The Governess in Nineteenth-Century Literature
The Governess in Nineteenth-Century Literature
In the nineteenth century, the figure of the governess held an ambiguous place in the cultural imagination. Young girls dreaded the possibility of becoming governesses, while children carried their experience with their governesses well into adulthood—either traumatized by cruel or inept instructors, or filled with fondness and admiration for the women who were closer to them than their own mothers. Governesses populate nineteenth century fiction, and there is an abundance of journals, letters, and memoirs to validate those many fictional representations with real-life experiences. Employed in England since the reign of the Tudors, the governess was initially associated only with aristocratic houses; by the turn of the nineteenth century, however, changing economic conditions gave rise to increasing numbers of middle-class families who could afford governesses. Factory owners, businessmen, and even farmers began hiring governesses for the education of their children—a visible sign of the economic and social success of the family. Indeed, retaining a governess served as a status symbol, signifying the power and wealth of the family. A governess also helped validate a family's membership in the ranks of the leisure class, a station characterized by the fact that the lady of the house was truly a woman of leisure. In the past, the upper middle-class mother had been responsible not only for household duties but also for the primary education of her children. However, by engaging a governess, the Victorian mother freed herself of her primary obligation to her children and could concentrate on her philanthropic obligations.
During the nineteenth century, the term governess was often used indiscriminately to indicate governesses in private homes as well as mistresses at schools. In essence, there were three types of governesses: a school teacher; a woman who resided at one place and traveled to another home to teach (a “daily governess”); and a woman who lived in a household in order to teach the children and serve as a companion to them (a “private governess”). An unmarried woman, the governess would not have been confused with the nurse, who was a member of the servant class and responsible for all the physical and emotional needs of the children during their first four to five years of life. Upon reaching this age, the children would be turned over to a nursery governess, who was responsible for the education of both boys and girls until they reached the age of eight. Foremost among the duties of the nursery governess was the teaching of reading and writing. A preparatory governess would then teach the girls of the household such subjects as English, geography, history, singing, piano, drawing, and needlework until they reached the age of twelve, when a finishing governess or a boarding school instructor would take over their education. Having been further schooled in the fine arts of dancing, piano, and singing, the girls, by the ages of seventeen or eighteen, would then be ready for their social debut, at which point their adult lives (and the search for a suitable husband) began. Boys, on the other hand, typically left the tutelage of their governess at the age of eight, when they entered a preparatory school. This was in keeping with the Victorian belief that the education of boys was of vital importance, based on their future roles as supporters of their own families. Girls had much less need for a formal education, since their prospects for marriage were based primarily on their personal fortunes and secondarily on their personal appearance and genteel manners.
It was this emphasis on gentility that characterized a good governess—and also contributed to a great deal of social conflict. Above all, a good governess had to be a lady herself, in order to instill in her students proper morals and values. Yet as a group, governesses were generally seen as inferior and often looked upon with scorn. It was considered a great misfortune for a middle-class woman to leave her home and accept pay for an outside career, and once a woman did so, she was often excluded from her former society. Another area contributing to social conflict was the oftentimes tumultuous relationship between the governess and the mother. Considered during the Victorian era as fulfilling the natural duty of womanhood, mothers were defined by their role within the domestic sphere. Yet in those households with governesses, mothers voluntarily handed over the responsibility for the moral and intellectual upbringing of their children to paid employees, thus raising the question of whether or not the maternal “instinct” could be bought. This issue was resolved somewhat by the directive given by nineteenth-century advice writers: governesses, unlike mothers, had to learn to love the children, whereas these actions came naturally to a mother. Moreover, a governess could not expect any affection from her students in return. In this way, the mother was not ousted from her role as the principal figure in her children's lives. Further complicating matters was the fact that even though the governess was, at least in theory, in charge of the moral, social, and intellectual development of the children, she had little real authority over them. Often the target of malicious or insolent behavior by the children, she was powerless to stop it lest she displease the parents and find herself out of work. The general dismissive attitude towards governesses had many roots, but there is an abundance of instances in contemporary letters, journals, and fiction describing public humiliation and degradation by employers of the very person they'd charged with the upbringing of their children.
