court has consistently exercised the power to construe and delineate claims arising under express powers, it must follow that the Court has authority to interpret claims with respect to powers alleged to derive from enumerated powers.…

… We therefore reaffirm that it is the province and duty of this Court "to say what the law is" with respect to the claim of privilege presented in this case.…

In support of his claim of absolute privilege, the President's counsel urges two grounds, one of which is common to all governments and one of which is peculiar to our system of separation of powers. The first ground is the valid need for protection of communications between high Government officials and those who advise and assist them in the performance of their manifold duties; the importance of this confidentiality is too plain to require further discussion. Human experience teaches that those who expect public dissemination of their remarks may well temper candor with a concern for appearances and for their own interests to the detriment of the decisionmaking process. Whatever the nature of the privilege of confidentiality of Presidential communications in the exercise of Art. II powers, the privilege can be said to derive from the supremacy of each branch within its own assigned area of constitutional duties. Certain powers and privileges flow from the nature of enumerated powers; the protection of the confidentiality of Presidential communications has similar constitutional underpinnings.

The second ground asserted by the President's counsel in support of the claim of absolute privilege rests on the doctrine of separation of powers. Here it is argued that the independence of the Executive Branch within its own sphere, … insulates a President from a judicial subpoena in an ongoing criminal prosecution, and thereby protects confidential Presidential communications.

However, neither the doctrine of separation of powers, nor the need for confidentiality of high-level communications, without more, can sustain an absolute, unqualified Presidential privilege of immunity from judicial process under all circumstances. The President's need for complete candor and objectivity from advisers calls for great deference from the courts. However, when the privilege depends solely on the broad, undifferentiated claim of public interest in the confidentiality of such conversations, a confrontation with other values arises. Absent a claim of need to protect military, diplomatic, or sensitive national security secrets, we find it difficult to accept the argument that even the very important interest in confidentiality of Presidential communications is significantly diminished by production of such material for in camera inspection with all the protection that a district court will be obliged to provide.

The impediment that an absolute, unqualified privilege would place in the way of the primary constitutional duty of the Judicial Branch to do justice

in criminal prosecutions would plainly conflict with the function of the courts under Art. III. In designing the structure of our Government and dividing and allocating the sovereign power among three co-equal branches, the Framers of the Constitution sought to provide a comprehensive system, but the separate powers were not intended to operate with absolute independence.…

To read the Art. II powers of the President as providing an absolute privilege as against a subpoena essential to enforcement of criminal statutes on no more than a generalized claim of the public interest in confidentiality of nonmilitary and nondiplomatic discussions would upset the constitutional balance of "a workable government" and gravely impair the role of the courts under Art. III.

… Since we conclude that the legitimate needs of the judicial process may outweigh Presidential privilege, it is necessary to resolve those competing interests in a manner that preserves the essential functions of each branch. The right and indeed the duty to resolve that question does not free the Judiciary from according high respect to the representations made on behalf of the President.…

The expectation of a President to the confidentiality of his conversations and correspondence, like the claim of confidentiality of judicial deliberations, for example, has all the values to which we accord deference for the privacy of all citizens and, added to those values, is the necessity for protection of the public interest in candid, objective, and even blunt or harsh opinions in Presidential decisionmaking. A President and those who assist him must be free to explore alternatives in the process of shaping policies and making decisions and to do so in a way many would be unwilling to express except privately. These are the considerations justifying a presumptive privilege for Presidential communications. The privilege is fundamental to the operation of Government and inextricably rooted in the separation of powers under the Constitution.…

But this presumptive privilege must be considered in light of our historic commitment to the rule of law. This is nowhere more profoundly manifest than in our view that "the twofold aim [of criminal justice] is that guilt shall not escape or innocence suffer." … We have elected to employ an adversary system of criminal justice in which the parties contest all issues before a court of law. The need to develop all relevant facts in the adversary system is both fundamental and comprehensive. The ends of criminal justice would be defeated if judgments were to be founded on a partial or speculative presentation of the facts. The very integrity of the judicial system and public confidence in the system depend on full disclosure of all the facts, within the framework of the rules of evidence. To ensure that justice is done, it is imperative to the function of courts that compulsory process be available for the production of evidence needed either by the prosecution or by the defense.…

In this case the President challenges a subpoena served on him as a third party requiring the production of materials for use in a criminal prosecution; he does so on the claim that he has a privilege against disclosure of confidential communications. He does not place his claim of privilege on the ground they are military or diplomatic secrets. As to these areas of Art. II duties the courts have traditionally shown the utmost deference to Presidential responsibilities.…

No case of the Court, however, has extended this high degree of deference to a President's generalized interest in confidentiality. Nowhere in the Constitution, as we have noted earlier, is there any explicit reference to a privilege of confidentiality, yet to the extent this interest relates to the effective discharge of a President's powers, it is constitutionally based.

