James Madison 1751-1836
American statesman and essayist.
Madison served as the fourth president of the United States and is known as the Father of the Constitution. His contributions to the formation of the American republic were less visible than those of the other founding fathers and thus his career has long been overshadowed by, among others, Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, and Alexander Hamilton. His major publication, The Federalist (1788), is a collection of political and philosophical essays written to encourage ratification of the Constitution; it was produced under a pseudonym, “Publius” in collaboration with Hamilton and John Jay.
Madison was born March 16, 1751, in Orange County, Virginia, the oldest son of Nellie Conway Madison and James Madison Sr., a prominent landowner. He was educated at a private school under the direction of Donald Robertson, who introduced Madison to the principles of the Scottish Enlightenment that would later inform his political philosophy. He then studied with the Reverend Thomas Martin, a graduate of the prestigious College of New Jersey (now Princeton University), which Madison himself entered in 1769. At Princeton he studied under John Witherspoon and associated with fellow students Philip Freneau, Hugh Henry Brackenridge, Aaron Burr, and Henry Lee. Madison graduated in September 1771 after only two years, but the accelerated program of rigorous study left him in poor health. He remained in Princeton another year, continuing to study Hebrew and ethics. In 1772, Madison returned to Virginia and was appointed to the Orange County Committee of Safety in 1774. Two years later he became a delegate to the state constitutional convention and was then elected to the state assembly. Although he failed in his bid for a second term, he was elected by the assembly to the Governor's Council, serving first Patrick Henry and then Thomas Jefferson, who became his lifelong friend and collaborator. In 1780, Madison became a delegate to the Continental Congress, a position he held almost continually for the next eight years, while at the same time serving in the legislature of Virginia. By 1786, frustrated by the limitations of the Articles of Confederation, Madison began leading the call for a convention to reform or replace the Articles with a more effective means of governing the new nation.
During the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787, Madison earned fame as a careful scholar, a political philosopher, and a tireless statesman—leading debates (although his skills as an orator were overshadowed by those of his fellow Virginian Patrick Henry), and serving on numerous committees. During the proceedings he took extensive notes, which became the only detailed record of the controversies and compromises that eventually resulted in the United States Constitution. In order to secure ratification, Madison collaborated with Hamilton and Jay to produce a series of essays, originally published in newspapers, explaining and supporting the features of the new national government. After ratification Madison served in the first United States Congress as a member of the House of Representatives. In 1783, he married a widow seventeen years his junior, Dolley Payne Todd, who became known for her charm and outgoing personality—a contrast to Madison's quiet reserve. They were married for forty-two years. Madison withdrew from public life during John Adams's administration, but returned to Washington, D. C. as Jefferson's Secretary of State in 1801, a post he held for the next eight years. In 1809 he became the fourth president of the United States, succeeding Jefferson, and served for two terms. He died in 1836, having spent the last two decades of his life corresponding with friends and receiving visitors at Montpelier, his home in Virginia.
In 1785 Madison produced an essay in support of one of his most passionate political principles, the separation of church and state. Memorial and Remonstrance was first printed as a broadside against Patrick Henry's attempt to legislate state support for religious institutions, and then published as a pamphlet in 1786 and circulated as a petition. Its success was instrumental in securing the passage of Jefferson's bill for “Establishing Religious Freedom” in the state of Virginia. However, Madison's best-known works are The Federalist essays, which were written in support of ratification of the Constitution and which were first published serially and then as a two-volume set in 1788. The work is a joint effort by Madison, Hamilton, and Jay, and scholars have found it difficult to attribute authorship of the individual essays with any precision. Nonetheless, critics have generally agreed that Madison is solely responsible for essays 10, 14, 18-20, 37-58, 62, and 63, and that he collaborated with Hamilton on three others. Many critics believe that Madison's No. 10, of all the Federalist papers, is the most profound. The essay articulates Madison's theories on the dangers posed by factions within the democratic framework, and how best to contain their power. Madison also is considered the principal author of the first ten amendments to the Constitution, known as the Bill of Rights, which he drafted while serving in Congress during the Washington administration.
Madison's reputation as both author and founding father has long been overshadowed by those of his more flamboyant countrymen: the military hero George Washington, the statesman and author of the Declaration of Independence Thomas Jefferson, and the passionate orator Patrick Henry. Adrienne Koch is one of several critics who maintains that Madison “has not received due recognition for his immense contributions to American history and thought.” Koch attributes the problem, in part, to Madison's less-than-imposing physical presence, which apparently made him seem an unlikely American hero. In addition, Madison was a modest man, who often gave credit to his collaborators. For example, Koch reports that he rejected the title “Father of the Constitution,” insisting that the label was unjustified since the Constitution “ought to be regarded as the work of many heads & many hands.” Similarly, Robert Rutland asserts Madison's silent partnership in Jefferson's Virginia Statute on Religious Freedom through his anonymous publication of Memorial and Remonstrance. Although the notion of the separation of church and state has largely been attributed to Jefferson alone, according to Rutland, Madison demonstrated “a lifelong aversion to religious bigotry that antedated his association with that other great libertarian, Thomas Jefferson.”
