English collection of anecdotes, circa late 13th or early 14th century.
Considered by many scholars the greatest work in a genre popular during the late Middle Ages, the Gesta Romanorum is a collection of anecdotes, compiled anonymously and written in Latin, drawn from Eastern allegorical tales, legends collected by monks, classical narratives, and historical chronicles. Even though the title means “deeds of the Romans,” most of the stories in the Gesta Romanorum do not concern Rome or Romans. Originally designed for use by preachers in instilling Christian virtues and teaching theological doctrine, the tales in the Gesta Romanorum served as models for works by such authors as Giovanni Boccaccio, John Gower, Geoffrey Chaucer, William Shakespeare, William Morris, and George Bernard Shaw.
The Gesta Romanorum dates from the end of the thirteenth or the beginning of the fourteenth century. Because of its popularity, the work was frequently copied as it traveled throughout western Europe. As the manuscript was copied, stories were often added or omitted. This makes it difficult to pin down a country of origin for the collection, but Hermann Oesterley, who edited the text in 1872, argues that it was originally composed in England and then passed to the Continent. By the middle of the fourteenth century three distinct groups of manuscripts are thought to have existed: the English group, written in Latin; the German group, written in Latin and German; and various printed editions. The various manuscripts differ in the number and arrangement of stories, and the first printed editions differ from the manuscripts as well as from each other. Versions printed at Utrecht and Cologne, Germany, appeared between 1472 and 1475 and were frequently reprinted. The 1475 edition, printed by Ulrich Zell at Cologne, was the largest collection, containing 181 stories, and is called the Vulgate. The first English translation was completed by Wynkyn de Worde around 1510. In 1521, the first French translation of the Gesta Romanorum was printed; it was republished in 1858 under the title Le Violier des Histoires Romaines.
Plot and Major Characters
The Gesta Romanorum includes a multitude of moralized stories, most of them dealing with religious subjects. Some typical examples cited by Joseph Albert Mosher are “how a clerk was saved by confession and penance from a compact with the devil; how a man was delivered for his piety; how certain tempting devils were vanquished; how a bishop was damned for neglecting God's warning; [and] how a rich man was punished for robbing a poor widow.” The collection also includes many secular tales—for example, of Lear and his three daughters, of Pericles, of the three caskets, and of the pound of flesh. These were used by Shakespeare for plot lines in King Lear, Pericles, and The Merchant of Venice. Chaucer used the story of Constance in “The Man of Law's Tale” in The Canterbury Tales; Charles Algernon Swinburne mined the tale of the the race of Atalanta for his Atalanta in Calydon; and George Bernard Shaw copied the story of Androcles and the lion for his play of the same name.
The recurrent theme pervading the Gesta Romanorum is the need to live a virtuously obedient life through the practice of Christian piety for the accomplishment of personal salvation. The individual tales provide numerous examples of characters who do exactly that. Many of the tales also demonstrate the corollary—the unfortunate consequences of wrong action and sinful behavior—and detail the fates of those who yield to vice. All the stories are intended to function as instruments of penitence and conversion, which, as they illustrate, are always possible. In addition to the primary theme, the Gesta Romanorum deal with matters such as the seven deadly sins and also feature such standard Christian tropes as prophetic destinies, exposed children, and merciful servants who disobey orders to kill helpless victims.
The multitude of manuscript copies and printed editions of the Gesta Romanorumconfirms the observation of Charles Swan that the “Gesta Romanorum was one of the most applauded compilations of the Middle Ages.” Although it is not so popular with readers today, Gesta Romanorum continues to inspire scholars and critical debate. Ella Bourne, Eleanor Beatrice Miller, and Beryl Smalley have studied the various sources and antecedents of the Gesta Romanorum; correspondingly, Herbert F. Schwartz, Oscar Maurer, and R. J. Lyall, among others, have written about the influence of the Gesta Romanorum on later authors and works. The textual history of the work, too, still presents opportunities for exploration, and many scholars—for example, Stanley J. Kahrl and Geoffrey R. Hope—have pursued that avenue of research. More recent criticism has focused on the literary aspects of the Gesta Romanorum, with Diane Speed examining the medieval romance motifs that appear in the work, and John Weld and Shirley Marchalonis analyzing the discrepancy between the actual content of each tale and the moral and didactic purpose it was intended to serve. Because its stories have served as the basis for countless other works of literature, the Gesta Romanorum is recognized as one of the primary sources of western European literature.