The yearly salary for a governess ranged from fifteen to one hundred pounds, the latter figure reflecting the wages of a very well-educated woman working for an extremely wealthy family. The average wage was generally considered low—between twenty to forty pounds per year, at a time when the typical agricultural wage hovered was thirty pounds per year. Although a private governess was provided with food and shelter, she was expected to either buy or make her own clothes, keeping in mind that she was required to look presentable at all times in order to avoid shaming her employer. She was also expected to pay for her own medical care, travel expenses, and laundry, and she could expect no security of employment. Concerns over the “plight” of women in this state led to the establishment of such charitable organizations as the short-lived and generally unsuccessful Governesses' Mutual Assurance Society in 1829. This was followed in 1841 by the London-based Governesses' Benevolent Institution. Reorganized in 1843, the GBI provided financial assistance to retired or unemployed governesses, who had no provisions for illness or old age. The GBI also offered temporary housing to unemployed governesses as well as a registry of governesses seeking employment, for the benefit of potential employers. In addition, Queen's College was established in 1848 in order to provide a formal education for governesses and help raise their marketability. Other middle-class women benefited from the services of such groups as the National Benevolent Emigration Society and the Female Middle-Class Emigration Society (1862). Choosing to leave behind the crowded market in England, many women emigrated to British colonies in South Africa, New Zealand, and Australia, as well as to Canada, the United States, India, and Russia, hoping to find employment as governesses overseas.
These efforts, however, did not halt the perception perpetuated by some Victorian women, including Harriet Martineau and Charlotte and Anne Brontë, that governesses suffered miserably as a result of repeated humiliations, sexual repression, and intense loneliness. Not equal to her employer, yet not typically considered a servant, the governess was often isolated, not being able to socialize with members of either group; moreover, she often resided in a remote part of the house with only her pupils for company, which further contributed to her seclusion. Any flirtation or attraction between a gentleman and a governess was strictly forbidden, and a governess was obliged to downplay her own sexuality in order to avoid any misperceptions; as a result, the stereotype of the stern, strict, and severe governess was quick to emerge. Despite this popular image, which indeed has its basis in fact, there were many examples of happy situations in which the governess was respected and well-treated by her employers and was loved by her pupils.
Toward the end of the eighteenth century, the governess began to appear in a peripheral role as a character in literature, exemplified by Jane Austen's Emma (1815). In the novel, Jane Fairfax is “condemned” to the governess trade but is saved from this fate by her engagement to a man of some fortune. In addition, Emma's own governess leaves the Woodhouse family once Emma is an adult and marries a widower of great wealth. The governess continued to appear in fiction during the following decades and was portrayed in a variety of ways: as a grotesque figure, an evil influence, a virtuous maiden, and a down-trodden and ill-used employee. Common themes included the pitting of the lady of the house against the governess and the often cruel behavior inflicted upon the governess by her pupils. The governess first appeared as a central character in British literature with the serial publication of William Thackeray's morality novel Vanity Fair in 1847. Involving the ethical breakdown of society, Vanity Fair revolves around Rebecca Sharp, a French instructor at a girls' school. A wicked and dangerous woman, Rebecca leaves the school in order to become a governess, finding employment with the family of Sir Pitt Crawley, an ill-mannered baronet. Rebecca secretly marries Crawley's younger son and is able to climb through high society by immoral means, including cheating and lying. In the end she is shunned by decent society.