More recently critics have begun to acknowledge Madison's importance in the formation of the early republic, particularly as co-author of The Federalist, considered by many historians as the single most important work of political theory in American history. Of the eighty-five individual essays, much of the attention has been devoted to the twenty-nine that Madison composed, particularly No. 10. According to Theodore Draper: “No. 10 of The Federalist has long been regarded as the greatest paper in that greatest of all works of American political thought.” A. E. Dick Howard explains its enduring value: “In Federalist No. 10, Madison saw a central problem of government—in terms that are uncannily prescient—as being to reconcile rivalries among competing economic groups.”
Many modern scholars focus on possible sources for Madison's political theories. Garry Wills, among others, attributes some of Madison's ideas on the extended republic to philosopher David Hume. Draper speculates that Hume's association with the Tory cause in England made him extremely unpopular among Madison's contemporaries—particularly Adams and Jefferson—and Madison, therefore, took great pains to hide the source of his inspiration. Nonetheless, Draper concludes that Madison added considerably to Hume's insights: “Hume had alluded to the importance of property in politics without reference to the large republic and to the large republic without reference to property in politics. Madison put them together.” Most scholars agree that by adapting the principles of Enlightenment thinkers to the unique conditions of life in America, Madison managed to create a Constitution that endures as a monument to his political philosophy.
Memorial and Remonstrance, Presented to the General Assembly, of the State of Virginia, at Their Session in 1785, in consequence of a Bill Brought into that Assembly for the Establishment of Religion by Law (pamphlet) 1786
The Federalist: A Collection of Essays, Written in Favour of the New Constitution, As Agreed upon by the Federal Convention [with Alexander Hamilton and John Jay]. 2 vols. (essays) 1788
“Advice to My Country” (essay) 1834
The Papers of James Madison, Purchased by Order of Congress. 3 vols. (essays and letters) 1840
The Writings of James Madison. 9 vols. (essays and letters) 1900-10
The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787. 4 vols. (notebook) 1911
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SOURCE: Burns, Edward McNall. “Views on Democracy.” In James Madison: Philosopher of the Constitution, 1938. Reprint, pp. 60-90. New York: Octagon Books, 1968.
[In the following essay, Burns compares Madison's views on democracy with those of his contemporaries, notably Thomas Jefferson.]
The subject of this chapter involves first of all a matter of definition. In the modern age the term democracy in the political sense has generally been defined in either of two ways. Since about 1825 it has usually been understood to mean the sovereignty of the majority, with few if any restrictions upon the right of the majority to put its will into effect. Thus defined, it has generally implied universal manhood suffrage, direct election of all of the principal officers of government, frequent elections, some degree of direct government, at least to the extent of popular referenda on constitutional changes, and, finally, an abiding faith in the political wisdom and virtue of the masses. In this form, as an American ideal, it has had as its principal source the Jacksonian Revolution of the 1820's.
There has also been an older and broader definition, perhaps comprising all of the meaning given to the term by Harold J. Laski when he defined it as “The effort of men to affirm their own essence and to remove all barriers to that affirmation.”1 At any rate democracy in this broader...
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SOURCE: Ketcham, Ralph L. “James Madison and Judicial Review.” Syracuse Law Review 8, no. 2 (spring 1957): 158-65.
[In the following essay, Ketcham discusses Madison's changing position on which branch of the government should possess the ultimate power to review laws and interpret the Constitution.]
The problem which most concerned the framers of the Constitution in the summer of 1787 and which most vexed those who put the new government into operation in the succeeding years was that of final interpretation of the Constitution. As a leader in the drafting, ratification, and implementation of the Constitution, James Madison's view on the question of interpretation was of special interest. Furthermore, the particular nature of Madison's political theory made the matter of where the final decision rested of crucial importance. Madison's cardinal tenet was that unchecked power in human hands was liable to abuse, and hence that government was “least imperfect” which kept a check on all exercise of power and authority. But, Madison unlike many political philosophers, acted on the stage of history, and was required to take a stand, over and over again, on real problems which confronted a real government. And, the nature of government was such, as Madison recognized, that it did have to act and coerce, and in the long run must exercise power which in the moment of action was in effect unchecked....
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SOURCE: Koch, Adrienne. “Justice.” In Madison's “Advice to My Country,” pp. 53-99. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966.
[In the following essay, Koch refutes the negative critical reputation accorded Madison throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and considers the concept of justice as the ultimate goal of Madison's political philosophy.]
