The Revolutionary Astronomers
The Revolutionary Astronomers
Since the second century B.C., when Ptolemy wrote his astronomical manual, The Almagest, until the seventeenth century A.D., a geocentric conception of the universe prevailed in Europe under Ptolemy's authority, which was itself founded on Aristotle's fourth-century work, the Physics. No other cosmological model was considered by European astronomers until the late sixteenth century, so thoroughly had Ptolemaic astronomy permeated the European mind and imagination. Like Darwinian evolution in the twentieth century, Ptolemaic astronomy, and particularly the geocentric model of the universe, was accepted reflexively and informed the imaginations of professional astronomers and educated people throughout Europe. Aristotle's authority dominated European philosophy as well as the science of this period; even in the theology of the Church and Protestant sects Aristotle's profound influence was received through the adaptive work of St. Thomas Aquinas. To dislodge the geocentric conception of the universe would upset a good deal else in the intellectual framework of Europe.
Ptolemaic astronomy involved a complex geometry of explanations of the planetary and sidereal movements, of epicycles, deferents, and equants, many of which were unworkable. The discrepancies between the growing body of observational data and Ptolemy's calculations, as well as the many inclarities in his mathematics, became increasingly apparent to astronomers by the mid-fifteenth century. Though Ptolemy's authority was not questioned, it became necessary to clarify the mathematics of his system to make them more useful. It was this intense review of the Ptolemaic calculations that led to the work of Nicolaus Copernicus a century later. Copernicus is known as the father of heliocentrism, the new astronomy that set the sun, not the earth, at the center of the universe, but historians generally agree that his purpose was conservative, not revolutionary. Working conscientiously within the established tradition, Copernicus's aim was to simplify and clarify in the extremely complex Ptolemaic calculations what had become unworkable in applied astronomy. Although his De revolutionibus orbium coelestium fundamentally altered the accepted structure of the universe by supposing the earth to be in motion with the planets around the sun, it did so from very orthodox assumptions and is even dedicated to Pope Paul III. Copernicus's theory left unchallenged such fundamental assumptions of the old model as the sphericity of the universe, the circular motion (with epicycles) and regularity of the planetary orbits, and the finiteness of the universe, being bound by the sphere of the fixed stars. Even the idea of the sun's centrality derives from the pythagorean-platonic tradition of sun-worship, which, in Copernicus's mind, was its chief virtue. Copernicus postulated the earth's orbiting the sun not because of the force of his observational data, but because, believing in the pythagorean idea that the sun belongs at the center of the cosmos, the earth's motion was a necessary corollary. The mathematics were then worked with little effort at making new observations, the result being a theory that was scarcely more accurate than Ptolemy's, which is why Copernicus himself did not publish it, trying until the end of his life to make it work.
Published after Copernicus's death in 1543, De revolutionibus was widely recognized as an important hypothesis. Twenty-five years later it was being enthusiastically promoted in England by a prominent mathematician, Leonard Digges, as a revolutionary theory describing the real physical character of the universe rather than as the purely abstract hypothetical mathematical theorem as it was thought to be. Digges even went so far as to insist that the Copernican theory allowed for an infinite universe, though Copernicus himself only suggested it was much larger than the Ptolemaic universe. This came at the same time as a certain constriction and solidification of opinion in conservative circles that necessarily reacted to Copernicanism as it was being interpreted and would have nothing to do with it. Opinion was divided and Copernicanism was now in the hands of the innovators of astronomy.
Now that a viable alternative to Ptolemaic astronomy existed, it became necessary for those astronomers who did not wholly dismiss it to make variations and adaptations to the Copernican theory. The Dutch astronomer Tycho Brahewas one of the most important of these. Still, he is less renowned for his own cosmological hypothesis than for his design and use of the most accurate and powerful astronomical instruments of the time. Tycho's observational data were methodically planned and recorded and remarkably accurate. They helped discredit Aristotelian physics and were material in producing the Rudolphine Tables (1627), published after his death, which established Copernicanism as a workable theory. Tycho observed and recorded a nova's appearance in 1572 and a widely discussed comet in 1577 and demonstrated that Aristotle (and Ptolemy who followed him) was wrong that such things only occur beneath the sphere of the moon, that is, between earth and moon, beyond which nothing changes. Tycho had carefully calculated that both nova and comet occurred at distances from the earth far beyond that of the moon. The work in which he set forth his observations and his own geocentric hypothesis, De Mundi aetherei recentioribus phaenomenis, was published in 1588.
