George Wither 1588-1667
English poet, pamphleteer, and satirist.
A prolific and enormously successful poet and pamphleteer, George Wither saw his role as a writer as a dual one: as a public poet whose duty was to instruct and advise the people and their rulers, and as a prophetic writer whose responsibility was to admonish and correct. In the turbulent period before and during the Interregnum, Wither's willingness to address controversial subjects repeatedly resulted in his imprisonment. Moreover, his shifts in political allegiance between the Crown and Parliament, together with the diversity of his output, from political satires to personal supplications to versifications of biblical psalms, led to his long-persistent reputation as inconstant and erratic. Recently, however, the wide contemporary popularity and topical subject matter of Wither's compositions has resulted in a renewed appreciation of them as the works of a professional writer who was deeply engaged in the events of his time.
Born June 11, 1588, in Bentworth, Hampshire, Wither was the son of George and Mary Hunt Wither. The family was prosperous and, as he later described in Britain's Remembrancer (1628), he enjoyed an easy and luxurious childhood. He was educated locally, first by a relative and then by an area schoolmaster, before entering Magdalen College, Oxford, in 1603. He left Oxford a few years later, without earning a degree, and his activities are unknown during the next five years; there is some evidence in his poetry that he traveled to Ireland and some speculation by literary historians that he served in the military there under the command of Sir Thomas Ridgway. He began writing poetry and one of his early satires, Abuses Stript and Whipt (1613) led to his imprisonment in Marshalsea Prison. After his release in 1615 Wither entered Lincoln's Inn to study law but rarely made use of his legal training, preferring to earn his living as a professional writer. He entered the national debate on religious toleration as a moderate and continued publishing political satires, which led to his second incarceration in 1621. After 1623 Wither's reputation as a poet began to decline, and he became embroiled in a lengthy legal dispute with the Company of Stationers over a patent granted him by James I for his Hymnes and Songs of the Church (1623). Sometime in the late 1620s or early 1630s, Wither married Elizabeth Emerton, to whom he was greatly devoted; the couple had two children, Elizabeth and Robert.
Although Wither had long supported the royal family, if not their ministers, he parted company with Charles I in 1642 and sided with the Parliamentary cause. During the Civil War he resumed his life in the military, first as a captain, then as a major, but he continued to produce both poetry and prose throughout the conflict. In 1646 he published Justitiarius Justificatus, in which he accused a prominent member of Parliament of royalist sympathies, resulting in his third incarceration, this time in Newgate Prison. During the 1640s Wither's writings became more and more personal, reflecting his growing discontent and his many grievances against a variety of individuals and institutions. Much of his work during this period consisted of moralizing prophecies and appeals for money, first to Parliament and later to the Crown. Although he left London for a village in Hampshire during the final days of the Commonwealth, he returned after the Restoration, was arrested, and yet again consigned to Newgate. After his release in 1663 Wither returned to his home in the Savoy and resumed writing until his death in London on May 2, 1667.
Wither's first published works were prompted by events in the lives of the royal family: an elegiac poem, Prince Henries Obsequies (1612), composed on the death of Henry, Prince of Wales, and Epithalamia (1613), dedicated to Princess Elizabeth on her wedding day. His next work, far more controversial, was the satiric verse Abuses Stript and Whipt, for which he was imprisoned in the Marshalsea. While there, Wither wrote the pastoral The Shepheards Hunting (1614), which some critics consider his finest poetry, and A Satyre: Dedicated to His Most Excellent Majestie (1614), in which he defended his earlier work, thereby securing his release from prison. Wither published several religious texts over the next few years as the nation struggled with the question of religious toleration. Sharing James I's interest in the Psalms, and perhaps wishing to publish less-controversial material after his imprisonment, he produced A Preparation to the Psalter (1619), a prose essay on the Psalms. He then began the task of versifying the Psalms and hymns of the Old Testament, resulting in The Songs of the Old Testament (1621) and Hymnes and Songs of the Church. Meanwhile, however, Wither again composed a lengthy satiric poem, the enormously popular Wither's Motto (1621), which led to his second incarceration.
