Historical and Political Context (Encyclopedia of Global Warming)
Canada was first explored by English and French explorers at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century. Both England and France laid claim to Canada; England by John Cabot’s landing at Newfoundland in 1497 and France by Jacques Cartier’s discovery of the Saint Lawrence River. A long period of conflict between the two countries over ownership of Canada ensued. With the Treaty of Paris signed in 1763, France recognized Canada as belonging to England and relinquished all of its claims. Canada has continued to maintain a close relationship to England (today referred to as the United Kingdom). However, through a series of British parliamentary acts Canada has been granted legislative independence from the United Kingdom. This process began in 1867 with the British North American Act and continued into the twentieth century with the Statute of Westminster (1931) and the Canada Act (1982).
Canada has also enjoyed a long association with the United States, Britain’s other former North American colony. Economically the two countries have had a long mutual dependency as each is the other’s major trading partner. During their long trade relationship, Canada and the United States have often disagreed, imposed tariffs, and at times been almost isolationist in their attitudes. However, with the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994, their relationship has in...
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Impact of Canadian Policies on Climate Change (Encyclopedia of Global Warming)
Canada is a vast country which possesses very large reserves of natural resources, both renewable and nonrenewable. Hydropower, a clean renewable source of energy, has been an important source of energy for Canada, especially for electricity. However, from 1990 to 2004, the demand for electricity in Canada increased some 23 percent and Canada increased its use of fossil fuels to meet this demand. Canada is in the process of developing the oil sands in the Athabasca Basin in the province of Alberta. The oil in the oil sands is bitumen, a thick viscous oil which requires considerable processing to be usable. The oil cannot be extracted by drilling but requires either open pit extraction or strip mining. The extraction of this oil emits in excess of 33 million metric tons of greenhouse gases (GHGs), accounting for approximately 5 percent of Canada’s emissions. If Canada follows its present program in regard to the oil sands, the emissions from the oil sands production would reach 12 percent by 2020. The oil producers and the Canadian government are involved in a heated battle with environmentalist groups over the extraction and use of this oil.
In addition, Canadians have changed their preferences in choice of motor vehicles. Sport utility vehicles (SUVs) and small pickup trucks now outnumber passenger automobiles on the roads of Canada. This has resulted in an increase in fuel consumption....
(The entire section is 250 words.)
Canada as a GHG Emitter (Encyclopedia of Global Warming)
According to Environment Canada’s report, Canada had GHG emissions totaling 600 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent in 1990. The Kyoto Protocol, which Canada ratified in December of 2002, calls for Canada to reduce these base year (1990) emissions by 6 percent. The GHG emissions target established for Canada by the 2008-2012 period is 568 million metric tons. From 1990 to 2004, Canada’s GHG emissions rose some 27 percent. Although the greenhouse emissions per unit of GDP fell by 2004 by 14 percent, the Canadian economy experienced considerable expansion that resulted in a net increase in the total emissions. In addition, the ratio of GHG emissions to the population rose by 10 percent. Canada was responsible for approximately 2.3 percent of the GHG emissions in the world. This amount of emissions ranked Canada seventh in the world in GHG emissions. The 2004 emissions of 758 million metric tons were 35 percent above the Kyoto Protocol target.
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Summary and Foresight (Encyclopedia of Global Warming)
Canada’s greenhouse emissions were 35 percent above the Kyoto Protocol target in 2004; by 2006 Canada had reduced its emissions to 21 percent above the Kyoto Protocol. In January of 2006, a conservative government which opposed Canada’s participation in the Kyoto Protocol was in place. In April, the government announced that Canada could not possibly meet its Kyoto Protocol target for the 2008-2012 period. The government further stated that it was seeking an alternative to participation in the Kyoto Protocol and proposed the possibility of joining the Asian-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate. The federal government also proposed legislation setting mandatory emission limits for industry. Subsequently, a bill was introduced to force the government to take the necessary steps for Canada to achieve its Kyoto Protocol target. The bill passed but has been ignored by the government.
