John Wyclif c. 1330-1384
(Also spelled Wycliffe and Wicliff) English theologian and philosopher.
An eminent Oxford theologian and Scholastic philosopher, Wyclif was a radical critic of the fourteenth-century church. For his direct challenges to ecclesiastical orthodoxy he earned condemnation as a heretic during his lifetime and later recognition as a precursor of the Protestant Reformation. Believing that members of the clergy at all levels, from monks and friars to the Pope, had succumbed to corruption in their acquisition of worldly wealth and temporal power, Wyclif issued a series of politico-theological works in the final decade of his life denouncing church authority. In addition to arguing for the dominance of secular powers over papal dominion, Wyclif promoted the theretofore unthinkable assertion that ordinary members of the laity could commune directly with God through their reading of Holy Scripture and did not require the intercession of the church. His efforts are thought to have been instrumental in the creation of the first English vernacular translation of the Latin Bible, while his unorthodox teachings on such subjects as transubstantiation, clerical poverty, and predestination were carried on by his religious adherents, the Lollards. Illuminated by Wyclif's desire for ecclesiastical reform, the Lollards formed a significant segment of fifteenth-century English society, their spiritual views prefiguring many of the later ecclesiastical reforms associated with the Protestant movements of the following century. In addition to Wyclif's highly controversial theological tracts, his philosophical writings reflect his strong Realist perspective on the subject of universal concepts—a counterbalance to the dominant epistemological nominalism of late fourteenth-century Oxford.
Wyclif was born in the North Riding district of Yorkshire sometime during the decade prior to 1330. Having likely received his primary education in Yorkshire, he later attended Oxford University. Although the exact date of his first entrance into its colleges is unknown, he appears to have lived there from at least 1354. By 1360, Wyclif was named master of Balliol College at Oxford but relinquished this post the following year in order to head the parish at Fillingham in Lincolnshire. Appointed warden of Canterbury Hall in 1365, he obtained permission to maintain his ecclesiastical position and temporarily reside at Oxford in order to continue his study of theology and natural philosophy. A shift in rectories from Fillingham to the parish of Ludgershall (close to Oxford) allowed him to complete his baccalaureate study in divinity by 1369 and earn a degree as doctor of theology in 1372. Two years later, King Edward III appointed Wyclif to a new post at Lutterworth, where he would remain for the rest of his life. The year 1374 also marked Wyclif's dramatic entrance into the realm of ecclesiastical politics. As part of a royal delegation sent to Bruges, Belgium, in order to resolve outstanding disagreements between England, France, and the papacy, Wyclif interceded on behalf of the secular powers in questions regarding the appointment of church posts and the levying of ecclesiastical taxes. During these debates, Wyclif showed himself an outspoken advocate of reform and a strong supporter of national independence from church authority. By about 1377, Wyclif had reached the pinnacle of his political influence as advisor to the English parliament and the King. His popularity in England was forcefully demonstrated in May of that year as Pope Gregory XI's call for his arrest remained unheeded. The death of Edward III in the summer of 1377, prompting the ascension of the boy-king Richard II and the effective regency of Richard's uncle, John of Gaunt, was initially injurious to Wyclif's political fortunes. Forced to appear before an episcopal court, Wyclif was temporarily confined to Oxford and had to endure a forty-four-day sentence of excommunication. During this turbulent period of the late 1370s, Wyclif composed what have since been recognized as the most forceful declarations of his political ideas, including such tracts as De civili dominio (c. 1376-77), De ecclesia (c. 1378), and De officio regis (c. 1379). This phase of Wyclif's career also reflects his deepening confrontation with the church in print, especially in regard to the subject of ecclesiastical poverty. Incensed by clerical acquisition and displays of wealth, Wyclif preached and wrote in condemnation of the accumulation of riches by the servants of God. In 1378, the death of Gregory XI and the disputed election of Urban VI to the papacy began the period of the Great Schism, in which another pope (Clement VII) was clandestinely elected and installed at Avignon, France. While Wyclif remained critical of papal authority throughout his life, he generally aligned with the reformist practices of Urban VI during the dispute. By the summer of 1380, Wyclif briefly distanced himself from the political turmoil of the previous decade to begin overseeing work on a proposed translation of the Latin Vulgate Bible into English. While Wyclif did not undertake the actual translation of the text, his instigation was instrumental to the project, which was completed in 1388, several years after his death. Having retired to Lutterworth in 1381, Wyclif experienced another period of political tension that year, prompted by his association with the labor rebellion in England known as the Peasants' Revolt. Wyclif's personal responsibility for the uprising is now considered implausible, although he did publicly sympathize with the demands of England's destitute working classes. Nevertheless, Wyclif was held responsible for inciting the masses and condemned as a heretic in a synod convened against him. In May 1382, Wyclif's works were banned by the ecclesiastical congregation. Having suffered a stroke in the intervening months, he appeared before a similar body in November of the same year but was not strongly reproached or excommunicated at that time. Temporarily vindicated, Wyclif continued writing at Lutterworth until his death in 1384.