In 1628 Wither published one of his most famous works, Britain's Remembrancer, a lengthy prophecy warning James I against the duplicity of one of his favorite advisors. In this work and in the many other prophetic works he produced throughout his lifetime, Wither maintained that England's troubles, including the plague of 1625, were the result of God's displeasure with the monarchy and with the English citizenry. Turning to less controversial matters, in 1635 Wither published A Collection of Emblemes, based on the ancient and modern emblems of Gabriel Rollenhagen, each accompanied by an explanatory verse composed by Wither, and in 1641 he published Halelujah, a collection of hymns dedicated to Parliament. Two years later Wither explained his return to military service and justified his stance against the monarchy in Campo-Musae (1643). Many of his later works were considered self-serving efforts to defend himself against various charges or to detail his personal sufferings and misfortune. In one such diatribe, Justitiarius Justificatus, Wither defended his abandonment of Farnham Castle during a Royalist attack—for which he had been widely criticized—by shifting the blame to his superior, Sir Richard Onslow.
Although much of Wither's early work was well received by the public, his reputation had already begun to wane by the mid-1620s. In his later years and after his death, he was known more as a contentious and litigious troublemaker than a serious literary figure. His work was neglected and apparently forgotten until the end of the eighteenth century, when a number of his publications were reissued. In the early nineteenth century Charles Lamb published an essay on Wither's poetry, and in the 1870s and early 1880s, Wither's entire canon was reprinted by the Spenser Society of Manchester. Modern criticism has been mixed. Rosemary Freeman has acknowledged Wither's limitations as a poet, but has claimed nonetheless that the verses he composed to accompany his collection of emblems demonstrate “a gift of exposition suitable for the form,” as well as “a genuine quality of emotion.” Many scholars have commented on the contrast between Wither's early work and his later literary output, among them William B. Hunter, Jr., who has maintained that the poet's best work appeared before 1622 and that the large amount of verse produced during the remainder of his long and prolific writing career became “the synonym for bad poetry for the later seventeenth and eighteenth centuries—garrulous, pedantic, and dull.” Christopher Hill has observed that “Wither's sad deterioration is usually attributed to his vision of himself as an inspired prophet with a message for the English people.”
Despite the generally negative assessment of Wither's verse, his career has often been compared to John Milton's. Norman E. Carlson, discussing Wither's preoccupation with his personal complaints in his later writings, has claimed that “Wither did in little what Milton had done on a grand scale in Areopagitica—translate personal grievance into literature.” Joseph Loewenstein has praised Wither's contribution to the contemporary discourse on intellectual property, comparing him to Milton, who is usually credited with developing the concept of authorship in early modern England. Loewenstein, however, has proposed Wither as “the great historiographer of early modern authorship, or at least of that important aspect of authorship that was constituted specifically as a trade function.” Christopher Hill has suggested that despite the considerable difference in the literary reputations of Wither and Milton, there are many similarities in their political careers, as well as in their personal views on both politics and religion. In his study of Wither's role in the seventeenth-century discourse on the “Jewish Question,” Jeffrey S. Shoulson claimed that although the poet's early pastoral eclogues led scholars to classify him as a Spenserian, his later verse represented “a decidedly prophetic and didactic strain of poetry—Miltonic in ambition, if not in success.” Still, according to Shoulson, Wither's reputation in relation to Milton's was surprisingly positive in the seventeenth century; in fact, the poet's popularity with his contemporaries was such that in his own time he “enjoyed a reputation that matched, and on occasion surpassed, that of Spenser and Milton.”