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Further Reading (Encyclopedia of Global Warming)
Charnovitz, Steve, and Gary Clyde Hufbauer. Global Warming and the World Trading System. Washington, D.C.: Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2009. Discusses reductions in GHGs and their relation to trade and to trade organizations, especially the World Trade Organization. Details methods of reduction of GHGs without hurting domestic and global carbon-intensive industries. Appendix on using biofuel to save energy and reduce GHG emissions.
Dessler, Andrew E., and Edward A. Parson. The Science and Politics of Global Change: A Guide to the Debate. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Excellent introduction to climate change from a scientific viewpoint, as well as a clear review of global politics and their effects on decision making. Written for the general reader. Well illustrated with graphs and tables. Excellent suggestions for further reading.
Lee, Hyun Young. “Sand Storm.” Wall Street Journal, March 9, 2009, pp. R8-R9. Good article from an economics and world trade viewpoint. Also discusses how U.S. cap-and-trade policy could affect Canadian oil sands development and vice versa.
Marsden, William. Stupid to the Last Drop: How Alberta Is Bringing Environmental Armageddon to Canada (And Doesn’t Seem to Care). Reprint. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2008. Argues that development of the oil sands would destroy natural resources and habitat. Discusses...
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The Country (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Canada is located in the northernmost part of the North American continent. The country is primarily bordered by water, with the north Atlantic Ocean to the east, the north Pacific Ocean to the west, and the Arctic Ocean to the north. It shares its southern border with the United States and a portion of its western border with the state of Alaska. Canada primarily comprises plains but does have mountain ranges in the west and lowlands in the south. Canada’s key resources are oil, natural gas, potash, uranium, zinc, hydropower, and forests. Canada ranks fifteenth in purchasing power parity and tenth in competitiveness in the global economy. The country is the fifteenth richest country in the world based on gross domestic product (GDP) per capita.
(The entire section is 126 words.)
Oil (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Oil is a form of petroleum composed of hydrogen and carbon compounds. It is a liquid form of fossilized biomass contained in underground reservoirs in sedimentary basins both on land areas and in seabeds. Crude oil is refined and used for fuel, lubricants, and various petrochemical feedstocks.
Oil is an abundant resource in Canada. Approximately 47 percent of Canada’s land is covered by sedimentary basins. Only a small number of these land basins are exploited. The major basin is the Western Canadian Sedimentary Basin, which has an area of 181.6 million hectares. The major oil fields of the basin—including the LeDuc oil field, Norman Wells, and Redwater—are all located in the province of Alberta. However, Canada’s greatest resources for oil production in the future are located in basins in the Beaufort Sea and in the waters off the east coast. The Hibernia oil field in the Atlantic Ocean is a major producer of oil. The Canadian government, in cooperation with private companies, is developing many of these basins, including those under the Beaufort Sea. All leases to explore and extract oil and the manner in which it is extracted are regulated by the Canadian government.
The oil sands located in the Athabasca basin in Alberta constitute another rich source of oil for Canada. However, oil sands require unconventional means of extraction and processing that threaten the environment with increased greenhouse-gas emissions....
(The entire section is 342 words.)
Natural Gas (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Natural gas, a highly combustible odorless and colorless liquid, is found with crude oil and in separate deposits. natural gas is composed of methane, butane, ethane, and propane and, like oil, is a form of petroleum. Natural gas is extracted from wells dug deep into the Earth and also from coal-bed methane and from tight sandstone and shale. The methane extracted from the last two sources is referred to as tight gas.
Natural gas is found in various areas in Canada. The extraction of natural gas by drilling wells is the conventional means of retrieval but is expected to decline as unconventional methods of extraction (from coal-bed methane and from shale and tight sandstone) increase. The Western Sedimentary basin located in southwestern Canada contains the majority of the estimated Canadian natural gas reserves. There are also known reserves off the east coast near Nova Scotia and in Ontario. The Arctic Ocean is believed to contain a large amount of gas hydrates, methane enclosed in frozen water on the ocean floor and under areas of permafrost. These potential reserves are not included in the estimated Canadian reserves because the technology necessary to extract them has not been developed.
Natural gas plays an important role in the economy in both the domestic and global markets. In Canada, natural gas is an important resource because it is used by all sectors: residential, commercial, industrial, and power-generation....
