José Martí 1853-1895
(Full name José Julián Martí y Pérez) Cuban journalist, essayist, orator, poet, and novelist.
Although many people may readily associate Cuban politics with Fidel Castro, many Cubans, if asked to name the most prominent figure of their political history, might think just as quickly of José Martí. Dedicated to defending his country's freedom from Spanish rule, Martí wrote extensively in many genres and on many topics from his teenage years until his death during Cuba's Second War for Independence in 1895. His lifelong dedication to Cuban liberation has made him an almost mythical figure in that country, and has earned him a reputation as a great defender of human rights throughout the Americas.
José Julián Martí y Pérez was born on January 28, 1853, in Havana, during an important juncture in Cuban history. Situated just off the coast of Florida, Cuba had been under Spanish rule for many centuries; at a time when the once powerful but now-faded Spanish Empire was releasing many of its other colonies, it still retained Cuba, mainly for its lucrative sugar cane plantations. How Cubans felt about that relationship varied considerably by class: the wealthy, largely Spanish-born ruling class welcomed Spanish rule, since the European nation protected their power. An emerging, Cuban-born middle class—Cuba's principal landowners and professionals—however, was often more divided, as many merchants sensed that their wealth would escalate if they could begin trading with the United States and other nations. The sugar cane plantations they owned, however, depended on the labor of a large population of slaves originally brought from Africa. The Spanish military presence promised continuing prosperity of the plantations by suppressing slave revolts. This enslaved population was in many ways the starting point for revolutionary sentiment in Cuba, often drawing sympathy members of the middle class.Martí entered this society at a crux in its many different populations. His parents were both from Spain, but were not members of the ruling class: his father, an enlisted soldier, had become a policeman in Havana and supported his family on relatively modest means. At an early age, Martí began a formal and informal education that inculcated a revolutionary frame of mind. At the age of nine, he saw how slaves were treated on plantations and felt a deep horror at the abuse and injustice. Moreover, the school that he began attending in 1865, the Colegio de San Pablo of the Municipal School for Boys, operated under the guidance of Rafael Maria de Mendive, a journalist and poet involved in revolutionary organizing. When the ten-year First War for Independence began in 1868 with the Grito de Yara, or Cry of the Youth, Martí celebrated the revolutionaries in epic verse; the poem, "Abdala," appeared in a paper published by his headmaster. By the time Cuban authorities discovered a seditious letter bearing his name and the name of a classmate, the evidence against him easily substantiated a charge of treason. After a period of imprisonment and hard labor in Havana, Martí began the exile that would pursue him throughout his life.
Deported to Spain in 1871, Martí studied at several universities, earning a law degree and a doctorate in philosophy and humanities in just a few years. He also continued his political activities, publishing his first major political treatise, El Presidio Político en Cuba, in 1871, and La República Española ante la Revolución Cubana in 1873. That same year he left Spain, traveling first to Paris and then making his way back to the Americas by 1875. He settled in Mexico, where he began writing for the journal Revista Universal, which would become a major venue for his essays. After several years in Mexico, Martí attempted to return to Havana under his second names, Julián Pérez. He soon found himself back in central America, this time taking a teaching post at a university in Guatemala. By the end of 1877 he moved again briefly to Mexico, where he married Carmen Zayas Bazán, and returned to Guatemala the following January. There he remained until political disagreements led him to resign his teaching post.
Changes in the political regime in Cuba gave Martí hope that he could return home. In September of 1878, he tried to live in Havana under his primary name, but a revolutionary faction, deeming that the changes in the Cuban government had not gone far enough, instigated "La Guerra Chiquita" (The Little War) in August of 1879. Martí was a natural target for the government's retaliation, and so he found himself deported to Spain again. There, however, he managed to escape from prison, making his way to New York City by way of Paris. Even from this distance, Martí remained integral to the Cuban revolutionary effort, serving on the committee that oversaw the progress of La Guerra Chiquita. When the uprising ended in defeat in 1880, Martí lost no time in beginning to plan a new military effort. Maintaining New York City as his base, he traveled throughout the United States and Latin America for the next fifteen years, fundraising and organizing. It was also during this time that he solidified his career as a writer, becoming a regular contributor to major Latin American and United States newspapers. He also continued his work as an editor, managing Patria, the main journal of the Cuban Revolutionary Party, and founding a journal for Latin American youth called La Edad de Oro, or The Golden Age.