Prince Henries Obsequies (poetry) 1612
Abuses Stript and Whipt (poetry) 1613
Epithalamia (poetry) 1613
A Satyre: Dedicated to His Most Excellent Majestie (poetry) 1614
The Shepheards Hunting (poetry) 1614
A Preparation to the Psalter (essay) 1619
The Songs of the Old Testament (hymns) 1621
Wither's Motto (poetry) 1621
Faire-Virtue, the Mistresse of Phil'Arete (poetry) 1622
Hymnes and Songs of the Church (hymns) 1623
The Schollers Purgatory, discovered in the Stationers Common-wealth (essay) 1624
Britain's Remembrancer (poetry) 1628
The Psalmes of David translated into Lyrick-Verse (hymns) 1632
A Collection of Emblemes, Ancient and Moderne (poetry) 1635
Halelujah (hymns) 1641
Campo-Musae, or the Field-Musings of Captain George Wither (essay) 1643
Vox Pacifica (poetry) 1645
Justitiarius Justificatus (pamphlet) 1646
Amygdala Britannica, Almonds for Parrets (poetry) 1647
Major Wither's Disclaimer (essay) 1647
Carmen Eucharisticon (hymns) 1649
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SOURCE: Pritchard, Allan. “Abuses Stript and Whipt and Wither's Imprisonment.” The Review of English Studies n.s. 14, no. 56 (November 1963): 337-45.
[In the following essay, Pritchard explores the reasons for Wither's 1614 incarceration in the Marshalsea prison for his essay Abuses Stript and Whipt.]
George Wither's imprisonment in 1614 for his authorship of Abuses Stript and Whipt stirred considerable attention among his contemporaries, winning him the sympathy of such fellow poets as William Browne of Tavistock, Christopher Brooke, and Richard Brathwait,1 and it has an enduring claim to interest as the occasion of The Shepheards Hunting, perhaps his finest work, which he composed within the walls of the Marshalsea. Yet the reason for his punishment has never been satisfactorily explained. Abuses was passed by the official licenser, Taverner, before it was entered, on 16 January 1613, in the Stationers' Register,2 and Wither was not arrested until more than a year later, when it had already gone through four editions,3 although he appears to have been threatened with some penalty during the interval. Surviving warrants show that the Privy Council ordered his imprisonment on or about 20 March 1614, and his release four months afterwards on 26 July,4 but the records do not reveal who brought complaint against his work or what in...
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SOURCE: Carlson, Norman E. “George Wither—Dead at Last!” Michigan Academician 1, no. 1-2 (winter 1969): 191-95.
[In the following essay, Carlson discusses Wither's controversial career as a satirist who aimed much of his invective at lawyers.]
When, on May 2, 1667, George Wither died, after devoting at least fifty-five of his seventy-nine years of life to the publication of his poetic, prophetic, satiric, and choleric works in verse and prose, perhaps a slight tremor of relief shook England. However, one group of men, the lawyers, probably had mixed emotions which included some regret, for Wither had been good for their business. Exactly how good it is impossible to say, but examination of Court of Chancery documents can give us some notion.
In the eighteen years between 1643 and 1661 Wither was involved in no fewer than eleven separate chancery actions;1 at least twenty-five documents, each the work of a lawyer, relevant to these actions, survive, and more have obviously either been lost, or await discovery. We must also keep in mind that the Court of Chancery was in the seventeenth century a kind of appeals court, pleas being made to it in the hope of a decision based on “equity and good conscience” rather than on the very strict principles of common law courts. Hence several of the chancery suits involving Wither were preceded by suits at common law, each with...
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SOURCE: Hensley, Charles S. “The Tireless Pamphleteer.” In The Later Career of George Wither, pp. 105-43. The Hague: Mouton, 1969.
[In the following excerpt, Hensley traces Wither's political and religious beliefs as they appear in the pamphlets he authored after 1642.]