SOURCE: Swan, Charles. Introduction to “Gesta Romanorum”: or, Entertaining Moral Stories; Invented by the Monks as a Fireside Recreation, and Commonly Applied in Their Discourses from the Pulpit: Whence the Most Celebrated of Our Own Poets and Others, from the Earliest Times Have Extracted Their Plots, translated by Charles Swan, revised by Wynnard Hooper, pp. xxx-xxxiv. London: George Bell and Sons, 1877.
[In the following excerpt, originally published in 1824, Swan, the first translator of the complete Gesta Romanorum into English, offers a brief history of the work.]
I now hasten to the Gesta Romanorum; and purpose giving a brief outline of its history, with a notice of certain stories which, without reference to their own individual merit, have been raised into higher importance by furnishing the groundwork of many popular dramas. I shall also take occasion to offer a few remarks upon the translation now before the public, elucidatory of certain points which seem to require explanation.
The Gesta Romanorum was one of the most applauded compilations of the Middle Ages. The method of instructing by fables is a practice of remote antiquity; and has always been attended with very considerable benefit. Its great popularity encouraged the monks to adopt this medium, not only for the sake of illustrating their discourses, but of making a more durable impression...
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SOURCE: Hooper, Wynnard. Preface to “Gesta Romanorum”: or, Entertaining Moral Stories; Invented by the Monks as a Fireside Recreation, and Commonly Applied in Their Discourses from the Pulpit: Whence the Most Celebrated of Our Own Poets and Others, from the Earliest Times Have Extracted Their Plots, translated by Charles Swan, revised by Wynnard Hooper, pp. iii-xiv. London: George Bell and Sons, 1877.
[In the following excerpt, Hooper discusses the textual history of the Gesta Romanorum.]
It is somewhat remarkable that, in spite of the great interest attaching to the Gesta Romanorum, as the most popular story book of the Middle Ages, and as the source of much literature in that and later times, no English version of it should have appeared until 1824, when a translation was published in two volumes by the Rev. C. Swan. Mr. Swan, though his translation was in many respects faulty, kept to the original with tolerable fidelity, and only deliberately tampered with the text once; namely, in altering the termination of Tale XXVIII., because he considered that the story, as it stood, did not afford a good “moral.” He very often paraphrased; and where the Latin contained too bald a statement of facts, he considered himself justified in amplifying the narrative. But this can hardly be objected to. The stories are often told so carelessly that a translator is bound to add something in his rendering...
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SOURCE: Schwarz, Herbert F. “John Fletcher and the Gesta Romanorum.” Modern Language Notes 34, no. 3 (March 1919): 146-49.
[In the following essay, Schwarz argues that Renaissance dramatist John Fletcher used episodes from the Gesta Romanorum in several plays he helped to write.]
Some years ago I pointed out (Mod. Lang. Notes XXIV, 76-77) the fact that the dénouement (Act V, sc. 4) of The Queen of Corinth by Fletcher, Massinger, and Field is derived from the tale of the two maidens and their seducer found in the Gesta Romanorum (Early English Text Society, Extra Series 33, p. 440). This story presents the rival claims of two maidens violated by the same man. When the man is brought to trial, each of the maidens invokes one of the alternative penalties of a law which permitted the injured party to choose whether she would have the offender killed or would have him make reparation through marriage. In all essentials the scene in the play follows the story.
A later reading of the plays that appear under the names of Beaumont and Fletcher has convinced me that the above-mentioned story is not the only one borrowed by Fletcher and his collaborators from the Gesta Romanorum. In Act IV, sc. 5 of the Loyal Subject,—a play for which Fletcher is solely responsible,—Archas is threatened with death because of an offence that “carries a...
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SOURCE: Bourne, Ella. “Classical Elements in The Gesta Romanorum.” In Vassar Medieval Studies, edited by Christabel Forsyth Fiske, pp. 345-76. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1923.
[In the essay below, Bourne examines the themes and sources of a number of tales in the Gesta Romanorum.]