By the early 1890s Martí's political work began to yield results: the time seemed ripe for a new uprising in Cuba. Elected as a delegate to the Cuban Revolutionary Party in 1892, Martí stepped up the pace of his organizing and fundraising, traveling back and forth across the country to make certain the strength was there for a victory. The Second War for Independence began on February 24, 1895; Martí landed in Cuba on April 11 and was inducted into the army as a Major-General. A little more than a month later, on May 19, he died in battle.
Although he published creative work in many different genres during his lifetime, Martí was best known as a writer for the treatises and essays he wrote that directly promoted his political beliefs. Martí's earliest piece of political writing marked his arrival in Spain when his exile from Cuba began: El Presidio Político en Cuba described his experiences as a political prisoner under the Spanish authorities in Cuba. Events in Cuba over the next several years motivated his next major work, La República Española ùnte la Revolución Cubana, which reflected the disappointment he and many Cubans felt when a new Spanish republic failed to relax its grip on Cuba. Several decades later, Martí served as the primary, if not sole, author of the political platforms of the Cuban Revolutionary Party. Resoluciones adoptadas por la emigración cubana de Tampa (1891) was the most comprehensive of these, coupling Martí's revolutionary principles with a formal plan for the structure of the party. The second part of these appeared in a new form a year later as Bases y Estatutos Secratos del Partido Revolucionario Cubano (1892). Finally, just as the military strike against Spanish rule began, Martí penned a last distillation of his political thought in the Manifesto of Montecristi (1895).
Between the earliest and latest works of his writing career, Marti became a prolific journalist, the profession with which he supported himself while living in the United States. Of the hundreds of articles he wrote, many addressed similar themes and were easily gathered in anthologies under comprehensive titles. The two most reprinted and discussed of these series were entitled North American Scenes (1880-1895) and North American Personalities (1880-1895). Both brought the politics and culture of the United States to a large Latin American readership. While Scenes focused largely on social and political themes, Personalities provided portraits of important American men, including his highly acclaimed pieces on Walt Whitman, Mark Twain, and Ralph Waldo Emerson. In all of these writings Martí offered a mixed review of the United States, applauding the function of democracy while decrying the effects of materialism. His criticisms, however, had to be understated, even in Latin American papers. Of his extensive writings on Latin America the most celebrated has been "Our America," written in the late 1880s and published in a Spanish-language newspaper in New York in 1891. Here Martí called for cross-class resistence to the imperialism embodied by Spanish rule and that threatened the United States. Consequently, the work also included his vision on unifying Cubans from many different backgrounds for a common cause.
Martí's first published poem, "Abdala," was also a political piece that paid homage to Cuban revolutionaries. He became known as a poet, however, primarily for three volumes. The first, entitled Ismaelillo, published in 1882, established Martí's reputation as a poet. Dedicating the writings to his son, from whom he was separated at the time, Martí's voice blends his own past hardships, and those of his nation, with a suggestion of the potential for the future, embodied in his son and revolution. When Versos sencillos appeared in 1891, readers encountered a new voice, one that lingered less on the pain of existence and reached instead for some harmony and balance in life. Versos libros, composed in 1882, did not appear in print until 1919. He also had some success with a dramatic work, Amor con Amor se Paga, staged in Mexico City when he first lived there. Only one piece of prose fiction has been identified as his: the novel Amistad funesta, which appeared under the pseudonym Adelaida Real in 1885.
As soon as Martí began his travels as an exile from Cuba, he began using the free press as a medium for conveying his political and cultural message. By the 1880s, his essays on politics and culture reached—through the newspapers—broad audiences throughout the Americas. Wanting the ideas to be available to readers from many different backgrounds, he made these writings accessible statements of his analyses and his visions for political change. The audiences that his articles and pamphlets reached, even in Spain, usually found themselves swayed by his words.
Although many tributes followed his death, popular studies of Martí did not emerge until the 1930s. In the following decades, his reputation as the "father of Cuba" grew, until its character drastically changed with the onset of the revolution in 1959. Throughout the century, however, interpretations of Martí's work have produced an array of different conclusions, sometimes diametrically opposed, depending on the political perspective of the writer. The earliest and most cohesive incarnation of these interpretations was the idealization of Martí as a Christ-like martyr of Cuban liberation, possibly summed up in Félix Lizaso's Martí, Mystic of Duty and Jorge Mañach's Martí: Apostle of Freedom, which gave rise to the popular reference to Martí as "the Apostle." In these studies and other, somewhat less deifying works, the focus remained on Martí's life, commemorating the man through his deeds and often suggesting a model of virtue for others to emulate. Summing up these works, which he dubs "traditionalist" Martí studies, critic John Kirk remarks in his book that "the vast majority of studies . . . agreed in presenting an apolitical, uncontroversial, and neutral image of the Apóstol." In the reverential distance integral to such biographies, in-depth analysis of his political and social ideas found no space.