I'le use all good and likely means I may: Sing, when it lasteth; when it faileth, pray: That, though from me my Foes the out-works win, I may secure the Fortresses within, And, in the mean space, neither be perplext Or scared, to think, who will enslave me next: For, he that trusts to an internal aid, Of no external Pow'r need be afraid.
After 1642 Wither's work takes on an increasing note of desperation. When his considerable popularity with the puritan middle-classes began to wane in the early 1630's, he began to consider his many oppressions, including two more imprisonments, and the virtual neglect of his “remembrances” in later years, increasing evidence of martyrdom.1 He tirelessly poured troubled thoughts and frustrations, still couched in simple language with a growing indifference to style, into literary molds commonly employed in the period. Believing his countrymen were more and more departing from the ideal of “inner reform” as basis for all enlightened conduct, Wither demonstrated ingenuity in such varied genres as the dream-vision and the...
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SOURCE: Calhoun, Thomas O. “George Wither: Origins and Consequences of a Loose Poetics.” Texas Studies in Literature and Language 16, no. 2 (summer 1974): 263-79.
[In the following essay, Calhoun defends Wither's experimentation with a loose style of poetry while acknowledging that the results he achieved were not always praiseworthy.]
Why tell me, is it possible the Mind A Forme in all Deformitie should find?
—Drayton, England's Heroicall Epistles
The loose style, be it that of Rabelais, Burton, Traherne, Henry Miller, or William Burroughs, has traditionally tormented literary critics, most of whom, it must be conceded, are professedly or secretly schoolmen. Apologists for the style have appeared from time to time, and I wish to place myself among their ranks in order to clarify and defend the principles on which the loose style is based, though not to praise unconditionally the literary results: in this case the poetry of George Wither.
Though traces of logorrhea can be marked in Homer's Nestor and in Herodotus, the loose style, as we know it today, is a child of renaissance anticlassicism, significantly apparent in English literature of the earlier seventeenth century. The apostate style is parodied and epitomized by Robert Burton's Democritus Jr.:
I am aquae potor, drink no wine at all, which...
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SOURCE: Freeman, Rosemary. Introduction to A Collection of Emblemes, Ancient and Moderne (1635) by George Wither, pp.vii-xiv. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1975.
[In the following introduction, Freeman maintains that Wither found rich meanings in the engravings in his collection and composed verses to accompany and explain them that were well-suited to the emblem form.]
George Wither's A Collection of Emblemes, Ancient and Moderne, was first published in 1635. Evidently the book was a long time a-making. The engravings which Wither expounds were made for and first printed in Nucleus emblematum selectissimorum by Gabriel Rollenhagen (Utrecht, 1611? and 1613).1 According to Wither's statement (A1v), a copy of this book came to his hands not long after publication, “almost twentie yeares past.” Then, “for mine owne pleasure,” he wrote “Illustrations” upon a few of them and showed these poems to his friends. The latter “were so much delighted in the Gravers art, and, in those Illustrations … that they requested mee to Moralize the rest. Which I condiscended unto: And, they had beene brought to view many yeares agoe, but that the Copper Prints (which are now gotten) could not be procured out of Holland,2 upon any reasonable Conditions.” Clearly this book would have been more up-to-date if it had...
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SOURCE: Creigh, Jocelyn C. “George Wither and the Stationers: Facts and Fiction.” Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 74, no. 1 (1980): 49-57.
[In the following essay, Creigh recounts the seventeenth-century dispute between Wither and the Company of Stationers.]
Everyone who is at all interested in the Company of Stationers knows that in the early seventeenth century one of its most vociferous opponents was George Wither, gentleman, student at law (Lincolns Inn), poet, prolific writer, and, quite frequently, prisoner.