The popularity of the Gesta Romanorum during the Middle Ages is abundantly shown by the enormous number of manuscripts which are still to be found in the libraries of England and of continental Europe. Its importance for the history of literature, particularly since the thirteenth century, can be no less clearly seen by a glance at the tables at the end of Oesterley's critical Latin edition in which are listed, under the number of each tale, writings which have in whole or in part been influenced by the Gesta, or in some cases have perhaps had a common source. The list of such titles sometimes numbers forty for one tale, often as many as thirty. That the list is not complete goes without saying, although Oesterley has carefully compiled works cited by previous editors and has added many from his own observation.
This collection of tales from classical, oriental, and unknown sources, with a moralization in the form of an allegory attached to each, was evidently first compiled as a help for preachers, who used them to add force and interest to their sermons, perhaps even to arouse...
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SOURCE: Miller, Eleanor Beatrice. “The Gesta Romanorum.” In “Romance Elements in the Gesta Romanorum. Master's thesis, pp. 1-24, University of Vermont, 1949.
[In the following essay, Miller surveys the characteristics, sources, and influences of the Gesta Romanorum.]
1. MANUSCRIPTS AND EARLY PRINTED EDITIONS
The Gesta Romanorum was one of the most popular collections of moralized stories in the Middle Ages. The stories do not concern Roman history, as the title might indicate, although many of them come from classical sources. The framework, if the tenuous connection which unites the stories may be called that, is simply the fact that each tale takes place in the reign of some Roman emperor, often a fictitious one, who seldom has any connection with the story related. Examples of the introductory words are: Leo regnavit, Quidam imperator regnavit, or Rex quidam erat in civitate romana. In fact, the stories in the English version are named after the emperor who supposedly reigned at the time of their happening.
The popularity of the Gesta Romanorum during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries is shown by the astonishingly large number of manuscripts which remain from that period. Hermann Oesterley consulted some 165 manuscripts for his edition of the Gesta published in 18721—131 of these are found in...
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SOURCE: Trienens, Roger J. “The Symbolic Cloud in Hamlet.” Shakespeare Quarterly 5, no. 2 (spring 1954): 211-13.
[In the following essay, Trienens traces the relationship of the cloud-shaped whale—which Hamlet points out to Polonius– in Hamlet to the Gesta Romanorum's depiction of the whale as a signifier of lust.]
When Polonius informs Hamlet of the Queen's urgent desire to see him, Hamlet feigns madness and points to the sky:
Do you see that cloud that's almost in shape like a camel?
By the mass, and it's like a camel, indeed.
Methinks it is like a weasel.
It is back'd like a weasel.
Or like a whale?
Very like a whale.
Then will I come to my mother by and by. Aside. They fool me to the top of my bent.—I will come by and by.
Hamlet's remarks about the cloud may be devoid of significance, mere foolery, or they may be richly suggestive; but, in any event, it is improbable that they involve such a complicated symbolism as Harold C. Goddard attributes to them. Goddard fantastically interprets the three shapes of the cloud as symbolizing three stages in the...
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SOURCE: Smalley, Beryl. “Robert Holcot.” In English Friars and Antiquity in the Early Fourteenth Century, pp. 144-46, 183. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1960.
[In the following excerpt, Smalley argues that many of the entries in the Gesta Romanorum were derived from a book of exempla for sermons by the fourteenth-century preacher and teacher Robert Holcot.]
The title of the collection [of Sermons by Robert Holcot from around 1334, called] ‘Sermons for Sundays and weekdays’, does not mean that each Sunday and weekday has its sermon. Christmas Day, the Epiphany, Easter Sunday and Sundays 8-17 after Trinity Sunday are omitted. Yet the feast of the Circumcision (January 1) is included. Two sermons towards the end are headed ‘Sermo ad curatos’ and ‘Sermo ad religiosos’ respectively,1 while the last sermon of all has no heading. It is not for preaching on a text for the liturgical year, but is intended for a clerical congregation, perhaps a synod.2 There are sometimes two or more sermons for the same day; Passion Sunday has as many as seven (no. lxvii-lxxiii) of which no. lxxii is addressed to religious. The tone of all supposes a university audience or at least an audience of clergy. Most of them start from the Gospel for the day, but some take their text from the Epistle. The construction varies. All begin ‘Dearly beloved’ and end with a prayer. Within this...