Charlotte Brontë's Jane Eyre also appeared in 1847, and became a bestseller almost instantly. Critics have suggested that the rapidly increasing levels of literacy among women, combined with an intense interest in the uncertain status of unmarried middle-class Victorian women contributed greatly to the immense popularity of novels like Jane Eyre, The Professor, and Shirley, as well as Agnes Grey (1847) by Charlotte's sister Anne. The Brontës themselves were obliged to find means to support themselves when marriage eluded all three girls, and their father's clergyman salary was insufficient to provide for all three daughters. Charlotte, Anne, and Emily each received educations that prepared them to be teachers, and all three spent some time as governesses—with universally unhappy results. Anne was nineteen when she first became a governess, tutoring two children whom she described in a letter as “unruly and violent.” She worked as a governess for a second family from 1840 to 1845, and used her own experiences as the basis for Agnes Grey, a novel about a highly moral governess (and daughter of a clergyman) and her somewhat vulgar, selfish employers. Charlotte, who worked as a governess for several families during her career, hated the profession even more than did her sister Anne. Jane Eyre is told as an autobiography and relates the story of an orphan girl, educated at a charitable school, who becomes the governess to the ward of mysterious Mr. Rochester. Jane is not a typical female character, and despite her small, unattractive person and her strict morals, she defies convention and is able to leave behind her profession by marrying Rochester.
During the 1850s and 1860s, governess fiction took the form of melodramatic novels that centered on the dual nature of the female experience. In Mrs. Henry Wood's popular East Lynne (1861), for example, the adulterous and deceptive governess embodies the evil, dark side of the female experience while the lady of the house represents the Christian ideals of genteel virtue and motherhood. Governesses were also featured in sensationalistic works revolving around revenge and cruelty. In Uncle Silas (1864), Anglo-Irish writer Sheridan Le Fanu explored the suspicious and fearful manner in which Victorians often held foreign governesses. Although foreign governesses were popular in England because of their excellent training and their ability to teach foreign languages, Victorians typically perceived them as sexual, aggressive, and powerful. In the thriller Uncle Silas, the Frenchwoman Madame de la Rougierre is hired as the governess for Maud, a motherless child. The personification of evil, de la Rougierre steals, drinks, and even plans murder, and stands in stark contrast to Maud's genteel and kind English cousin, who serves as her protector.
One of the last pieces of nineteenth-century fiction to feature a governess is the disturbing and ambiguous Turn of the Screw (1898). Written by Henry James, The Turn of the Screw has generated an enormous amount of critical debate, most of which revolves around the issue of the narrator's reliability. In the novella, an unnamed, young, innocent daughter of a country parson is hired as the governess to the niece and nephew of a wealthy bachelor. In the course of the story, the governess-narrator sees a horrific man in the house, and later finds out that it is the ghost of the master's former valet. She also witnesses the ghostly appearance of the previous governess, Miss Jessel, and concludes that these evil spirits have arisen from the dead to seize the children. Victorian readers found the story nightmarish, and critics continue to examine whether the governess is a trustworthy source or whether she is insane, making the alleged visits by the ghosts merely products of her mad hallucinations.
Emma (novel) 1815
Agnes Grey (novel) 1847
Jane Eyre (novel) 1847
Shirley (novel) 1849
Villette (novel) 1853
No Name (novel) 1862
Armadale (novel) 1866
Wives and Daughters (novel) 1866
The Turn of the Screw (novella) 1898
Sheridan Le Fanu
Uncle Silas (novel) 1864
A Lost Name (novel) 1868
Amy Herbert 2 vols. (novel) 1844
The Book of Snobs (novel) 1847
Vanity Fair (novel) 1848
The Newcomes (novel) 1855
Barchester Towers (novel) 1857
The Eustace Diamonds (novel) 1873
Ellen (“Nellie”) Weeton
Miss Weeton—Journal of a Governess, edited by Edward Hall (journal) 1936
Mrs. Henry Wood
East Lynne (novel) 1861
The Daisy Chain; or, Aspirations: A Family Chronicle (novel) 1856
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Criticism: Overviews And General Studies
SOURCE: “The Victorian Governess: Status Incongruence in Family and Society,” in Victorian Studies, Vol. 14, No. 1, September, 1970, pp. 7-26.