Wither's first brush with the law is chronicled by J. Milton French in “George Wither in Prison.”1 In 1611 Wither published a satire called Abuses Stript and Whipt and as a result went to jail from which only the intervention of Princess Elizabeth released him. On publication of the second edition in 1614, he went back to the Marshalsea on 20 March and was not released until 26 July, this time thanks to William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke. (The Princess Elizabeth was, of course, married and no longer in England.) Undeterred, Wither in 1621 decided to print his Motto which contained, of all things, reflections on the proposed “Spanish marriage” of the King's son to the Infanta of Spain. Not only Puritans objected to the alliance with England's old and Catholic enemy, but certainly objecting to it aligned Wither with the...
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SOURCE: Hill, Christopher. “George Wither and John Milton.” In English Renaissance Studies Presented to Dame Helen Gardner in Honour of Her Seventieth Birthday, edited by John Carey, pp. 212-27. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1980.
[In the following essay, Hill discusses the similarities between the political and religious views of Wither and Milton.]
George Wither was born in 1588, John Milton in 1608. Wither published all his best poetry before he was thirty-seven. He continued to write incessantly for the remaining forty-two years of his life. Milton published his first book of verse at the age of thirty-seven, and already had a few prose pamphlets to his credit. He too wrote far more in bulk thereafter, much of it in Latin, all of it of incomparably higher quality than Wither's later writings.
Wither's sad deterioration is usually attributed to his vision of himself as an inspired prophet with a message for the English people. ‘God opened my mouth’, he declared in 1641, ‘and compelled me, beyond my natural abilities, to speak.’1 But Milton's view of his relation to his Muse in Paradise Lost is not essentially different. I want very briefly to draw attention to the many points of similarity between the political careers and the political and religious ideas of the two poets. This will do nothing to explain the greatness of Milton: but if we see how much...
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SOURCE: Norbrook, David. “Levelling Poetry: George Wither and the English Revolution, 1642-1649.” English Literary Renaissance 21, no. 2 (spring 1991): 217-56.
[In the following essay, Norbrook examines Wither's republican writings and his role, often neglected by critics, in the English Revolution.]
George Wither's response to the English Revolution1 is best known today from two anecdotes. During the Civil War, John Aubrey tells us, he was captured by the royalists and condemned to be hanged. He was reprieved by Sir John Denham, who declared that “whilest G. W. lived, he [Denham] should not be the worst poet in England.”2 According to Peter Heylyn, in the early phase of the war Henry Marten broke into the jewel-house at Westminster and, declaring that “there would be no further use of those Toys and Trifles,” invested Wither, “an old Puritan satyrist,” in the royal habiliments. The poet, “being Crown'd and Royally array'd (as right well became him) first marcht about the Room with a stately Garb, and afterwards with a thousand Apish and Ridiculous actions, exposed those Sacred Ornaments to contempt and laughter.”3
These vivid anecdotes, pitting gallant royalists against clownish republicans, have become widely accepted as facts; but their authority is very dubious. There is no evidence that Wither was ever captured by the royalists...
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SOURCE: Daly, Peter M. “The Arbitrariness of George Wither's Emblems: A Reconsideration.” In The Art of the Emblem: Essays in Honor of Karl Josef Höltgen, edited by Michael Bath, John Manning, and Alan R. Young, pp. 201-34. New York: AMS Press, 1993.
[In the following excerpt, Daly suggests that Wither's comments on the emblems in his collection underestimated the influence of his sources and minimized his own understanding of their complexity.]
Critics from Rosemary Freeman (1948) to Michael Bath (1989), Charles Moseley (1989) and Richard Cavell (1990)1 have tended to lend credence, if in differing measure, to George Wither's comments about his emblems. Authorial statement has thus coloured the critical reception of the emblems. Wither's comments have been seen as suggesting an arbitrary relationship between word and image, or thing and meaning, which, in Bath's view “comes close to sabotaging the credibility of the whole emblematic enterprise.”2
In assessing Wither's emblems, Rosemary Freeman3 seems to take too literally both the author's criticism of the emblems he appropriates from Gabriel Rollenhagen, whose name he never mentions, and Wither's critical comments on the illustrations and the meanings implied by, or attributable to, some of the symbolic motifs. But, as Irma Tramer4 had already demonstrated in the 1930's, Wither often...