Inadequate humanistic scholarship in America has done Madison a great disservice. I make this judgment sadly, and reserve from the generalization two recent works—the Hutchinson edition of the Papers of James Madison, now in progress, and Irving Brant's six-volume biography Madison. But it is difficult to escape the judgment that for over a century since his death, Madison has not received due recognition for his immense contributions to American history and thought.
Now, one reason we have been generally tendered an abstraction or a bitter caricature in place of the man has been partly the result of good intentions, partly accident, and only partly deliberate. Madison's early editors, for example, deleted a phrase from a youthful letter to William Bradford, his “old Nassovian Friend,” dressing down some Tory pamphleteers. Madison was fuming about authors who write with “all the rage of impotence”—and here the delicacy of his editors made them delete the completion of the metaphor,...
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SOURCE: Morgan, Robert J. “Madison's Theory of Representation in the Tenth Federalist.” The Journal of Politics 36, no. 4 (November 1974): 852-85.
[In the following essay, Morgan claims that Madison's views on the merits of representative government have been misinterpreted by scholars.]
For decades scholars have overlooked the full significance of James Madison's direct statement in the “Tenth” Federalist: “a scheme of representation … promises the cure for [faction] which we are seeking.”1 It is surprising that they have ignored, also, his related prescription of a constitutional equilibrium to be achieved by allocating representation between the major sections as the primary means of controlling this source of faction. The first step to be taken in founding the new American republic, he asserted, was “a change in the principle of representation.”2 Even when the Convention rejected his recommendation of equilibrium, the other change in representation was sufficiently novel and significant, Madison believed, to prove wrong the European theorists who opposed republicanism except in small trading cities. Europe had discovered representation, he conceded, but Americans could claim the merit of transforming that discovery by making “representation … the basis of unmixed and extensive republics.”3
From this preliminary...
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SOURCE: Draper, Theodore. “Hume & Madison: The Secrets of Federalist Paper No. 10,” Encounter 58, no. 2 (February 1982): 34-47.
[In the following essay, Draper discusses Madison's debt to David Hume in the development of his concept of the “extended republic.”]
“No. 10” of The Federalist has long been regarded as the greatest paper in that greatest of all works of American political thought. The most recent testimony to its enduring importance and fascination is Garry Wills' new book, Explaining America: The Federalist.1 His explanation comes to a climax with an extended consideration of “No. 10” and the secret which had long been buried in it: Where did James Madison get the idea for his “extended republic”?
The idea had long been considered peculiarly Madisonian. Only after 156 years was the secret revealed. In 1943, it was disclosed by Douglass Adair in a doctoral dissertation at Yale University entitled “The Intellectual Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy: Republicanism, the Class Struggle, and the Virtuous Farmer.” Adair never published his dissertation, apparently because he changed his mind about its pro-Madisonian, anti-Hamiltonian bias. A portion of it dealing with the historical background of the “tenth” Federalist appeared, however, in the William and Mary Quarterly (of which Adair was then editor) in 1951;...
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SOURCE: Rutland, Robert A. “James Madison's Dream: A Secular Republic.” In James Madison on Religious Liberty, edited by Robert S. Alley, pp. 199-206. Buffalo, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1985.
[In the following essay, originally published in 1983, Rutland examines Madison's advocacy of the separation of church and state, which led to the treatise, Memorial and Remonstrance.]
Any clear-headed historian who reaches his ninetieth year in reasonably good health is going to be asked a lot of silly questions, as Dumas Malone found to be the case in 1982. But like all wise men, Malone was able to turn the tables when he rephrased a mindless query about American history into a sensible one. The question as it finally came out: “What is the most fortunate aspect of American history?” The biographer of Thomas Jefferson scarcely hesitated. “The fact that we became a nation and immediately separated church and state—it has saved us from all the misery that has beset mankind with inquisitions, internecine and civil wars, and other assorted ills,” Malone said. “Jefferson's part in this is what he wanted remembered, and it is certainly a great contribution to mankind.” Reminded that Madison helped Jefferson push the 1786 Statute on Religious Freedom through the Virginia legislature, Malone added: “Yes, of course Madison felt the same way—nearly all the Founding Fathers did.” (In his homespun way,...
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SOURCE: Howard, A. E. Dick. “James Madison and the Founding of the Republic.” In James Madison on Religious Liberty, edited by Robert S. Alley, pp. 21-34. Buffalo, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1985.
[In the following essay, Howard discusses Madison's role in formulating the Constitution and founding the republic.]
James Madison—by common consent, the Father of the nation's Constitution—was in many ways an unlikely candidate for the historic role he played in the founding of our republic. Madison was not what we today would call “charismatic”; indeed, for strong personality, it is Dolley, not James, that history remembers.