That changed in the late 1950s when Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro claimed Martí as the figure of the new liberation he envisioned. With Castro's claim, Martí's politics became contested terrain in the struggle between opposing viewpoints in Cuban politics. A precedent did exist for this struggle in a minority of earlier works: while a small faction portrayed him as a social and economic radical, the other, larger faction downplayed his more extreme beliefs in order to depict him as a moderate supporter of the status quo. Naturally, as Martí's politics became the focus in the late 1950s, these two positions came to characterize the debate. Castro's revolutionary party claimed Martí as the visionary of their social and economic plans and the classes that fled Cuba used him to argue that Cuba should be an independent but capitalist nation with strong ties to the United States. The debate advanced Martí's reputation in Cuba and beyond. In his homeland he became standard reading for the masses: when the government instituted the "Year of Education" in 1961, which greatly improved the literacy rate in Cuba, Martí's writings became standard texts for study.
More recent studies, in both Cuba and the United States, have achieved greater objectivity by concerning themselves more concretely with close studies of Martí's writings, both essays and creative works. American literary critics had discussed Martí as early as the mid-twentieth century—despite the lack of scholarship and translations in English—for his appreciative writings on North American men of letters, including Mark Twain and Walt Whitman. Consequently, both literary critics and historians in the United States have contributed to the growth in Martí studies. Overall, this work has gone a long way toward dispelling either past oversimplifications of his thought or assetions that his ideas were fundamentally chaotic and contradictory, albeit brilliant and eloquent. With careful attention to detail, these studies have succeeded at discerning an overall coherence in Martí's complexity. By the late twentieth century, the several thousand studies of Martí available in both Spanish and English move towards a more comprehensive and three-dimensional appreciation of this writer and thinker.
"Abdala" (poem) 1868
El Presidio Politico en Cuba (political tract) 1871
El 27 de Noviembre de 1871 (poem) 1872
La República Española ante la Revolución Cubana (political tract) 1873
Amor con Amor se Paga (drama) 1875
North American Personalities (essays) 1880-1895
North American Scenes (essays) 1880-1895
Ismaelillo (poems) 1882
Amistad funesta [Adelaida Real] (novel) 1885
"Nuestra America" (essay) c. 1885-1887 ["Our America" 1891]
Resoluciones adoptadas por la emigración cubana de Tampa (political tract) 1891
Versos sencillos (poems) 1891
Bases y Estatutos Secratos del Partido Revolucionario Cubano (political tract) 1892
Manifesto of Montecristi (political tract) 1895
Versos libros (poems) 1919
Obras Completas (collected works) 1946
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Principal English Translations
*Our America 1971
*Inside the Monster, by José Martí. Writings on the United States and American Imperialism (essays) 1975
*On Education: Articles on Educational Theory and Pedagogy and Writings for the Children from "The Age of Gold," by José Martí (essays) 1979
*Political Parties and Elections in the United States 1988
*Translated by Elinor Randall.
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SOURCE: "The 'Modernista' Renovation," in Studies in Spanish-American Literature, Brentano's Publishers, 1920, pp. 1-100.
[In the excerpt that follows, Goldberg finds a tight bond between the literary and the political in both Martí's style and his views on aesthetics.]
The resemblances among the more noted exponents of modernism are many; there is the note of growing cosmopolitanism, the morbid tendency, the pale cast of thought, the resurgence of self. From among these figures, however, that of Martí, "the gallant paladin of Cuban freedom," stands out as an exception. True, Martí shared, and even contributed early vigor to, the dominant characteristics of modernism. In him, however, no morbidity, no preoccupation with metaphysical mysteries; he is the rebel in action,—a volcanic force driven by fate, like a Wandering Jew of liberty, through many lands and to many hearts. Like so many of his fellows, he became early embroiled in journalism, and, imbued with a passionate desire for his country's independence, voiced that ideal with the rashness of Latin youth. Before he was well along in his 'teens, he was deported to Spain for his "insurrecto" spirit, and while there was allowed to study law; he completed the course at Zaragoza. Returning to Spanish America he married in Mexico (1873) and five years later went back to the scene of his early efforts, conspiring against Spain under the guise of...