[In the following essay, Peterson considers the role of the governess within the Victorian middle-class family, focusing primarily on the incongruencies inherent in the notion of “employed gentlewoman.”]
The governess is a familiar figure to the reader of victorian novels. Immortalized in Jane Eyre and Vanity Fair, she has made frequent appearances as the heroine of many lesser-known novels. And innumerable governesses appear as little more than a standard furnishing in many a fictional Victorian home. While twentieth-century acquaintance with the governess may come purely from the novel, the Victorians themselves found her situation and prospects widely discussed, frivolously in Punch, and more seriously in many of the leading journals of the time, so often in fact that one author on the subject of female labor in Great Britain suggested that readers were “wearied … with the incessant repetition of the dreary story of spirit-broken governesses.”1 The governess's life is described in what seem today to be over-dramatized accounts of pauperized gentle-women, “drifted waifs and strays from ‘the upper and middle classes,’” who find their way to the workhouse and insane asylum.2 And there are...
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SOURCE: “A Perfect Treadmill of Learning,” in The Victorian Governess, The Hambledon Press, 1993, pp. 55-84.
[In the following essay, Hughes provides an overview of governess life, discussing the oftentimes tumultuous relationship between the governess and the mother, the bond a governess might share with her students, and the typical subjects a governess was expected to teach.]
We had eight hours a day of lessons, and sometimes even more, getting up at six o'clock, summer and winter, and commencing work at seven … [it was] a perfect treadmill of learning.
Georgiana Sitwell, recalling her schoolroom of 1834 Osbert Sitwell (ed.), Two Generations (1940)
Many mothers … will gladly engage a governess who will do the great work of education and will employ masters for the less important one of teaching.
Mary Maurice, Governess Life (1849)
Throughout Victoria's reign motherhood was regarded as the most valuable and natural component of female experience. By the middle of the century the evangelicals' earlier teachings on the duties and rewards of maternal love had spread through all the Protestant denominations until they had become an established part of bourgeois culture. As the guardians of the home and hearth, women were charged with...
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SOURCE: “Genteel Emigrants,” in The Governesses: Letters from the Colonies, 1862-1882, Hutchinson, 1985, pp. 1-23.
[In the following essay, Clarke offers a history of the Female Middle Class Emigration Society and an overview of the more than three hundred female emigrants who were sponsored by the Society and sent overseas to seek employment as governesses.]
‘Amongst no class does greater distress exist than amongst the class of poor governesses …’
Jane Lewin, London, 1863
When Emily Streeter, a young, vulnerable but spirited girl, landed in Sydney from London on the Rachel in September 1861 in search of employment as a governess, she symbolised the hopes of many women in Great Britain for a better life overseas. Educated and genteel, but unmarried and unemployed, they hoped that their services would be in demand in the British colonies in one of the few congenial occupations then open to them. In England, women like Emily Streeter faced lives of quiet desperation as they searched for employment in an overcrowded market. Their hopes of finding a governess's paradise in the colonies often were not realised, but the more adaptable found a measure of success.
Emily Streeter, one of a group of six women who pioneered a scheme for the emigration of governesses from Great Britain, was not immediately...
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SOURCE: “The Anathematized Race: The Governess and Jane Eyre,” in Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England, University of Chicago Press, 1988, pp. 126-63.
[In the following essay, Poovey focuses on the vast amount of attention given to the “plight” of the governess during the 1840s and 1850s, examining such factors as social stability, the Victorian notion of the domestic ideal, and the increasing economic independence of women.]
The governess was a familiar figure to midcentury middle-class Victorians, just as she is now to readers of Victorian novels.1 Even before Becky Sharp and Jane Eyre gave names to the psychological type of the governess, her “plight” was the subject of numerous 1830s novels; by the 1840s, the governess had become a subject of concern to periodical essayists as well. In part, the attention the governess received in the 1840s was a response to the annual reports of the Governesses' Benevolent Institution, the charity founded in 1841 and reorganized in 1843.2 But the activities of the GBI were also responses to a widespread perception that governesses were a problem of—and for—all members of the middle class. For many women, the problem was immediate and concrete; after all, as one editor of the English Woman's Journal remarked in 1858, every middle-class woman knows at least one governess,...