(The entire section is 341 words.)
Potash (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Potash, the seventh most abundant element in the Earth’s crust, includes potassium compounds and any material containing potassium. The major use of potash is in the making of fertilizer. Potash was first discovered in Canada in 1943 in the province of Saskatchewan by workers drilling oil wells. In 1951, exploration for potash deposits began. The major potash deposits are in the Middle Devonian Prairie Evaporite, which is located in central and south-central Saskatchewan and extends south into Manitoba and into the United States. Canada possesses approximately 68 billion metric tons of potash reserves. The first company to produce potash in Canada was the Potash Company of America; the firm was founded in 1958 with underground mines at Patience Lake. From 1960 to 1985, extensive development of potash mining took place in Saskatchewan and New Brunswick. In 1964, Kalium Chemical Ltd. established a potash solution mine near Regina, Saskatchewan. This was the world’s first mine of this type. The Canadian potash industry is composed of nine underground mines located in Saskatchewan and three solution mines, two in Saskatchewan and one in New Brunswick. In the 1990’s, Canada became the largest exporter of potash in the world and has 43 percent of the world trade in potash. Canada exports potash to forty different countries. The United States, China, and Brazil are its greatest markets for potash.
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Uranium (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Canada is the world’s leading producer of uranium, a radioactive metal. The exploited deposits of uranium are all in Saskatchewan Province; the largest deposits of high-grade uranium are located in the Athabasca basin. The major operating uranium mines, all located in Saskatchewan, are at Rabbit Lake, McClean Lake, and McArthur Lake. The major use of uranium is in commercial nuclear power plants in the production of electricity. Canada exports 85 percent of its uranium for this purpose. The majority of the exported uranium is sent to the United States, Japan, and Western Europe. The remaining 15 percent is used domestically in Canada’s CANDU reactors to produce approximately 15 percent of Canada’s electricity. Canada produces almost one-third of the uranium produced in the world and ranks third in reserves of uranium. The country is expected to maintain its position as the leader in uranium production.
(The entire section is 144 words.)
Hydropower (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Hydropower, a renewable resource, first became an important source of energy in Canada in the late 1800’s. Hydroelectric plants were constructed at Niagara Falls in Ontario and at Shawinigan Falls in Quebec. Afterward, hydropower continued to play an important role in Canada’s economic development. The number of hydroelectric plants in Canada has grown to 475, and hydropower furnishes approximately two-thirds of Canada’s electricity. Although the number of facilities using hydropower throughout Canada has increased dramatically, the country has not begun to utilize fully its resources of potential hydropower. Globally, Canada is a leader both in the production of hydropower-generated electricity and in the development of hydroelectric power-plant technology. France is the only country that exports more electricity than Canada. The United States, Canada’s major trading partner, imports about $2.5 billion of electricity from Canada every year. The majority of this electricity is generated with hydropower. As global concerns about greenhouse-gas emissions and air pollution become ever greater, Canada’s role as a developer of clean, renewable energy resources and technology continues to grow in importance.
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Aluminum (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Aluminum is not a metal native to Canada; nevertheless, as the major refiner of aluminum, Canada plays an importent role in supplying aluminum to the world. The metal is shipped from all over the world to Canada’s refineries in Quebec, where a vast amount of hydroelectric power is available for processing. The refined aluminum is exported globally.
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Forests (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Ten percent of the world’s forests are in Canada, covering 901 million hectares. Canada’s forest area also accounts for 30 percent of the boreal forest of the world. Forests play a key role in Canada’s economy. Globally, Canada is the largest exporter of forest products. The United States, the European Union, and China are the major markets for Canadian forest products. In 2008, the housing crisis in the United States caused a decline in both the quantity and the dollar value of soft-wood lumber exports. The popularity of electronic media throughout the world has brought about a decline in the amount of newsprint exported. However, the demand for pulp has become greater, with a significant increase in pulp export to Asia. Canada exports a wide variety of forest products, both wood and nontimber products. Christmas trees and maple products account for the majority of nontimber products. Logs, paper products, and pulp constitute the largest dollar value of timber product exports; however, Canada also exports a substantial amount of wood-fabricated products such as fiberboard, both soft- and hard-wood lumber, and plywood. Although Canada imports some forest products, the country is primarily an exporter of forest products, with exports far exceeding imports.