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SOURCE: "The Cubans and Hostos," in A Century of Latin-American Thought, Harvard University Press, 1944, pp. 218-46.
[In the following essay, Crawford reviews Martí's life and thought and the different meanings he has held for different audiences. Ultimately, Crawford describes Martí as "a mystic, but a practical one; a Utopian but at the same time a realist."]
It is significant that even in the Homenaje to Varona about half of the pages are devoted to the man who in a spirit that was all flame and a life that was given single-heartedly to Cuba and to freedom summed up the most generous aspirations of his people. In spite of the forty-two volumes of his collected works, "the most extraordinary work which Martí left was not books, but his own life." 30
José Martí (1853-1895) was born in Cuba, the son of immigrants from Spain. In Cuba he passed the first seventeen years of his life; to Cuba he dedicated all of that life, most of which was passed in other lands; and at the end on Cuban soil he gave his mortal life for independence; in Cuban hearts he is not dead, but "goes marching on."
Martí's parents were poor, but in spite of poverty he secured the beginnings of an excellent education under Mendive, who also inspired in the youth those liberty-loving ideals which soon got him into trouble. We find him condemned to military prison for his writing at...
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SOURCE: "Man of Culture and Ideals," "A Plutarchian Portrayer," and "Interpreter of the Social Panorama," in José Martí: Epic Chronicler of the United States in the Eighties, The University of North Carolina Press, 1953, pp. 14-17, 31-45, 46-55.
[Martí's primary Cuban biographer, González tackles various aspects of Martí's character and work in the three chapters that follow. In the first, González offers his overview of "the multiplicity of mental and spiritual powers in Martí." The second catalogues Martí's essays on "great men" of North America—a series that brought these figures before many Latin American readers for the first time. The last treats Martí's views on U.S. culture, politics, and economics as they appeared in the series North American Scenes.]
Man of Culture and Ideals
A distinguished humanist of Columbia University wrote some time ago that the life of Martí "was one of the most intense, pure and noble that ever existed on the earth."1 But the intellectual in him, the man of culture and ideals, as well as the thinker, was as great as the man himself. It is not easy to understand how Martí could find time to read so extensively in the midst of the turmoil of activity that was his life in New York. Yet in the seventy-volume edition in which his writings have been collected, we find ample proof of his broad culture. He was widely read...
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SOURCE: "José Martí's Views on the United States," in Kentucky Foreign Language Quarterly, Vol. II, No. 4, 1955, pp. 152-59.
[In the following essay, Corbitt examines Martí's mixed feelings about the United States; despite his admiration for U.S. democracy, Corbitt argues, Martí was deeply distressed by its preoccupation with wealth and material gain.]
We of the United States have had at our disposal for more than half a century a candid interpretation of ourselves by a Latin American, but because it was not published in English we have failed to utilize it. The celebration in 1953 of the centenary of the birth of José Martí gave momentum to the study of his relationship to the United States, and called attention to his literary excellency.
The fourteen and a half years spent in the United States by Martí, the Cuban revolutionary leader, have borne fruit to our advantage and our disadvantage since the beginning of his journalistic career in this country in 1880. He came biased in favor of our political system, having, as he did, a passionate love of human liberty. His careful observation and reading, while he saw our system developing during the decade of the Eighties, with its territorial expansion, its increasing wealth, and its rapidly growing population, were productive of seventeen volumes of commentary on nearly every phase of our national life. Greatly impressed by the...
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SOURCE: "Moral and Social Ideas," in José Martí, Cuban Patriot, University of Florida Press, 1962, pp. 35-58.
[In 1962 Gray's book constituted the first significant biography of Martí written in English. In the chapter reprinted below, Gray presents his broad view of Martí and addresses the debate over Martí's status as a philosopher and moralist.]
The ideas of José Martí are disorganized and contradictory. The task of running down and bringing order to this mass of data is beyond the scope of this study.1 At most, perhaps, one is limited to a judicious selection of Martian thoughts which can be considered most representative of Martí, with the uneasy reservation that in such an enormous and undigested amount of data better selections might have been chosen to point up similar conclusions, or worse still, to arrive at opposite ones. There is no denying that the prolixity of Marti" s writings has resulted in his becoming "all things to all men." The most that one can do is to recognize that fact and then proceed to discover in what ideas Martí seems to have been most consistent. Clearly his ideas on every subject can not be considered. An attempt will be made in this chapter to touch upon the most important ones, and to emphasize those areas of his thought which may be shown later to have had a bearing on his impact upon the Cuban people. These ideas will in turn furnish points of...