The vast majority of Wyclif's most significant theological writings were composed in the period between 1374 and 1384, the pivotal phase of his literary and public career. In a work entitled Determinatio quaedam Magistri Johannis Wyclif de dominio contra unum monachum (c.1374), Wyclif laid out his arguments against the feudal domination of the English monarchy by the Pope in the form of seven speeches before Parliament. He developed these ideas further in the more formal treatises on ecclesiastical politics that were to follow, including De dominio divino libri tres (c. 1374) and De civili dominio. Overall, Wyclif's early political theology hinges upon the concept of dominium, which concerns the proper circumstances under which an entity may be said to possess authority over lesser subjects. In Wyclif's view, the absence of sin is a vital prerequisite of a legitimate dominium, since this authority is originally granted from God. As civil dominium is by necessity tainted with sin and imperfection, ecclesiastical entities—that is, the church—should be far removed from civil power, according to Wyclif's argument. With De vertitate sacrae scripturae (c. 1377-78) Wyclif presented a further exposition of his belief in God as the foundation of all truth and the sufficiency of individual study of scripture without the absolute necessity of interpretation by the clergy. In his writings after 1377, Wyclif began to adopt a much more strident tone, and many of his works include a strong measure of polemic. His De potestate papae (c. 1379) is usually described as a complete rejection of fourteenth-century church hierarchy. In it, Wyclif consistently labels the Pope as the Antichrist and levels a sustained critique at ecclesiastical corruption. De apostasia (c. 1379) and De blasphemia (c. 1381) are likewise trenchantly polemical works and include attacks on the worldly vices of friars and monks. Somewhat more restrained, De officio regis encapsulates Wyclif's thought on the supremacy of royal power in civil affairs, arguing on behalf of secular rather than religious authority in all disputes between church and state. One of Wyclif's most controversial works, De eucharistia tractatus maior (c. 1379) centers on the theologian's systematic challenge of church orthodoxy in regard to the Eucharist and includes his thorough rejection of the doctrine of transubstantiation. Among Wyclif's other predominately theological works, De ecclesia includes a lengthy discussion of the doctrine of predestination in which he maintains that human freedom is fully circumscribed by the force of God's eternal will. Turning to Wyclif's philosophical writings, his status as a Realist philosopher is perhaps best articulated in De universalibus (c. 1369), which asserts the real existence of universal concepts and defends this position against the opposing nominalist view typically associated with the philosopher William of Ockham. Like De universalibus, the remaining twelve philosophical treatises of Wyclif's Summa de ente (c.1374) are principally epistemological in nature. Half of them generally focus on the nature of human knowledge as apprehended solely by means of logic, while the latter six consider the attributes of God, thus entering the realm of theology. Wyclif's Trialogus (c. 1380), typical of his late writings, codifies his prior religious critique and condemnation of nominalist doctrine. Wyclif's remaining works include a collection of sermons, the Sermones quadraginta (c. 1361-74), that differ from the balance of Wyclif's writing in both style and tone. Strictly avoiding the formal, Scholastic methods of logical argumentation characteristic of those texts, the sermons instead focus on the simple aim of lay instruction through the presentation and universal application of biblical principles.