The forest-products industry accounts for approximately 3 percent of Canada’s GDP. Forest-based food products, such as wild mushrooms and berries, and secondary...
(The entire section is 423 words.)
Fisheries (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Fisheries as a resource have experienced considerable difficulties throughout the world because of climate changes. Coupled with the decline in numbers in various species of fish because of climate changes, specifically warming ocean temperatures, the over-exploitation of this resource has resulted in the collapse of some segments of the industry. Canada’s fishing industry has not escaped this problem. While fisheries have played a less important role in the Canadian economy than forests, they have been a major part of the economies of the coastal provinces, especially those of the Atlantic coast. The first major decline in Canada’s fisheries occurred in 1992 with the collapse of the Atlantic cod fisheries. This decline came about because of colder water temperatures in the Labrador Sea and overfishing of the species. Atlantic cod had played a significant role in Canada’s fish exports. Canada shifted its focus to salmon, halibut, and haddock. Shellfish—especially lobster, shrimp, and crab—account for approximately 50 percent of the dollar value of Canadian fish exports. Of the remaining 50 percent of export dollar value, 15 percent is dominated by the export of salmon. Two-thirds of the salmon exported comes from the Atlantic. However, sockeye salmon, which has a higher dollar value, is a Pacific fish and is threatened by warming in the Pacific Ocean. This is causing the salmon to move toward the Bering Sea, resulting in a...
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Zinc (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Zinc is a bluish white metal found in the Earth’s crust. It has a large variety of uses ranging from the galvanizing of steel against corrosion to the creation of alloys such as brass to use in roofing and in paint. Zinc deposits are located in the Appalachian region of Canada and are mined in both open and underground mines. There are a large number of zinc mines operating in Canada, including mines in British Columbia, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Ontario, Quebec, and the Northwest Territories. Canada is the world’s largest producer of zinc and exports about 90 percent of its zinc production. Zinc is exported both as refined metal and as concentrate. The refined metal that is exported has been subjected to an electrolytic process and is therefore an almost pure product. Canada exports zinc worldwide. The major markets for zinc as refined metal are the United States and Taiwan. For zinc concentrate, the majority of markets are in Europe, especially in Belgium, Germany, Spain, and Italy. South Korea is also an important market for zinc concentrate.
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Nickel (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Nickel is a grayish white metal and ranks twenty-fourth in abundance among metals found in the Earth’s crust. It is used primarily as an alloying agent and is found in about three thousand different alloys, including stainless steel. Nickel was first discovered in Canada near Sudbury, Ontario, where a number of companies run integrated operations in mining, milling, smelting, and refining the nickel. In 1993, another large deposit of nickel was discovered at Voisey Bay. Canada is the second largest producer of nickel worldwide; only Russia produces more. Canada’s domestic market uses only 2 percent of the nickel produced in the country; the remainder is exported to major markets such as the United States, Western Europe, and Japan.
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Other Resources (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Canada’s other resources include salt, copper, gold, and molybdenum as well as numerous others. Salt is found in both eastern Canada, where it is abundant in the Atlantic basin, and western Canada, from Manitoba to Alberta. Canada is the world’s fourth largest producer of salt. All but 1 percent of Canada’s trade in salt is done with its major trading partner, the United States. However, Canada imports more salt than it exports.
In Canada,copper, a reddish metal, is usually found in combination with sulfite minerals. The copper sulfides often contain gold and molybdenum as well. Canada is the fifth largest mine producer of copper globally. Its two major copper-producing provinces are Ontario and British Columbia. The copper mined in Ontario is processed there, but the copper mined in British Columbia is exported to Asia for processing.
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Further Reading (Encyclopedia of Global Resources)
Barnes, Michael. More than Free Gold: Mineral Exploration in Canada Since World War II. Renfrew, Ont.: General Store, 2008.
Førsund, Finn R. Hydropower Economics. New York: Springer, 2007.
McKay, David L. Why Mining? Victoria, B.C.: Trafford, 2002.