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SOURCE: “‘The Dullest Life Ever Dragged on by Mortal …’,” in Tyrant or Victim? A History of the British Governess, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1991, pp. 66-75.
[In the following excerpt, Renton contends that regardless of the qualifications of the governess, most employers treated her with disrespect and considered her simply a “superior servant.”]
All things considered, in the nineteenth century an expensive education for a daughter was not a sound investment for a middle-class father. Even in statistical terms it was a risky one. Supposing he had five girls out of, say ten children: it was quite possible that during their childhood or adolescence he would lose one or two from measles, whooping cough, dyptheria, smallpox, scarlet fever, consumption or one of the other hazards that they might encounter before they reached adulthood. Even if they survived all these, the conditions of childbirth were such that it was likely that at least one of them would die while giving birth, a risk each young woman would be expected to run for as long as her strength would bear it, and often longer, even in the most affectionate families. Supposing, once educated, she lived to a good age; after marriage there was nothing she could do to capitalise on it, so there was little gain for either the family that gave the daughter or the family that received her in marriage. Thus there was no point in spending more...
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SOURCE: “Fighting for Respect,” in Tyrant or Victim? A History of the British Governess, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1991, pp. 96-105.
[In the following excerpt, Renton discusses the difficulties governesses faced with their social standing within the family as well as frequently unfavorable working conditions and inadequate pay.]
Whatever the circumstances, a governess had to maintain her appearance of gentility; one of her best selling points was the fact that she was, or appeared to be, a gentlewoman. She was described in one issue of the Quarterly Review as ‘a being who is our equal in birth, manners, and education, but our inferior in worldly wealth’. This was a kindly way of depicting her, since the typical governess was the spinster daughter of a poor clergyman, of little education and of means so slender that she would work for a pittance. But it is an insight into the perception of the kind of family that increasingly came to provide her employment. As affluence spread downwards through the social classes, ‘keeping a governess’ became a status symbol in the household of the small professional man. Nellie Weeton recognised the reason for her employ with Mr Pedder: ‘I am only kept here from ostentation, not out of real kindness to his wife.’
Adaptable as they ever had to be, governesses saw their advantage and learned to play the snob card, using their refined...
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SOURCE: An introduction to A Governess in the Age of Jane Austen: The Journals and Letters of Agnes Porter, The Hambledon Press, 1998, pp. 1-74.
[In the following excerpt, the journals and letters of late eighteenth-century governess Agnes Porter are discussed. Comparisons are made between Porter's experiences and those portrayed in Jane Austen's fiction.]
Ann Agnes Porter was born in Edinburgh, a few years after the Jacobite rising of 1745.1 For twenty years between 1784 and 1806, living in Somerset, Dorset and then South Wales, she was governess to the children and grandchildren of the second Earl of Ilchester. Agnes's first surviving journal was written in 1788, four years after she had joined Lord Ilchester's family, and a little over a year before the fall of the Bastille. Her last letter was written in January 1814. She died at Bruton in Somerset in the following month, just as twenty years of war between Britain and France were drawing to a close.
Jane Austen's Pride and Prejudice was published a year before Agnes Porter's death. There is no indication that Agnes ever read the novel, nor does she mention Sense and Sensibility, which was published two years earlier. But the society depicted in Jane Austen's novels was very much Agnes Porter's own world: a world of country houses and vicarages, of balls and card parties, and of visits to London and popular...
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Criticism: Fictional Governesses
SOURCE: “Reflections of a Governess: Image and Distortion in The Turn of the Screw,” in Nineteenth-Century Fiction, Vol. 23, No. 1, June, 1968, pp. 49-63.
[In the following essay, Aswell argues that The Turn of the Screw is a non-supernatural tale revolving around the narrator's inability to confront and acknowledge her dark side.]