Critics have generally remarked that nearly all of Wyclif's major writings and activities were undertaken during the last ten years of his life. Upon such works as De civili dominio, De vertitate sacrae scripturae, and the collected writings of his Summa theologiae (c. 1384) rests Wyclif's reputation as an outspoken critic and reformer, as well as his legacy as a contentious and influential theologian and philosopher. In 1415, more than three decades after Wyclif's death, his doctrines were formally condemned by the church at the Council of Constance. Meanwhile, the Bohemian Jan Hus, one of Wyclif's strongest adherents in continental Europe, was executed as a heretic by the Council. Thirteen years later, Wyclif's body was disinterred and burned in posthumous punishment for his heretical teachings. Likewise, the religious sect inspired by Wyclif, the Lollards, faced considerable persecution in the fifteenth century. From the Reformation period to the nineteenth century, Wyclif's reputation as a reformer was redeemed by commentators, who additionally solidified his importance as an early translator of the Bible. During this period, however, his theological and philosophical writings were only infrequently reprinted. Increasing scholarly interest in these texts during the mid-nineteenth century coincided with the appearance of new Latin editions and several translations. Still, controversy over his theological stance was sustained into the twentieth century, with critics generally viewing Wyclif as either an ardent Catholic reformer or a radical forerunner of Protestantism. Only by the end of the twentieth century have scholars begun to focus more exclusively on his philosophical writings, appraising his Realist conception of universals, his commentary on the nature of language, and the place of metaphysics and epistemology in his thought. Whether or not Wyclif can be said to have developed a philosophy equal to that of his early nominalist rival William of Ockham, however, remains an unsettled question. In contemporary assessments, Wyclif remains a controversial figure. While he is no longer denigrated as a heretic, his status as the prototypical medieval church reformer has undergone something of a reevaluation. At the same time, his enormous influence on the ecclesiastical politics of the late-fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, his contribution to the deepest theological questions of his day, and the impetus he provided to the translation of scripture into the English vernacular are now rarely questioned.
De logica (philosophy) c. 1360
Sermones quadraginta (sermons) c. 1361-74
De actibus anime (theology) c. 1369
De universalibus (philosophy) c. 1369
De dominio divino libri tres (theology) c. 1374
Determinatio quaedam Magistri Johannis Wyclif de dominio contra unum monachum (theology) c. 1374
Summa de ente (philosophy) c. 1374
De mandatis divinus (theology) c. 1375-76
Postilla super totam bibliam (theology) c. 1375-76
De civili dominio (theology) c. 1376-77
De statu innocencie (theology) c. 1376
De vertitate sacrae scripturae (theology) c. 1377-78
De ecclesia (theology) c. 1378
De incarcerandis fedelibus (theology) c. 1378
De apostasia (theology) c. 1379
De eucharistia tractatus maior (theology) c. 1379
De officio regis (theology) c. 1379
De potestate papae (theology) c. 1379
Trialogus (theology) c. 1380
De blasphemia (theology) c. 1381
Dialogus sive speculum ecclesie militantis (theology) c. 1382-83
Opus evangelicum (theology) c....
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SOURCE: Loserth, J. “The Beginnings of Wyclif's Activity in Ecclesiastical Politics.” English Historical Review 11, no. 42 (April 1896): 319-28.
[In the following essay, Loserth attempts to establish the appropriate timeline for Wyclif's publication of his infamous critique of papal and ecclesiastical corruption during the volatile period of 1374–84.]