Martin, Raymond, and William L. Leffler. Oil and Gas Production in Nontechnical Language. Tulsa, Okla.: PennWell, 2006.
Wetzel, Suzanne, Luc C. Duchesne, and Michael F. Laporte. Bioproducts from Canada’s Forests: New Partnerships in the Bioeconomy. New York: Springer, 2006.
Zoellner, Tom. Uranium: War, Energy, and the Rock That Shaped the World. New York: Viking, 2009.
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Canada (Encyclopedia of Food & Culture)
CANADA. Canada is a vast country touched by three oceans, and it holds within its boundaries prairies, hills, mountains, semidesert and desert country, rocky thin-soiled lands, a multitude of lakes, enormous forests, and Arctic tundra. While the terrain varies greatly, there is a commonality across Canada, and that is the severity of winter. Few European immigrants in Canada's early history were prepared for the cold, and from the beginning, Canadians struggled with the elements for their survival. This was a defining factor in the development of Canadian cuisine. But it is the people of Canada who, more than the land and weather, created Canada's cookery. From the First Nations people to the waves of immigrants from every country in the world, Canada's cuisine became distinctly regional.
Diversity has been a characteristic of Canadian cuisine from the beginning of settlement. In the seventeenth century, the first Europeans in Canada encountered a highly varied population of Native Peoples, for example, hunters and gatherers including the Inuit in the Arctic; agricultural people in parts of southern Quebec and Ontario; buffalo hunters on the plains; and fishermen on the West Coast among the nearly sedentary Pacific North Coastal people.
By the end of the eighteenth century, the dominant groups in Canada were British (particularly English and Scots), French, and American Loyalists. The cuisine that
In spite of the cultural dominance of English-speaking Canadians, other ethnic immigrant groups often settled in regional pockets where they maintained their language and their culinary traditions. Coming from different regions in their home countries, they melded traditions together. For example, in the Ukraine, women made pysanky (eggs decorated with ritualistic symbols) according to their local traditions, but in Canada, they drew designs from many regions of Ukraine. Northern and Southern Italian foods such as pasta and polenta, likewise, were simply "Italian" in Canada.
Until after World War II, ethnic foods were rarely written about in Canadian food magazines or cookbooks, and ethnic recipes were highly modified. In a 1920s community cookbook, for example, a chop suey recipe was a mixture of fried hamburger, rice, tomatoes, and onions, baked for an hour; and spaghetti was cooked meat, spaghetti, onion, butter, green pepper, and canned tomato soup, baked with buttered bread crumbs; both were seasoned only with salt and pepper. In the 1970s the milieu changed when, under the leadership of Pierre Trudeau, Canada adopted a policy of multiculturalism. It then became the fashion to share ethnicity, and the easiest way was through cookery. The foods that ethnic
After World War II, fast-food eateries and chain restaurants serving inexpensive, mass-produced foods swept across North America. Franchises on the U.S. model were adopted and Canadians quickly developed their own fast food restaurants for hamburgers, fried chicken, and pizza. A favorite fast-food chain is Tim Horton Donuts, a coffee and donut shop. Popular Canadian restaurant chains that developed were "road houses" serving grilled foods and pasta. The Americanization of Canadian foods and foodways was influenced also by food articles in American magazines and by television food shows.
Canadian cuisine is strongly regional in character with American influences. The eating pattern of three meals a day, the popularity of many foods, the importation of fresh produce and manufactured foods, and the eating of particular foods at the feasts of Thanksgiving, Christmas, and Easter are common denominators of the cuisine of both the United States and Canada. The real difference is the highly visible regional cuisines of Canada, based on the available ingredients and the ethnic groups who settled in these regions. Canadian cuisine cannot be understood without examining these regional traditions.
Newfoundland: A Survival Cuisine
From the early sixteenth century, the huge and lucrative cod fisheries on the coasts surrounding this island province and the Grand Banks offshore attracted fishing vessels manned by Basque, Portuguese, French, and British sailors. Before settlement, these groups salted cod in summer fish-drying camps, and then dried it on "flakes." A product that could keep indefinitely, salt cod was eaten in Europe for centuries. Eventually the English settled in the north and west, followed by the Irish, in St. John's and the east coast, and French along the south shore. Newfoundland's environment is harsh and demanding with deceivingly warm but short summers. The cuisine that developed was simple and entrenched.