Unprepossessing in appearance—he stood only five feet six inches tall—and often in ill health during his early years, Madison lacked the majestic bearing, physical prowess, and martial skills of George Washington. His prose, while copious and competent, missed the bite of Paine or the elegance and lucidity of Jefferson. In an age when public speaking was a highly prized political tool, Madison was plagued by a weak voice and hobbled by self-consciousness. Madison was so unimpressive a public speaker that he felt suited neither for the ministry nor the law as a profession (either of which would have been a natural vocation for a person of Madison's intellectual interests).
Madison more than made up for his shortcomings, however, with his...
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SOURCE: Miller, William Lee. “Many Hands.” In The Business of May Next: James Madison and the Founding, pp. 142-52. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1992.
[In the following essay, Miller discusses Madison's role as the “Father of the Constitution,” suggesting that such a label is inappropriate given the collaborative nature of the founding of the republic.]
Was Madison the Father of the Constitution? That is the wrong metaphor, for Madison or for anyone else. The singleness of the metaphor of fatherhood is inappropriate to the collaborative complexity of this successful republican state-making. A later president, John F. Kennedy, quoting a “Chinese proverb” that no one has been able to find, would remark that “victory has a hundred fathers. Defeat is an orphan.”
Was Madison the most important of the several parents of the Constitution? Madison failed to carry not only the two big points, very important to him—the federal “negative” of state legislation, and state equality in the second house—but also a variety of other positions. One could make—and historian Forrest McDonald has in fact made—a list of the items that Madison at one time or another favored that did not emerge in the final product. After extracting from the debates at the convention and from the fifteen points of the Virginia Plan a long list of...
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SOURCE: Cohen, I. Bernard. “Science and the Constitution.” In Science and the Founding Fathers: Science in the Political Thought of Jefferson, Franklin, Adams, and Madison, pp. 262-72. New York: W. W. Norton, 1995.
[In the following excerpt, Cohen discusses Madison's education in the scientific disciplines and his scientific references in The Federalist papers.]
JAMES MADISON'S SCIENTIFIC EDUCATION
James Madison's early education included the study of Latin and Greek, history, rhetoric, and some mathematics: arithmetic, algebra, and geometry.1 At the age of eighteen he entered the College of New Jersey at Princeton, now grown into Princeton University, rather than following the traditional path of young Virginians to William and Mary. The college had been founded in 1746, twenty-three years before Madison's arrival as a freshman. In 1768, a year before Madison entered as a student, John Witherspoon came from Scotland to take over the presidency of the college. Witherspoon had been greatly influenced by the thinking of some of that group of intellectuals who spearheaded what is sometimes known as the Scottish Enlightenment. At Princeton, he devoted himself, among other duties, to improving the teaching of science.2 It was during Witherspoon's presidency that the college obtained the celebrated Rittenhouse orrery, which exhibited to the students a...
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SOURCE: Matthews, Richard K. “Property: Rights and Possessions, Democracy and Despair.” In If Men Were Angels: James Madison and the Heartless Empire of Reason, pp. 117-72. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995.
[In the following essay, Matthews examines Madison's 1792 essay “Property,” claiming that his views on the institution of private property were complex and insightful.]
In a word, as a man is said to have a right to his property, he may be equally said to have a property in his rights.1
While Federalist “10” on the control of factions and Federalist “54” on slavery contain some of the basic propositions of Madison's theory of property, his 1792 National Gazette essay “Property” presents his fullest and most far-reaching insights into this institution. In its dynamic logic and internal tension, “Property” represents the quintessential Madison.2 The essay demonstrates the richness of Madison's concept of property as well as the temporal, and ultimately destructive, dimensions of the institution. These aspects Madison comprehended. He hoped to forestall their consequences through political and social institutions, even though he knew that on this problem time stood against him.
Madison opened this essay differentiating between...
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Ketcham, Ralph. “James Madison at Princeton.” Princeton University Library Chronicle 28, no. 1 (autumn 1966): 24-54.
Provides an account of Madison's three years at the College of New Jersey, which came to be known as Princeton University, including details of the curriculum, the faculty, and the political atmosphere.
Branson, Roy. “James Madison and the Scottish Enlightenment.” Journal of the History of Ideas 40, no. 2 (April-June 1979): 235-50.
Explores the connections between Madison's political and social theory and the writings of the philosophers associated with the Scottish Enlightenment: David Hume, Adam Smith, John Millar, Adam Ferguson, and William Robertson.
Carey, George W. “Separation of Powers and the Madisonian Model: A Reply to the Critics.” The American Political Science Review 72, no. 1 (March 1978): 151-64.
Responds to critics who have charged that Madison supported separation of powers as a means of protecting the interests of particular influential groups and claims that Madison's true motives were to guard against governmental tyranny.
Epstein, David F. The Political Theory of the Federalist. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984, 234 p.
Presents a thorough examination...
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