The stage was set for the coming of Galileo Galilei, who in the 1590s, still early in his career, was already a confirmed opponent of Aristotelian physics and convinced that the Copernican theory was a physical reality. Galileo was perhaps the first modern scientist, for he was an empiricist, basing his conclusions, not upon ancient authorities and mere logic, but upon his own observations made with the best instruments available. In 1609 and 1610, using a telescope he redesigned with improvements, Galileo recorded several observations that would make several Ptolemaic assumptions about the universe indefensible. He observed the surface of the moon to be mountainous and not perfectly spherical as supposed; he saw four of Jupiter's moons, spots on the sun, and the phases of Venus. All of these observations were explainable by the Copernican model but not by the Ptolemaic, which fact sealed Galileo's confidence. Galileo first published his findings in his Sidereus Nuncius (1610), but this work had little effect on the debate as Galileo was then too politically cautious to press his convictions. His Dialogo (Dialogues Between the Ptolemaic and Copernican World Systems), published in 1628, late in his career, garnered the most attention. In this work he supported the heliocentric theory, but in an unconventional mock-socratic format that satirized the traditional view. The Dialogo, with its strong arguments and the force of the authors' reputation, did much to propagate the Copernican theory and, in the view of many historians, assured that it would ultimately supplantthe Ptolemaic-Aristotelean model of the universe. Galileo's subsequent trouble with the Vatican had to do with the theological implications of the theory as Galileo taught it.
The fate of the Ptolemaic theory already sealed—at least among professional astronomers, Johannes Kepler's three laws dealt the coup de grace. It was Kepler, a contemporary of Tycho Brahe and his collaborator for some years, who would establish that the planetary orbits are neither circular nor regular, but elliptical and move faster when closer to the sun. The first two of Kepler's three laws exploded two Ptolemaic (and Copernican) assumptions about celestial motion: that it is necessarily circular, circularity being the perfect form of motion, and also necessarily regular for no irregularity can occur in the celestial regions. Both in the way of mathematical theory and speculation, Kepler's three laws of planetary motion and the Rudolphine Tables helped astronomers accept the Copernican model of a heliocentric universe as a physical fact by improving on its mathematical accuracy and thus, at the very least, a theory to contend with. In the fifty years after Kepler's death (1630), it was the ambition of many astronomers to either disprove or modify Kepler's principles. So much attention for so long inevitably made Copericanism a commonplace and thus so much the easier to accept. Kepler indeed did more than anyone to establish the Copernican model in the European mind. For he paved a direct path to Newton whose discovery of the law of universal gravitation—by applying Kepler's laws in the light of his own discoveries—introduced a new physics that forever laid to rest the physics of Aristotle and the astronomy of Ptolemy. Until the twentieth century, Newtonian physics stood in the place of Aristotle and Ptolemy, holding sway in its ability to explain observable astronomical phenomena.
De nova stella 1573
Astronomiae instauratae progymnasmata 1602
De revolutionibus orbitum coelestium [On the Revolution of the Heavenly Bodies] 1543
Sidereus nuncius [The Starry Messenger] 1610
Dialogo [Dialogues Between the Ptolemaic and Copernican World Systems] 1628
Prodromus Dissertationum Mathematicarum
Continens Mysterium Cosmographicum [The Forerunner of Dissertations on the Universe, containing the Mystery of the Universe] 1597
De Fundamentis Astrologiae Certioribus [The More reliable Bases of Astrology] 1601
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J. L. E. Dreyer (essay date 1906)
SOURCE: "Conclusion," in A History of Astronomy from Thales to Kepler, by J. L. E. Dreyer, revised by W. H. Stahl, 2d ed., Dover Publications, Inc., 1953, pp. 413-24.