Only a few ingredients are needed to make ribsticking, hearty, and soul-satisfying meals. Fish (cod) and root vegetables form the basis of the Newfoundlanders' diet. There is little agriculture on the island, but root vegetables can be grown there, and tiny vegetable garden plots are often found along the roadside on the western coast. Potatoes, carrots, onions, turnips, parsnips, and cabbage are mainstays.
In 1992 the cod stocks crashed on the Grand Banks, and a moratorium was placed on commercial fishing in Canadian waters on the Banks. Although a way of life for Newfoundlanders seemed to have been lost, cod remains their favorite food. While the major cod fisheries are still closed, some fish is available on the southern coast, and local inhabitants are allowed to "jig" for cod two weekends a year. When a Newfoundlander says the word "fish," he or she means "cod," which, over the centuries, has been the preferred dish. A fresh cod dinner is Newfoundland comfort food. A thick piece of cod, usually grilled or poached, is served with mashed potatoes, mixed peas and carrots, coleslaw and fluffy white rolls. Delicacies are cod tongues and cheeks, either sautéed or deep-fried. Salt cod is prepared most commonly as fish 'n' brewis (also called "fisherman's brewis"). The salted fish is soaked, shredded, and cooked with dried bread chunks (hardtack) until thick, and schruncheons (fried diced salt pork) with its fat is poured over the mixture.
Pea soup (a thick potage of yellow split peas with diced turnips, carrots, and potatoes) can be traced back to the daily fare of sixteenth-century fishermenith salt beef added on Sundays. Split peas are also used to make pease pudding by dropping a pudding bag of peas into Jigg's dinner, a boiled dinner of salt beef, onions, potatoes, carrots, and turnips.
To supplement and vary the fish and salt-beef diet, many men hunt partridge, ptarmigan, rabbits, turr (a seabird), moose, caribou, and deer. Moose is preferred only because it will fill the hunter's freezernd his neighbors'nd last through the winter. A traditional wild-game dish is flipper pie made from seal flippers, carefully prepared and cooked in a pastry. The wilds also provide berries in abundance, eaten fresh and preserved for the long winter, either frozen for pies and other desserts or made into jams. Favorites are blueberries, strawberries, blackberries, raspberries, partridgeberries (lignonberries), and yellow baking apples (cloud berries).
More than anything else, Newfoundlanders are known for fun: parties, Newfoundland fiddling, and rum. Screech, a dark rum, was named because American servicemen during World War II found it made them "screech." Those "from away" may undergo a Newfoundland initiation by tossing back Screech and reciting an intonation, always with good humor, and sometimes accompanied by kissing a cod.
The Maritime Provinces: An Entrenched Cuisine
The cuisine of the Maritime provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island (P.E.I.) is a bittersweet oneitter because so many people were dislocated, either within the Maritimes or because they had to leave their homelands, sweet because the Maritime cuisine was a result. Early migration into the Atlantic provinces generally took place of necessity. Power struggles between France and England led to the forced displacement of the French Acadians in 1755, and American planters took over their rich farmlands. Scattered to many countries, some Acadians returned after 1763, not to their rich farmlands but to less desirable land, or they turned to fishing. Settling in parts of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Quebec, they developed a distinct cuisine in each area: buckwheat pancakes, poutine râpée (dumpling stuffed with salt pork), râpure (grated potato and chicken or seafood pie), fricots (stews), rabbit pies, and many other traditional dishes.