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SOURCE: "The Political Ideology of José Martí," in Caribbean Studies, Vol. VI, No. 1, April, 1966, pp. 25-36.
[In the following essay, Suchlicki describes Martí's place in Cuban history, discussing the primary influences on his thought as well as his influence on Cuban independence. Suchlicki concludes that Martí's "dedication to the cause of Cuban independence, his love and faith in humanity, and his honest and sincere life, rank him very high among the founders of America."]
From the ideological and organizational points of view, the Cuban War of Independence represented Martí's revolution. His ideas formed the foundation on which the revolution rested, and his knocking on the conscience of the Cubans awakened the feeling that brought about the war.
The purpose of this paper is to trace the ideas of Martí regarding that war, and to probe into his mind in order to explain his political ideology; but before undertaking this task, something should be said about the history and intellectual conditions existing in Cuba during the nineteenth century.
In Cuba during the first half of the nineteenth century there was little thought of independence from Spain. Nevertheless, the revolutionary spirit of the French and American revolutions, and the struggles for independence in Spanish America inspired the minds of the Cubans with the desire for freedom. The writings and...
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SOURCE: An Introduction to Major Poems, by José Martí, edited by Philip S. Foner, translated by Elinor Randall, Holmes & Meier Publishers, Inc., 1982, pp. 1-21.
[The editor of most English-language editions of Martí's work, Foner has written many essays on Martí's life and writings. In the essay that follows, Foner focuses on Martí's career as a poet, declaring that his "verses announce the birth of a new era in Latin American poetry."]
José Julián Martí y Pérez, "The Apostle" of Cuba, was born on January 28, 1853, in a humble two-story house on Paula Street in Havana. His father, Mariano Martí y Navarro, the son of a poor ropemaker in Valencia, Spain, had come to Havana as a sergeant in the Spanish army, married a girl from Spain, Leonor Pérez y Cabera, and decided to remain in Cuba, hoping to find a better life for himself there. He obtained a transfer to the police force and served as a night watchman in Havana and other cities.
Although his father's meager resources limited his interest in his son's education, the boy's godfather agreed to pay for his studies at the Municipal School for Boys in Havana. At the age of thirteen, he entered the Colegio de San Pablo. Its director was Rafael Maria de Mendive, a revolutionary poet and journalist, who had dedicated himself to "furthering the advancement and improvement of the society" in which he lived. Martí continued his...
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SOURCE: An Introduction to On Art And Literature by José Martí: Critical Writings, edited by Philip S. Foner, translated by Elinor Randall, Monthly Review Press, 1982, pp. 13-33.
[In the following introduction to an anthology of Martí's essays on art and literature, Foner demonstrates Martí's appreciation for groundbreaking art and his belief that American art—especially Latin American art—should have a social and political function.]
In April 1880, José Martí wrote to his friend Miguel Viandi in Havana: "If you could see me struggling to dominate this beautiful but rebellious English: Three or four months more and I shall open a way for myself."1 Martí's first article in English testifies both to his remarkable ability to master the language as well as his insight as a critic of art. Written for the newly founded magazine The Hour, it was entitled "The Metropolitan Museum of Art."2 Martí's appreciation for the leading art museum in the New World comes through clearly and vividly. Thus he wrote:
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SOURCE: "Political System," and "Moral Foundation," in José Martí: Mentor of the Cuban Nation, University Presses of Florida, 1983, pp. 65-85, 86-105.
[In the following essays, Kirk examines two prominent aspects of Martí's thought: the first essay details the republic that Martí envisioned for the Cuban political system; the second describes the new Cuban citizen that Martí believed independence would create.]
Having outlined the origins of Martí's political career and the principal influences on the development of his thought, the type of society that José Martí aspired to introduce into an independent Cuba can be examined in greater detail. Any attempt to outline the basic political structure desired by Martí for Cuba is facilitated by eliminating at the outset those aspects of government that Martí's views definitely, and most obviously, forbade. Although this may be somewhat self-evident, it must be stated that Martí wanted an essentially republican form of government for his patria. Having already experienced first-hand the injustice of an oppressive monarchy in Cuba, he was determined that this form of government should never again be instituted on the island.