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SOURCE: Shoulson, Jeffrey S. “‘Proprietie in this Hebrew poesy’: George Wither, Judaism, and the Formation of English National identity.” Journal of English and Germanic Philology 98, no. 3 (July 1999): 353-72.
[In the following essay, Shoulson examines Wither's writings on the Hebrew Psalms as part of the seventeenth-century discourse on the opposition between Hellenism and Hebraism.]
Spenser introduces his enigmatic and polyvalent representation of Arthur in The Faerie Queene with a detailed description of the legendary king's attire. In his depiction of the crest of Arthur's helm, Spenser writes that a bunch of colored hairs seemed to dance “Like to an Almond tree ymounted hey / On top of greene Selinis all alone.”1 Spenser's contemporary readers would have recognized the image of the almond tree from Numbers 17, which describes Aaron's rod blossoming and bearing ripe almonds as a sign that he had been chosen by God: “And the Lord said unto Moses, Bring Aaron's rod again before the testimony, to be kept for a token [Heb. ‘oth] against the rebels …” (verse 10). Sitting atop the figure of England incarnate, the Biblical image adorns Spenser's romance hero, signifying a similar form of election. Indeed, this scriptural accessorising has been further conflated with the classical tradition to which it is compared, for it occurs within a simile that places...
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SOURCE: Farnsworth, Jane. “‘An equall, and a mutuall flame’: George Wither's A Collection of Emblemes 1635 and Caroline Court Culture.” In Deviceful Settings: The English Renaissance Emblem and Its Contexts, edited by Michael Bath and Daniel Russell, pp. 83-96. New York: AMS Press, 1999.
[In the following essay, Farnsworth investigates the cultural context of Wither's emblem collection.]
In the introduction to the Renaissance English Text Society edition of George Wither's A Collection of Emblemes: Ancient and Moderne (1975), Rosemary Freeman comments that the text, according to Wither begun some twenty years before its publication date, would have been more up-to-date if it had appeared contemporaneously with the emblem books of Whitney in 1586 and Peacham in 1612 instead of in 1635. Freeman seems to be suggesting here that the date is misleading if we are attempting to understand the nature and success of Wither's work. In terms of style, she may be right, but for any comprehensive interpretation of the work and its purpose, it is necessary to take into account the cultural context of the publishing date—to see Wither's work in relation to the culture of the Caroline court.
The importance of this context becomes immediately apparent upon examining the many dedications found throughout Wither's A Collection of Emblemes, all of which are...
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Doelman, James. “George Wither, the Stationers Company and the English Psalter.” Studies in Philology 90, no. 1 (winter 1993): 74-82.
Studies the actions of the Stationers Company in thwarting the attempts by Wither and others to develop a new, superior version of the Psalter.
Gay, David. “‘Lawfull Charms’ and ‘Wars of Truth’: Voice and Power in Writings by John Milton and George Wither.” Papers on Language and Literature 36, no. 2 (spring 2000): 177-97.
Explores connections between poetic voice and power against established authority in the writings of Milton and Wither.
Gunn, J. A. W. “Mandeville and Wither: Individualism and the Workings of Providence.” In Mandeville Studies: New Explorations in the Art and Thought of Dr. Bernard Mandeville (1670-1733), edited by Irwin Primer, pp. 98-118. The Hague, The Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff, 1975.
Compares the writings of Wither with those of Dr. Bernard Mandeville with respect to Augustan ideas on individualism and providence.
Hensley, Charles S. “Wither, Waller and Marvell: Panegyrists for the Protector.” Ariel 3, no. 1 (January 1972): 5-16.
Compares Wither's writings on Oliver Cromwell with those of Andrew Marvell and Edmund Waller and claims that Wither wrote primarily as...
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