Later in the century, in 1783, United Empire Loyalists, scorned in the United States, made their way into the Maritimes. These American Loyalists brought New England food traditions, popularizing corn in many forms (corn-on-the-cob, johnnycakes, corn puddings, and Anadama or Yankee bread), and the Saturday night custom of baked beans and brown bread. Freed African loyalists and others of African descent also came north. Blacks settling in the Shelburne area brought Southern American cooking: deep-fat frying, barbecued meat, the use of corn meal and hominy, pork, rice, and fish. Germans left for Lunenberg, Nova Scotia, in 1753 and contributed Solomon Gundy (pickled herring), soused eels, and sauerkraut. Scots in Cape Breton brought oat cakes and porridge bread. These early settlers created distinct regional cuisines. But the one traditional meal common to the Maritimes is Dutch mess, also called hugger-in-buff, fish and schrunchions, or house bankin, depending upon where one lives. Salt cod is soaked, then cooked; potatoes are boiled in the fish broth; salt pork and onions are fried, vinegar and cream added and poured over the cod and potatoes. The next day, leftovers are mashed and made into fish cakes.
The abundant fish and shellfish were the key ingredients defining early Maritime cuisine, and they continue to do so today. These seafoods, along with root vegetables, dried peas, cabbage, and trade goods from Britain formed the basic components used in early eastern Canadian cookery. Early English colonists were dependent upon Great Britain for food, and these supplies grew into a thriving trade of tea, sugar, spices (ginger was a favorite), and dried fruits. The triangular trade between England, New England, and the Caribbean brought molasses, rum, and ginger from the Caribbean. Halifax, the early center of British social life, retains a distinct English character. Gaily signed pubs serve meat pies and fish and chips. British dishes lingeroast beef with York-shire pudding, trifle, and gingerbread.
Each Maritime province has vast coastal areas, and cod is common to all. Products of the sea vary somewhat in each province. Prince Edward Island is associated with lobster fisheries, aqua-cultured blue mussels, Malpeque oysters, and Irish moss. Nova Scotia is known for Digby scallops and dulse (a reddish seaweed). New Brunswick fishes for Fundy salmon, smelt, trout, and shad. Samphire greens (eaten locally) are harvested from the shores of each of these provinces. In countryside Nova Scotia, roadside "canteens," one-room buildings, sell some of the region's best seafood: lobster or clam rolls, fried scallops, or fried fishll seafoods cooked fresh from the sea.
The harvest from the land is also regional. Nova Scotia is known for its Annapolis Valley apple orchards, New Brunswick for its maple syrup and wild chanterelles, and P.E.I. for its potatoes. New Brunswick fiddleheads from the Ostrich fern are a gourmet delicacy picked in early spring before the fronds open, and are cooked as a vegetable.
By the early 1800s, established food traditions had become associated with a way of life, and to a great extent, have remained impervious to change. Even the large migrations of ethnic groups after World War II were insufficient to displace these three-hundred-year-old culinary traditions.
Quebec: A Distinct Cuisine
Quebecois consider themselves a distinct society, and this is reflected in their cuisine. Restaurant menus are written in French, and the cuisine is distinctly French, but with a difference: most of all, the love ofven obsession withood food and its celebration, the use of flavorful sauces, the elaboration of courses, the use of fresh ingredients, and the respect for their chefs. The first European settlers in Canada in the early seventeenth century were French. They maintained close ties with their mother country until after the English conquest in the mid-eighteenth century. At that time, communication with France was cut off.
Thus, many traditional Quebec dishes resemble those prepared in medieval and early Renaissance France. Well-known favorites across Quebec are cretons (a rich pork pâté), tourtière (meat pie), ragoût de pattes et de boulettes (pigs' feet and meatball stew), les cipaille or cipâte (baked casserole made by layering pastry with meat, poultry, and/or seafood), and galettes de sarrasin (buckwheat pancakes). A hearty fare, originally cooked for fishermen, farmers, and loggers, they are today reserved for family gatherings and holidays.
The abundance of wild game and the land available to provide forage for it probably influenced Quebec's cuisine more than any other factor. This provided ordinary settlers with meat and gave them an equality with royalty unknown to the seventeenth-century French peasant. Indeed, in France at that time, food was frequently scarce. It is not surprising that the Quebecois' diet was rich in meat, poultry, and fish and that regional dishes were made with these ingredients.