The governess in The Turn of the Screw judges her experiences in simplistic moral terms: Miles and Flora are threatened by diabolical fiends and can only be saved by her angelic intervention. In truth, however, the governess not only creates the activities of Peter Quint and Miss Jessel out of her imagination; it is she herself who is the intruding ghost at Bly, carrying out the functions and duties she ascribes to her supposed enemies.1 Her puritanical morality requires that salvation can occur only after the confession of sins. And in order to wring a confession from the tortured children, she is forced to act out the parts of their fiendish tempters in order that she may then act out the part of the angelic deliverer and save them. She becomes convinced that Quint and Miss Jessel have returned to gain possession of the children, and, having developed a neat intellectual theory of their behavior, she proceeds unconsciously to fulfill their mission. The tale's tragic irony resides in the fact that the governess succeeds in the first half of...
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SOURCE: “Exposure in The Turn of the Screw,” in Modern Philology, Vol. 78, No. 3, February, 1981, pp. 261-74.
[In the following essay, Schrero contends that The Turn of the Screw should be analyzed in terms of various cultural beliefs and traditions common to the Victorian era—particularly the interactions between children, parents, servants, and governesses.]
Few critics since 1925 have responded to The Turn of the Screw as its first reviewers did in 1898. Edna Kenton's 1925 essay, which was to be amplified by Edmund Wilson's three versions of “The Ambiguity of Henry James,” foreshadowed a series of ironic readings that have swelled into the mainstream of interpretation. In 1898, however, the story seemed only too clear, for reviewers complained about its horrors and confessed to being frightened by them.1 As late as 1916, William Lyon Phelps saw in the tale “the connoting strength of its author's reticence,” which made his meaning sufficiently clear. And for Phelps, as for the first reviewers, this meaning was spine chilling; it was also “profoundly ethical, making to all those who are interested in the moral welfare of boys and girls an appeal simply terrific in its intensity.” Such views stand in contrast to late twentieth-century readings of The Turn of the Screw which trace multiple and contradictory meanings in it rather than the image of a...
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SOURCE: “Jamesian Parody, Jane Eyre, and The Turn of the Screw,” in Modern Language Studies, Vol. 13, No. 4, Fall, 1983, pp. 61-78.
[In the following essay, Petry claims that with The Turn of the Screw James wrote a parody of the popular novel Jane Eyre, portraying his own narrator (the unnamed governess) as an almost exact parody of Brontë's famous female protagonist.]
Ever since it was first published in 1898, Henry James's The Turn of the Screw has received a phenomenal amount of critical attention and popular acclaim; and no small portion of this perennial interest is due to the fact that there are basically two ways in which to read the story: (1)that the ghosts of Peter Quint and Miss Jessel really do appear to the governess (and that, consequently, she is indeed a reliable narrator); or (2)that the ghosts do not exist, and the governess is deluded—perhaps insane.1 I happen to agree with the second interpretation, with the important qualification that I do not believe the governess is insane. Rather, I would argue that the governess, a basically normal albeit sensitive and impressionistic young lady, has been unduly influenced by her reading of one of the most popular books of the nineteenth century, Jane Eyre; more specifically, that the tragic events which occur at Bly are the direct result of her perceptions of herself, her employer,...
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SOURCE: “Reader, I Married Him,” in The Victorian Governess, The Hambledon Press, 1993, pp. 1-9.
[In the following excerpt, Hughes provides an overview of nineteenth-century fiction featuring the character of the governess, beginning with Jane Austen's 1816 novel Emma, and ending with James' 1898 novella The Turn of the Screw.]
Reader, I married him. A quiet wedding we had: he and I, the parson and clerk, were alone present.
Charlotte Brontë, Jane Eyre (1847)
It is a curious proof of the present feeling towards governesses, that they are made the heroines of many popular novels.
Mary Maurice, Governess Life (1849)
If we think we know the Victorian governess it is because we have read her story—or something which purports to be her story—in numerous novels of the day. For that reason any investigation into her life and times has to begin with the popular images, the confusions and the fantasies which have both familiarised the governess as an historical subject and, paradoxically, made her more remote.