Since the time of Shirley and Lechler it has been usual to place the beginnings of Wyclif's engagement in ecclesiastical politics in the year 1366; in other words, he first came forward in questions of ecclesiastical politics in connexion with the demand made by Urban V upon Edward III for the payment of the tribute due to the curia, which had been in arrear for the previous thirty-three years. The importance of Urban's rescript, which is dated 6 June 1365, has hitherto been exaggerated. It does not contain a threat of punishment, as hitherto assumed, for failure of payment, nor is there any question in it of citing the king before the papal court. Nor, again, is there any evidence that the pope had been induced by French influence to rake up this question, which had slumbered so long. His point of view, as it emerges in his rescript, is a correct one;1 his claim is just, his attitude moderate: ‘The curia has not hitherto made its demands from regard to the necessity of England, which has been involved in grievous wars; but now that peace...
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SOURCE: Hearnshaw, F. J. C. “John Wycliffe and Divine Dominion.” In The Social and Political Ideas of Some Great Medieval Thinkers, edited by F. J. C. Hearnshaw, pp. 192-223. New York: Barnes & Noble, 1923.
[In the following excerpt, Hearnshaw sketches Wyclif's life, surveys his writings, and encapsulates his thought on ecclesiastical and political subjects, concluding that Wyclif was not in any significant sense a religious thinker but rather a rationalist.]
Wycliffe was born in the north of England about the year 1320. As he grew up to manhood, the evils which had marked the opening of the fourteenth century became manifestly worse. In particular, the Papacy, exiled from Rome and established at Avignon (1309-76), having been robbed of its temporal suzerainty, lost also its spirituality, and sank into a deplorable condition of religious apathy, moral corruption, and intellectual contempt. It also passed under the control of its destroyer, the king of France, and seemed to be degraded to the ignominious position of a mere tool of his policy. At the same time its departure from Italy involved the loss of the revenues of the Papal States, and this necessitated a formidable increase in the demands for money made upon the faithful in northern lands. England, in particular, which had been recognised as a fief of the Papacy by King John, was drawn upon heavily to support the growing expenses of the...
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SOURCE: McNeill, John Thomas. “Some Emphases in Wyclif's Teaching.” Journal of Religion 7, no. 4 (July 1927): 447-66.
[In the following essay, McNeill, prompted by what he determines to be inadequacies in Herbert B. Workman's critical biography John Wyclif: A Study of the English Medieval Church (1926), explores the fundamental elements of Wyclif's thought on religious, political, and philosophical subjects.]
Dr. Workman's John Wyclif1 is at once among the most admirable and among the most unsatisfying of biographies. No one can read the book without deep appreciation of the author's fulness of research, conscientious accuracy of detail, fairness of mind, and breadth of view. Seldom does a historical work make a deeper impression of completeness of investigation. In these nearly eight hundred compact pages countless lines of inquiry have been patiently followed; the most unfamiliar sources have been combed, and unstinted pains taken to reconstruct the fragments. We close the second volume convinced that virtually everything possible has been done to give us the true Wyclif, and that subsequent writers can add little of importance to our knowledge of the great heretic. Yet the man Wyclif is still for us like a figure left by the sculptor half chiseled from the marble.
Professor Mandell Creighton closed his review, in the Church Quarterly for 1877, of...
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SOURCE: Heseltine, G. C. “The Myth of Wycliffe.” Thought 7, no. 1 (June 1932): 108-32.
[In the following essay, Heseltine questions Wyclif's status as “a profound philosopher or theologian who paved the way to a purer Christianity on a basis of reason, logic, and sound theological principle.”]
It has become an accepted belief amongst Protestants, and an historical reproach against the Catholic Church, that John Wycliffe, the learned and holy reformer, labored all his life unceasingly for the promulgation of a purer Christianity, was the first to translate the Bible into the vernacular, and suffered shameful persecution for his beliefs. He has been hailed as the father of the Reformation, the pioneer of religious freedom and a man of profound learning, because it has been the fashion of the historians of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries so to represent him.