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SOURCE: Maurer, Oscar. “William Morris and Gesta Romanorum.” In Studies in Language, Literature, and Culture of the Middle Ages and Later, edited by E. Bagby Atwood and Archibald A. Hill, pp. 367-81. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1969.
[In the following essay, Maurer examines how William Morris used tales from the Gesta Romanorum in his The Earthly Paradise.]
“When you are using an old story,” Morris once observed, “read it through, then shut the book and write it in your own way.” This was his practice, especially to be seen in the composition of the medieval tales in The Earthly Paradise. What happens after he has “shut the book”? He seizes upon certain features of the story, often from several versions of a traditional tale, and proceeds in his craftsman's style to shape it to his liking. He omits an episode or a character, shifts the emphasis by small and apparently unimportant details of description, alters the tone and structural rhythm by addition and excision. He decorates: his decoration, unlike Tennyson's, is always pictorial, and devoted to intensifying a mood; it is never verbal virtuosity, never allegorical. His daughter recalls his saying, “You know, my dear, Wordsworth's primrose by the river's brim is quite good enough for me in itself; what on earth more did the man want it to be?”1 The same might have been said of his respect for...
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SOURCE: Kahrl, Stanley J. “The Medieval Origins of the Sixteenth-Century Jest-Books.” Studies in the Renaissance, 13 (1966): 166-83.
[In the following essay, Kahrl links sixteenth-century jest-books to the Gesta Romanorum, comparing the tales and exempla appearing in those books with tales in the Gesta Romanorum and similar collections.]
Saynt Bede tellis in ‘Gestis Anglorum’ how, when Englond was oute of þe belefe, þe pope sente in-to it to preche a bisshop þat was a passyng sutell clerk, and a well-letterd; and he vsid so mekull soteltie and strange saying in his sermons, þat his prechyng owder litle profettid or noght. And þan þer was sent a noder þat was les of connyng of literatur þan he was, and he vsid talis and gude exsample in his sermon; and he within a while conuertyd nere-hand all Englond.1
While exempla may not, in reality, have converted ‘nere-hand all Englond’, there can be no question of the general effectiveness of illustrative tales as an aid in elucidating points of doctrine throughout the middle ages. With increasing frequency, particularly following the appearance of the preaching orders of friars, great collections of exempla were brought together to aid both parsons and pardoners in preparing effective sermons. Illustrative tales were not solely of value to medieval...
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SOURCE: Mosher, Joseph Albert. “The Latin Exemplum in England.” In The Exemplum in the Early Religious and Didactic Literature of England, pp. 66-67, 74-83. New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1966.
[In the following excerpt, Mosher discusses the Gesta Romanorum in the context of preceding and succeeding collections of moralized stories.]
[The] collection of fables and tales by the English preacher and fable writer, Odo de Ceritona,1compiled between 1219-21, is apparently the earliest in which fables are accompanied with moralizations. Although preachers used this collection as a source-book for illustrations, it was probably compiled to reform clerical abuses. Those “parabolae” which were intended for exempla, Odo inserted in his sermons but never collected.2 The collected narratives, by virtue of their accompanying moralizations, acquired a greater independent value than they had hitherto possessed in the subordinate office of illustrations. The collection was composed largely of fables, but the idea of appending moralizations was soon applied to collections of tales other than fables and helped to produce such compilations as the Gesta Romanorum. These moralized tales and fables of Odo were eagerly utilized by preachers3 who in copying them into collections for their own use “sometimes lengthened, shortened, or otherwise changed them, sometimes added...
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SOURCE: Weld, John. Introduction to ”Gesta Romanorum”: A Record of Auncient Histories Newly Perused by Richard Robinson (1595). Delmar, N. Y.: Scholars's Facsimiles & Reprints, 1973.
[In the following excerpt, Weld accounts for the disjunction between the written tales in the Gesta Romanorum and their oral versions.]
The Gesta Romanorum, a collection of allegorized stories compiled in the early fourteenth century, was one of the greatest—and longest enduring—popular successes of all time. “No other production of the middle ages, the Golden Legend excepted,” wrote Professor J-.Th. Welter, “enjoyed a parallel success” (L'Exemplum, Paris, 1927, pp. 373-74). In its various versions, Latin, English, German, French, Dutch, Polish, and Russian, it is extant in nearly two hundred manuscripts—the exact number is unknown—and in scores—again uncounted—of printed editions. It began as a preacher's manual in Latin, became a vernacular best-seller among the laity, a source-book for playwrights and men of letters, and in England ended, in the eighteenth century, as a chapbook, hawked about the countryside.