The right to the production of all evidence at a criminal trial similarly has constitutional dimensions. The Sixth Amendment explicitly confers upon every defendant in a criminal trial the right "to be confronted with the witnesses against him" and "to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor." Moreover, the Fifth Amendment also guarantees that no person shall be deprived of liberty without due process of law. It is the manifest duty of the courts to vindicate those guarantees, and to accomplish that it is essential that all relevant and admissible evidence be produced.

In this case we must weigh the importance of the general privilege of confidentiality of Presidential communications in performance of the President's responsibilities against the inroads of such a privilege on the fair administration of criminal justice. The interest in preserving confidentiality is weighty indeed and entitled to great respect. However, we cannot conclude that advisers will be moved to temper the candor of their remarks by the infrequent occasions of disclosure because of the possibility that such conversations will be called for in the context of a criminal prosecution.

On the other hand, the allowance of the privilege to withhold evidence that is demonstrably relevant in a criminal trial would cut deeply into the guarantee of due process of law and gravely impair the basic function of the courts. A President's acknowledged need for confidentiality in the communications of his office is general in nature, whereas the constitutional need for production of relevant evidence in a criminal proceeding is specific and central to the fair adjudication of a particular criminal case in the administration of justice. Without access to specific facts a criminal prosecution may be totally frustrated. The President's broad interest in confidentiality of communications will not be vitiated by disclosure of a limited number of conversations preliminarily shown to have some bearing on the pending criminal cases.

We conclude that when the ground for asserting privilege as to subpoenaed materials sought for use in a criminal trial is based only on the generalized interest in confidentiality, it cannot prevail over the fundamental demands of due process of law in the fair administration of criminal justice. The generalized assertion of privilege must yield to the demonstrated, specific need for evidence in a pending criminal trial.

… It is elementary that in camera inspection of evidence is always a procedure calling for scrupulous protection against any release or publication of material not found by the court, at that stage, probably admissible in evidence and relevant to the issues of the trial for which it is sought. That being true of an ordinary situation, it is obvious that the District Court has a very heavy responsibility to see to it that Presidential conversations, which are either not relevant or not admissible, are accorded that high degree of respect due the President of the United States.…

Marshall's statement cannot be read to mean in any sense that a President is above the law, but relates to the singularly unique role under Art. II of a President's communications and activities, related to the performance of duties under that Article. Moreover, a President's communications and activities encompass a vastly wider range of sensitive material than would be true of any "ordinary individual." It is therefore necessary in the public interest to afford Presidential confidentiality the greatest protection consistent with the fair administration of justice. The need for confidentiality even as to idle conversations with associates in which casual reference might be made concerning political leaders within the country or foreign statesmen is too obvious to call for further treatment. We have no doubt that the District Judge will at all times accord to Presidential records that high degree of deference suggested in United States v. Burr … and will discharge his responsibility to see to it that until released to the Special Prosecutor no in camera material is revealed to anyone. This burden applies with even greater force to excised material; once the decision is made to excise, the material is restored to its privileged status and should be returned under seal to its lawful custodian.

Further Resources


Bernstein, Carl, and Bob Woodward. All the President's Men. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1974.

Crowley, Monica. Nixon in Winter: The Final Revelations. London: Tauris, 1998.

Dudley, William. Watergate. San Diego: Greenhaven, 2002.

Jaworski, Leon. The Right and the Power: The Prosecution of Watergate. New York: Reader's Digest, 1976.

Kutler, Stanley I. The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon. New York: Knopf, 1990.

Maltz, Earl M. The Chief Justiceship of Warren Burger, 1969–1986. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2000.

Schwartz, Bernard. The Ascent of Pragmatism: The Burger Court in Action. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1990.


Hager, L. Michael. "The Constitution, the Court, and theCoverup: Reflections on United States v. Nixon." Oklahoma Law Review 29, no. 3, Summer 1976, 591–606.


"Revisiting Watergate." Washingtonpost.com. Available online at http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/longterm/wate... ; website home page: http://www.washingtonpost.com (accessed April 16, 2003).