His campaign to liberate Cuba was therefore based on a very clear understanding that a monarchial government was unjust as well as archaic and would not be tolerated in Cuba. His thoughts on the subject...
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SOURCE: "The Definition and Unification of a Revolutionary Movement," in The Rhetorical Uses of the Authorizing Figure: Fidel Castro and José Martí, Praeger Publishers, 1992, pp. 35-73.
[In the following excerpt, Rice looks at Martí as a historical figure in general and as the specific historical figure Fidel Castro drew on to lend authority to his revolutionary goals.]
Most critics agree that movements have beginnings. Most do not agree that they know what a beginning is. They frequently disagree about whether or not there are discernible demarcations of beginnings or stages that may be isolated and analyzed. Yet, somehow, it seems that movements are initiated. We may be mystified as to when it can be said that a movement becomes a movement, but in spite of this enigma, we continue to study the process of social change because we believe that an understanding of that process is worthwhile.
I have argued thus far that one of the clues to the process movements go through is the use of authorizing figures from the past to create meaning in the present. Initially, in the early days of consciousness raising in a movement, authorizing figures contribute to the definition of movement goals and to the unification of the many individuals and groups that will make up the movement. The rhetorical use of history is a central component of definition and unification and can take many forms as...
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SOURCE: "'En un rincón de la Florida': Exile and Nationality in José Martí's Biographical Chronicles in Patria," in José Martí in the United States: The Florida Experience, edited by Louis A. Pérez, Jr., Arizona State University Center for Latin American Studies, 1995, pp. 9-21.
[In the following essay, Lugo-Ortiz argues that Martí's biographical chronicles in the newspaper Patria presented ideals of citizenship and heroic behavior for Cuban readers to emulate.]
There is an anecdote about the 1895 Cuban war of independence that narrates how, after winning one of the battles, Antonio Maceo's troops seized a printing press from the Spanish army. At the time, the revolutionary army did not have sufficient ammunition, and it had hardly any artillery. The soldiers went to Maceo in order to show him the press, and when the Bronze Titan saw it he exclaimed: "This is the artillery of the revolution!" With this press he started the publication of one of the revolutionary newspapers, El cubano libre. Although they did not have enough military armaments, they did have the argument of writing.2
This is an extremely telling anecdote insofar as it reveals the relationship between writing and violence: the place of writing vis-à-vis a deadly struggle for power, the power of writing as a weapon and, above all, the consciousness of the revolutionary leadership about the...
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SOURCE: "José Martí, Cuban Independence and the North American Economic, Political and Social Agenda," in José Martí in the United States: The Florida Experience, edited by Louis A. Pérez, Jr., Arizona State University Center for Latin American Studies, 1995, pp. 43-55.
[In the essay that follows, Ronning focuses on Martí's response to the Cuban community located in Florida's Key West. Ronning asserts that in Key West Martí found "proof . . . that Cubans could govern themselves freely."]
Two topics figures prominently in the public and private writing as well as in the speeches of José Martí after his first visit to Key West and the formation of the Cuban Revolutionary Party. The social interaction of Cubans in their community of Key West told him much about the future prospects of Cuba as a progressive independent nation. Second, socio-economic conditions and social interaction within the United States as a whole (among Anglo-Americans to use a common expression of that time), a topic of long-standing interest to Martí, was now treated from the perspective of its significance for Cuban independence and Cuba's future as a sovereign nation.
The Cuban community of Key West and the way Cubans lived, worked and interacted with one another in Key West was a subject of great interest and highest praise by Martí. The glorious Key, the noble Key, the generous Key, the legendary Key,...
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Foner, Philip S. An introduction to Inside the Monster, by José Martí, pp. 15-48. New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1975.
Details Martí's biography from his birth to 1880, and provides a useful synopsis of nineteenth-century Cuban history before and parallel to Martí's life.
——. An introduction to Our America, by José Martí, pp. 11-68. New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1977.
Provides a detailed biographical sketch of the last 15 years of Martí's life, beginning with his arrival in New York City.
Lizaso, Félix. Martí: Martyr of Cuban Independence. Translated by Esther Elise Shuler. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1953.
Well-known biography that idealizes Martí, but places him in the context of international politics and intellectual history.
Benítez, José A. "Martí and the United States." Gramma, Havana (22 November 1981): 2.
Typifies pro-Castro arguments that Martí condemned the United States as an imperialist threat to Cuba.
Foner, Philip S. An introduction to On Education, by José Martí, pp. 11-33. New York and...
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