In the Life and Opinions of John de Wycliffe, D.D. by Robert Vaughan, D.D., a Congregational divine and, therefore, unlikely to have any personal religious bias against Wycliffe, we are given an account of the man as complete as could be given a century ago and nothing of great importance has come to light since. If we take this authority we find that although the conventional eulogies abound there is little or no historical ground for the conventional picture of the reformer....
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SOURCE: Daly, L. J. “Wyclif and Civil Society.” In The Political Theory of John Wyclif, pp. 59-96. Chicago. Ill.: Loyola University Press, 1962.
[In the following essay, Daly studies Wyclif's understanding of the concepts dominium and ecclesia in the context of civil society, asserting that Wyclif's approach to political philosophy was wholly theological.]
In order to better adapt our mental outlook to that of a medieval political writer, it might be well to consider how important Wyclif regarded the study of theology for the right government of the kingdom. That he should think thus merely shows that Wyclif was considering things from the viewpoint of a medieval scholastic theologian.
IMPORTANCE OF THE THEOLOGIAN TO SOCIETY
When he speaks of theology and the objectives of the theologian, Wyclif speaks with unmeasured praise. Without the faculty of theology the kingdom cannot possibly stand; but through it the reputation of the king is increased and the subject is informed about the correct obedience due to God and his magistrates (prepositis).
For Wyclif any science that does not in some way minister to the advancement of theology is not only useless, but is to be forbidden.1 He is in favor of the decrees forbidding clerics to attend lectures in the schools on “physics” and civil (Roman) law; and in his...
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SOURCE: Knapp, Peggy Ann. “The Medieval Mind: Scholasticism and Folklore.” In The Style of John Wyclif's English Sermons, pp. 79-92. The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton, 1977.
[In the following excerpt, Knapp examines Wyclif's combination of Scholastic and popular modes of argumentation in his English sermons.]
[Wyclif's sermons reveal] an author with a radical idea, an idea which not only coordinated [his] thought on most subjects, but also influenced his habits of expression and perhaps his habits of conception as well. A great deal of Wyclif is revealed by following his theory of the availability of God's grace through the Bible backward to its source in philosophical realism and forward to its implications for practical reform. It took him, in Miss Deanesly's phrase ‘very far’,1 far toward personal danger, and, from our point of view, far toward modern Protestantism. But this view of Wyclif, as long as it remains unqualified, fails to clarify much of what is valuable and attractive in his preaching style. For the real significance of the English prose is not that Wyclif could write modern English, but that he could embody a radical, modern idea in a language and an aura of thought which pulled him from at least two directions back into something medieval.
Defining what is medieval in Wyclif's style implies that medievalism itself has been defined. Rather than attempt...
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SOURCE: Kenny, Anthony. “The Philosopher of Truth.” In Wyclif, pp. 1-17. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1985.
[In the following essay, Kenny probes Wyclif's position as an epistemological Realist by contrasting his views on the subject of universals with those of the nominalist William of Ockham.]
Wyclif lived from the late twenties to the early eighties of the fourteenth century. He was a dozen years older than Geoffrey Chaucer, and they had friends in common. His career fell under the last two kings of the main Plantagenet line, Edward III and his grandson Richard II. Because Edward had a long dotage, and Richard succeeded while still a child, the effective ruler of England during much of Wyclif's working life was John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, Edward's son and Richard's uncle. To many people, John of Gaunt is best known for the speech placed on his dying lips in Shakespeare's Richard II: the eloquent homage to England which begins ‘This royal throne of kings, this sceptred isle!’ The real John of Gaunt was more ambitious and less patriotic than Shakespeare's elder statesman; for better or worse, his power and patronage provided the framework for Wyclif's public career.
It was not until 1374 that Wyclif encountered the royal service: for the previous twenty years he had lived a scholarly life at Oxford. He came there, a Yorkshireman born, a few years after...
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SOURCE: Keen, Maurice. “Wyclif, the Bible, and Transubstantiation.” In Wyclif in His Times, edited by Anthony Kenny, pp. 1-16. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1986.
[In the following essay, Keen outlines the development of Wyclif's thought regarding the Eucharist, which culminated in his heretical objection to transubstantiation in 1379.]