[In the following essay, originally published in 1906 and reprinted with minor changes in 1953, Dreyer sketches the progress of the heliocentric model of the universe with particular attention to the unsuccessful attempts up to Newton's time at salvaging the old geocentric model by means of ever more ingenious modifications.]
The system of Copernicus had been perfected by Kepler, and all that remained to be done was to persuade astronomers and physicists that the motion of the earth was physically possible, and to explain the reason why the earth and planets moved in accordance with Kepler's laws. To give a detailed account of how the earth's motion was gradually accepted, and how Newton's great discovery of the law of universal gravitation accounted for Kepler's laws, would be to write the history of the whole science of astronomy during the seventeenth century and does not come within the plan of this book. We shall only in a few words sketch the progress of the belief in the earth's motion and the feeble attempts at proposing modifications of existing theories up to the time of Newton.
A few months before Kepler's book on Mars came out the newly-invented...
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Pierre Rousseau (essay date 1959)
SOURCE: "The Four Great Names in the Conquest of the Skies," in Man's Conquest of the Stars, translated by Michael Bullock, W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1959, pp. 104-41.
[In the following excerpt, Rousseau gives a detailed synopsis of the work and contribution of each of the major revolutionary astronomers after Copernicus to the establishment of the heliocentric theory. Rousseau begins with Tycho Brahe and ends with Galileo, placing special emphasis on their fresh observations of the stars and planets with new instruments and showing how these led to finally dismantling the old geocentric model of the universe.]
The Church had fired a warning shot that reverberated over the whole of scientific research and astronomy in particular. All those who were tempted to philosophize knew the risks they were running, and outside the countries in which the Reformation had emerged victorious they confined themselves strictly to observation.
Observation of nature was precisely the task of physicians, and it is to their credit that, at this perilous epoch, they did not limit themselves to the domain of biology, but extended their curiosity to phenomena far removed from it. The French physician Jean Fernel (1497-1558), for example, measured a degree of the terrestrial meridian, an operation that had not been repeated since 988 in Bagdad;...
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Revolutionary Astronomical Models
S. K. Heninger, Jr. (essay date 1977)
SOURCE: "Copernicus and His Consequences," in The Cosmographical Glass: Renaissance Diagrams of the Universe, The Huntington Library, 1977, pp. 45-80.
[In the following excerpt, Heninger gives a detailed explanation of each of the many cosmological models that the Copernican theory had spawned in the seventeenth century, thereby telling the story of the difficult transition to the new astronomy.]
The geocentric system gives the appearance of neatness and accounts readily for the casually observed phenomena in the world around us. Nonetheless, it proved unwieldy to the professional astronomer. His job was to chart the actual movement of the planets, rather than construct a perfect model of the universe; and often, in order to provide information required by astrologers and physicians, he was obliged to predict the planets' positions at a given moment. Moreover, the practicing astronomer was aware of data accumulated from centuries of observations. These empirical data made it clear that when the Earth is taken as the fixed point of reference for plotting the movements of the planets, their courses are anything but simple. They do not move at constant speed, and retrograde motion must be accounted for as well as forward motion. Rather than being outrightly circular, … the orbits of the planets when plotted against the Earth are convoluted...
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Berry, Arthur. A Short History of Astronomy: From the Earliest Times Through the Nineteenth Century. New York: Dover Publications, 1961 (originally published in 1898), 440 p.
A broad overview of the history of astronomy from the Greeks through the nineteenth century, including biographical sketches.
Christianson, Gale E. The Wild Abyss: The Story of the Men Who Made Modern Astronomy. New York: The Free Press, 1978, 461 p.
Covers the major themes and historical figures in the history of astronomy against a broader background of social and cultural developments.
Hall, A. Rupert. From Galileo to Newton 1630-1720. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1963, 380p.
Explains the transition of the early seventeenth century, especially outside of Italy, from the dominance of the geocentric theory of the cosmos to that of the heliocentric theory.
King, Henry C. The Background of Astronomy. London: Watts, 1911, 254p.
Outlines the history of astronomy from its obscure beginnings in the Near East to the close of the sixteenth century in Europe.
Park, David. The How and the Why: An Essay on the Origins and Development of Physical Theory. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988, 459 p.
Explains the difficulties for the...
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