Its origin is uncertain. A reasonable guess assigns it to England in the fourteenth century, but an origin in the region of Lake Constance is quite as, or almost as, probable. The origins of the component stories, however, are diverse and...
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SOURCE: Marchalonis, Shirley. “Medieval Symbols and the Gesta Romanorum.” The Chaucer Review 8, no.4 (spring 1974): 311-19.
[In the following essay, Marchalonis argues that symbolism in the Gesta Romanorum stories is externally imposed rather than internally developed.]
Since the theories of D. W. Robertson, Jr., were first proposed, their validity has been the subject of much scholarly discussion.1 It seems unlikely that any more can be said about Robertson's ideas in general statements; what is needed now are systematic and painstaking attempts to apply the theories to specific works of medieval literature. In this paper I would like to examine Robertson's ideas about the use of symbols in connection with the Gesta Romanorum.
Robertson's method implies the existence of a fairly consistent set of symbols, not necessarily immediately identifiable, but possible to define at some level. A difficulty arises, however, from the fact that even symbols possessing multiple meanings must have some limitations if they are to be of any use as leads into the hidden meaning of a literary work. If the method of Biblical interpretation recommended by Augustine, which is the basis of Robertson's theory, is strictly followed, then the work itself can be expected to provide the clues.2
The use and definition of symbols is nowhere more obvious...
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SOURCE: Lyall, R. J. “The Sources of The Thre Prestis of Peblis and Their Significance.”The Review of English Studies XXXI, no. 123 (August 1980): 257-70.
[In the following essay, Lyall argues that the fifteenth-century Scots poem The Thre Prestis of Peblis, was not influenced by the Gesta Romanorum, as crtiics who interpret it as a harbinger of humanism, rather than an echo of medievalism, have argued.]
The fifteenth-century Scots poem The Thre Prestis of Peblis1 is a composite of three linked tales, involving no less than seven narrative elements. The first, the basic narrative framework, concerns the carousing of the priests and their decision to rival one another in story-telling. The tale of Master John, ‘of þe thre questionis’, is a straightforward account of a king's attempt to discover the cause of the failings of his three Estates, and of the replies of their three spokesmen. Master Archibald's tale, the second of the sequence, is a good deal more complex, echoing in its tripartite structure the pattern of the poem as a whole: the link in this case is the character of Fictus, the wise fool, who exposes the vices of a king through three incidents. These are the story of a wounded man who rebukes the king for brushing flies away from his wounds, that of a murderer who when pardoned repeats his crime, and that of the impersonation by the queen of the...
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SOURCE: Jackson, Timothy R. Review of “Gesta Romanorum,” I: Untersuchungen zu Konzeption und Überlieferung; 2: Texte, Verzeichnisse, by Brigitte Weiske. Speculum 71, no.2 (April 1996): 503-04.
[In the following review, Jackson summarizes some of the major ideas in Weiske's study of the Gesta Romanorum.]
In the Gesta Romanorum we have the most popular collection of exempla to have been produced in medieval Europe. That popularity is attested by our knowledge of some 270 Latin manuscripts, not to mention a substantial corpus of versions in English and German. The tradition extends down through early printings to Cammerlander's reworking of the text in the interests of the Protestant Reformation (Strasbourg, 1538), after which interest seems to have come to a somewhat abrupt end. And yet, for all its cultural importance and intrinsic interest, and despite having been the subject of scholarly attention for some 150 years, we must go back to Hermann Oesterley's edition of 1872 for the last general account of the Gesta.
Any attempt to recover an Urtext must ultimately fail. Dr. Weiske succeeds in the more modest task of providing further clarification of the relationships between the different strands of a most complex manuscript tradition. Instead of Oesterley's three groups she works with two: firstly, the more discrete, “insular” group (Oesterley's...
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SOURCE: Hope, Geoffrey R. “Tales of Literacy and Authority in the Violier (1521): The French Gesta Romanorum.” Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance LIX, no. 2 (1997): 353-63.
[In the following essay, Hope examines the French translation of an assortment of tales from the Gesta Romanorum.]