The year 1847 marked the governess' arrival at the very heart of the English novel.1 While she had been hovering on its edges since the end of the previous century, it was not until that year that a...
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SOURCE: “Jane Eyre: The Tale of the Governess,” in American Scholar, Vol. 65, No. 2, Spring, 1996, pp. 263-69.
[In the following essay, Bell focuses on what she describes as Jane's intense desire for independence, which the critic argues is the heroine's prime “social fault.”]
Although Jane Eyre is a love story that ends in marriage, everything Jane says about herself is calculated to show that she is not the romantic heroine for whom the marriage ending is a foregone conclusion. To begin with, she is plain; her lack of the requisite beauty of such a heroine is stressed continually. She is puny, her features irregular—and her unpromising physical attributes never fail to be remarked upon by everyone she encounters, and by herself. Even as a child, her appearance contrasts, like that of George Eliot's Maggie Tulliver, with a cousin's “pink cheeks and golden curls [which] seemed to give delight to all who looked at her, and to purchase indemnity for every fault.” But she is also different from the romantic heroine in her rejection of the defect—seen as a grace—of female helplessness. She is threateningly intelligent, forthright to the point of bluntness, submitting herself mentally to no one, not even when she finally does improbably win a man's love. Her unsubmissiveness, her independence is her social fault.
With Rochester as with everyone an urge...
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SOURCE: “Sheridan Le Fanu's Ungovernable Governesses,” in Studies in the Novel, Vol. 29, No. 2, Summer, 1997, pp. 214-37.
[In the following essay, Mangum explores how the grotesque, abusive, powerful, and gender-ambivalent governesses in Le Fanu's short stories and novels challenge traditional patriarchal authority and threaten domestic order.]
The stereotypical down-trodden, ill-used Victorian governess abandons her abject demeanor and launches into the domestic fray over social and cultural authority in the work of Anglo-Irish short story writer, novelist, journalist, and editor, Sheridan Le Fanu (1814-1873). Duplicitous, grotesque, alcoholic, foreign, and gender-ambivalent, the governesses that haunt his short stories, his best-known novel Uncle Silas (1864), and the lesser-known novel A Lost Name (1868) could be unrepressed ids of any number of their living and fictional contemporaries. Le Fanu's figure synthesizes cultural constructions of the Victorian governess—sociological studies that protested the governess's plight, advice columns that alternately defended the governess and warned employers to beware of her powers over the household, melodramatic novels that pictured the governess as victim, and sensation fiction that permitted her brief, limited revenge—into a fractious domestic world in which intimacy incites conflict and privacy conceals torture. Marshalling cultural...
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Allen, John J. “The Governess and the Ghosts in The Turn of the Screw.” Henry James Review 1, No. 1 (November 1979): 73-80.
Discusses the reliability of the governess-narrator in James' novella.
Boren, Lynda S. “The Performing Self: Psychodrama in Austen, James and Woolf.” Centennial Review 30, No. 1 (Winter 1986): 1-24.
Portion of the essay discusses The Turn of the Screw in terms of its dramatic form, focusing on how James employed this framework to explore the nature of self.
Broughton, Trev and Ruth Symes, eds. The Governess: An Anthology. Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing Limited, 1997, 214 p.
Reprints contemporary accounts regarding a variety of issues related to governesses, including the process of obtaining a position, working conditions, and the “plight” of the governess. Each chapter includes a brief introduction written by the editors.
Brown, Susan. “Alternatives to the Missionary Position: Anna Leonowens as Victorian Travel Writer.” Feminist Studies 21, No. 3 (Fall 1995): 587-614.
Examines both The English Governess at the Siamese Court (1870) and The Romance of the Harem (1873), two works by Anna Harriette Leonowens, an Indian-born woman who was employed as a governess to the many children and wives of King Mongkut, Rama...
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