In this paper I shall attempt to trace the stages in the development of Wyclif's thought that turned him from a radical critic of his contemporary church, into what he is remembered as, a heresiarch. The formal turning-point in that development is quite clear; it is the moment at which he began to maintain in the schools views concerning the Eucharist which were directly at variance with the orthodox doctrine of the Church of his day. It is equally clear that his decision to determine on this topic, and his refusal to retract his opinions or to keep silent in the face of condemnation, were individual decisions; that his heresy, that is to say, has to be explained in terms of his personal circumstances and convictions. For that reason I must start with a brief review of what we know about his life and the general development of his ideas—in order to provide a context for what I want to say about this central moment in his life and thought.
Wyclif's life was not one fraught with drama. His career was as a don, who was never formally...
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SOURCE: Kenny, Anthony. “The Realism of the De Universalibus.” In Wyclif in His Times, edited by Anthony Kenny, pp. 17-29. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1986.
[In the following essay, Kenny explicates Wyclif's theory of universals as well as the notion of predication that underlies it.]
Wyclif has long been famous as a realist, but the precise content of his philosophical realism has never been exactly determined. The publication by Ivan Mueller of an edition of the De Universalibus (Oxford, 1985) gives the general reader, for the first time, an opportunity to take the measure of Wyclif's theory. The present article aims to single out some of the main themes of Wyclif's realism and to make them intelligible to those more familiar with contemporary than with scholastic philosophy. Passages from the De Universalibus will be identified by the abbreviation ‘U’ followed by chapter and line number. (The numbering is common both to Mueller's edition and to the simultaneously published translation by myself.)
Realism, for Wyclif, is above all a theory about the nature of universals; and the key to the understanding of universals is a grasp of the nature of predication. Everyone is familiar with the division of sentences into subject and predicate: in the sentence ‘Banquo lives’, ‘Banquo’ is the subject and ‘lives’ is the predicate; so...
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SOURCE: Hudson, Anne. “Wyclif and the English Language.” In Wyclif in His Times, edited by Anthony Kenny, pp. 85-103. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1986.
[In the following essay, Hudson stresses Wyclif's promotion of the use of written English in the fourteenth century, regardless of whether or not he personally translated the Latin Bible into the English vernacular.]
In the introduction to the first paper in the series of Balliol lectures, the Master spoke of two things concerning Wyclif which were familiar to him as a schoolboy: that Wyclif caused the Peasants' Revolt of 1381 and that Wyclif translated the Bible, both ‘facts’ that many would now feel to be discredited. It is not within the brief for this paper to reinstate Wyclif as a cause, if not the cause, of the Peasants' Revolt, though I believe that a credible case can be made for this now unfashionable view.1 The second question is more nearly relevant to the topic in hand. Whether Wyclif himself actually translated a word of the surviving versions of the English Bible made in the late fourteenth century is dubious; but again a credible case can be made to suggest that, if not the immediate cause, Wyclif was the ultimate effective cause of the versions that have come to be known as the Wycliffite Bible.2 This name is open to two interpretations: translation done by Wyclif, or translation done by Wyclif's...
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SOURCE: Leff, Gordon. “The Place of Metaphysics in Wyclif's Theology.” In From Ockham to Wyclif, edited by Anne Hudson and Michael Wilks, pp. 217-32. Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell, 1987.
[In the following essay, Leff emphasizes the continuity of Wyclif's metaphysical and theological thought throughout his major works, with the exception of some of his writings on civil society.]
Wyclif's theological doctrines are reasonably familiar1 and I do not intend to dwell upon them unduly here. They had their focus in his concepts of the Church, the Bible and the eucharist; and they were the outcome of a singular combination of a metaphysics of realism—the belief in the reality of universal essences or natures, such as genera and species, and including being itself as the most universal essence of all—and an apostolic or evangelical view of Christian life, modeled on the life of Christ and his disciples, as one of purely spiritual mission and temporal renunciation. It was that combination which made Wyclif's religious beliefs distinctive, and it is that which I wish to consider here.