The Gesta Romanorum is an anonymous collection of moralized tales in the exemplum tradition identified with Franciscan and Benedictine preaching orders in England and southern Germany1. It reached a wide European readership in a great many manuscripts mostly in Latin that begin around the early 14th century2. The first imprints from Utrecht (1472) and Cologne (1473) continue its popularity and have the effect of stabilizing manuscript traditions, establishing what Oesterley calls the Vulgärtext: 181 stories in sequence. Welter indicates (273-4) that it was, after the Legenda Aurea, the second most popular book of the late Middle Ages. Goldschmidt calls it simply «the best known storybook of the Middle Ages»3. It includes a great variety of narrative material and had a wide influence on European stories. As Dunlop expresses it, «Almost every tale in the Gesta Romanorum is of importance in illustrating the genealogy of fiction, and the incorporation of eastern fable and Gothic institutions with classical story»4....
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SOURCE: Speed, Diane. “Middle English Romance and the Gesta Romanorum.” In Tradition and Transformation in Medieval Romance, edited by Rosalind Field, pp. 45-56. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1999.
[In the following essay, Speed catalogs a series of motifs that appear both in the stories of the Gesta Romanorum and in medieval romances.]
Amongst scholarly efforts to locate both individual Middle English romances and the amorphous entity ‘Middle English Romance’ in shifting generic discourses, one recurrent topic has been the parallels observable between certain romances and the Gesta Romanorum, ultimately the most extensive and widely disseminated of the medieval exemplum collections. Given renewed interest in the generic boundaries of Middle English romance in the post-modern situation, together with a surge of interest in exemplum generally and the Gesta Romanorum in particular,1 it may be opportune to look further into the nature of the interrelationship. This paper is offered as a point of departure.
The corpus of Middle English romance assumed here is that embraced by standard modern surveys of the field such as the Manual of Writings in Middle English, Rice's Annotated Bibliography, and Barron's critical survey English Medieval Romance.2 The corpus of the Gesta...
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SOURCE: Mabillard, Amanda. “Sources for The Merchant of Venice.” Shakespeare Online, 2000. http://www.shakespeare-online.com
[In the following essay, Mabillard explores Shakespeare's use of the Gesta Romanorum as the basis of the three caskets motif in The Merchant of Venice.]
There are many possible texts that Shakespeare could have used in constructing The Merchant of Venice, and while we can confirm that he relied upon two particular sources, the others sources I will mention were likely, though not definitely, influences on Shakespeare. His chief source was a tale in an Italian collection entitled Il Pecorone or The Simpleton, written in 1378 by Giovanni Fiorentino, and published in 1565. No known English translation existed for Shakespeare to use, but it is possible, although—very unlikely, that someone Shakespeare knew had translated his own private copy and gave it to Shakespeare to read. It is more likely that Shakespeare was more learned than people like to assume, and that he read the text in its original Italian. The story in Il Pecorone tells of a wealthy woman at Belmont who marries an upstanding young gentleman. Her husband needs money and has friend, desperate to help, go to a money-lender to borrow the required cash for his friend. The money-lender, who is also a Jew in Il Pecorone...
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SOURCE: Johnson, James D. “Walter W. Skeat's Canterbury Tale.” The Chaucer Review 36, no. 1 (2001): 16-27.
[In the following essay, Johnson shows how Chaucer scholar W. W. Skeat used a tale from the Gesta Romanorum as the basis for an additional tale he composed for The Canterbury Tales.]
All Chaucerians are familiar with the scholarly publications of the Reverend Walter W. Skeat (1835-1912).1 Although Skeat ranged widely in medieval studies—producing numerous editions of Old and Middle English texts and writing a seemingly endless stream of articles and notes—some of his most significant work was in Chaucer studies. Skeat did much to establish the Chaucer canon, clearing away the dense growth of spurious works that over the centuries had been attributed to Chaucer.2 He also translated several of The Canterbury Tales into rhyming verse and prepared separate editions of many of them.3 Certainly his crowning contribution to Chaucer studies, however, was his multi-volume edition of the complete works, published in the closing years of the nineteenth century.4 Although not without faults from a modern editorial viewpoint, this edition is an undisputed monument of Chaucer scholarship.5 More than a century after its original publication, it remains in print and is still an important resource for Chaucer...
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