The tendency has been to explain the sweeping character of Wyclif's developed theological positions of the last six or seven years of his life in either predominantly intellectual or personal terms: as either a progression from a metaphysical to a theological phase, in which the same...
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SOURCE: Evans, G. R. “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” In From Ockham to Wyclif, edited by Anne Hudson and Michael Wilks, pp. 259-66. Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell, 1987.
[In the following essay, Evans illuminates Wyclif's views on the significance and usefulness of figurative interpretation of the Bible in his De vertitate sacrae scripturae.]
Origen encouraged readers of the Bible to try to penetrate beneath the literal meaning to deeper truths which lay hidden in the figurative and metaphorical senses.1 Augustine and Gregory the Great made it a commonplace in the mediaeval West that the literal sense is only one of several possible intepretations of a given passage, and that the figurative meanings are full of spiritual riches, and bring the reader closer to the Divine Author's intentions. For Origen the Bible, taken spiritually, is the ultimate source of truth. The same high doctrine of the spiritual sense is apparent in the rules of Tichonius the Donatist, to which Augustine gave such lasting currency. Tichonius sees his rules as ‘keys’ to open up and ‘lamps’ to reveal the secrets hidden above all in the treasury of truth. He is interested in clarifying the spiritual senses.2
The idea that the spiritual sense is more profound than the literal did not entirely disappear in the thinking of the reformers of the sixteenth century.3 But we...
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SOURCE: Wilks, Michael. “Wyclif and the Wheel of Time.” In Wyclif: Political Ideas and Practice: Papers by Michael Wilks, edited by Anne Hudson, pp. 205-21. Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 2000.
[In the following essay, Wilks details Wyclif's belief in the circularity of history as understood in Christian terms.]
During the 1370s Wyclif wrote to defend a monarchy which made extensive use of bishops and other clergy in the royal administration and yet was faced with aristocratic factions encouraged by bishops like Wykeham and Courtenay who espoused papal supremacy, if not out of conviction, at least as a very convenient weapon to support their independence against royal absolutism. At first sight Wyclif's attempts to define the right relationship between royal and episcopal, temporal and spiritual, power seem as confused as the contemporary political situation. His works contain such a wide range of theories from orthodox two swords dualism to a radical rejection of ecclesiastical authority well beyond that of Marsilius and Ockham that it seems as if his only interest was in collecting every anti-hierocratic idea available for use against the papacy. The purpose of this paper is to suggest that a much more coherent view of episcopal power can be detected beneath his tirades if it is appreciated that his continual demand for a great reform, a reformatio regni et ecclesiae, is inseparably linked to...
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Workman, Herbert B. John Wyclif: A Study of the English Medieval Church. 2 vols. Reprint. 1926. Eugene, Ore.: Wipf & Stock, 2002, 436 p.
Standard critical biography of Wyclif from the early twentieth century.
Aston, Margaret. “Wyclif and the Vernacular.” In From Ockham to Wyclif, edited by Anne Hudson and Michael Wilks, pp. 281-330. Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell, 1987.
Explores the vexing scholarly question of whether or not—and if so, then when—Wyclif may have written against Church doctrine on the Eucharist in the English vernacular.
Cato, Jeremy. “Some English Manuscripts of Wyclif's Latin Works.” In From Ockham to Wyclif, edited by Anne Hudson and Michael Wilks, pp. 353-59. Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell, 1987.
Studies some of the peculiarities of the Wyclif manuscript tradition in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Gellrich, Jesse M. “‘Real Language’ and the Rule of the Book in the Work of Wyclif.” In Discourse and Dominion in the Fourteenth Century: Oral Contexts of Writing in Philosophy, Politics, and Poetry, Princeton University Press, pp. 79-120. Princeton, N.J.:, 1995.
Illuminates Wyclif's analysis of language and condemnation of ecclesiastical authority in the...
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