Although maintaining their French heritage, the Quebecois incorporated ingredients and dishes from other cultures. From the beginning, the French had close ties with aboriginal peoples whose culture dictated that they share game and fish with their friends. The Native Peoples showed them the edible wild flora and fauna, and the French were quick to incorporate wild game, berries, and maple sugar into their diet. It should be noted that corn, beans, and squash had already been introduced into France before Quebec was colonized, and potatoes are thought to have been introduced by the British. American Loyalists and British immigrants after 1755 also influenced Quebec cookery; the French especially liked sweet British desserts, many of them made with molasses. Cultural influences continue today as with the Middle Eastern innovation mechoui, a popular party at which a whole animal is barbecued, usually wild game like buffalo or wild boar. Quebec cities, like other Canadian centers, have a multicultural character. This is especially true of Montreal, where there are more French-speaking immigrants than in other major Canadian cities: Haitians, Lebanese, and Vietnamese have all influenced Quebec's cookery, particularly in their family-owned restaurants and their ingredients in small grocery stores. Moreover, Montreal's population contains a mix of people speaking a multitude of languages who have contributed their foodways to the cultural mix of this city.
Quebec's cuisine is a highly regional one. The Institut de Tourisme et d'Hôtellerie du Québec has identified at least seventeen gastronomical regions within the province and has searched out more than 30,000 regional recipes. In the Gaspé, for instance, salt is used liberally and salmon layered with pastry is their version of cipâte. People from the Lac Saint-Jean area are called "les Bluets" (blueberries), and these berries are made into grandpères (dumplings cooked in blueberry sauce) or a blueberry cipaille. Gourgane beans brought from Europe are unique to this area and are often made into soupe aux gourganes, a filling bean, barley, and vegetable potage.
Today, young Quebec-trained chefs search out local ingredients, experiment with them, and to some extent are turning to France for inspiration. Artisanal breads, soft cheeses, goat cheeses, Normandy-style apple cider, local wines, organically grown vegetables, white asparagus, fresh herbs (especially summer savory), wild mushrooms, rabbits, caribou, and wild game birds are some of the ingredients finding their way onto the Quebec table. The Quebec diet is changing but the accent remains distinctly French Quebec.
Ontario: A Dynamic Cuisine
The French and then the British and, shortly thereafter, American Loyalist immigrants had close contact with members of the Iroquoian tribes. From these original farming inhabitants, the immigrants learned how to plant corn, beans, squash, Jerusalem artichokes, and sunflowers, and to tap the maple trees for their sweet sugar. In the early days of settlement, wild game and fresh fish from the streams and the many lakes in Ontario were plentiful. The French left little impact upon Ontario's cuisine, but the English foodways became dominant: their style of eating and especially their love of sweets, roasted beef and pork, cooked root vegetables, white bread, and tea. One of the first tasks the settlers had was to build grist mills to grind wheat for their cakes and breads. They found the farmland in southern Ontario to be fertile, and most of the crops from their homelands flourished. Dairy herds were established, which led in the nineteenth century to a significant trade in cheddar cheese with England and the popularity of this cheese in Ontario.
There were two influential groups who came north with the Loyalists at the end of the eighteenth century. The Iroquois under the leadership of Joseph Brant settled near Brandford to form the Six Nations. An agricultural people, they grew the "Three Sisters"orn, beans, and squashnd reinforced the growth and use of these crops in Ontario. The other group was the Pennsylvania German Mennonites who took up farming in the Waterloo area. When the Ontario Mennonites chose their food preparations from the Pennsylvania German recipe repertoire, a difference appeared. While the recipes they loved best were still distinctly Mennonite, the choices of foods changed. In Ontario, they are known for summer sausages, Nusschinken (cool-smoked ham), smoked pork chops, Koch Käse (a runny cooked whey cheese flavored with caraway seed, smeared on bread with apple butter), shoofly pie made with maple syrup, Dutch apple pie, doughnuts, and mint tea.
In the nineteenth century, southern Ontario was the terminus of the "underground railroad," offering shelter to American blacks escaping slavery. They brought Southern American cookery to Ontario. Irish, Scots, English, and other groups streamed into Ontario during this century, reinforcing British cuisine. Rutabagas (called turnips) were standard winter fare. Steamed carrot pudding became a Christmas tradition. China tea cups were given to brides, and the prescribed wedding cake was a dark fruit cake.
Some ethnic groups entering Ontario in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries formed communities around Ontario: the Poles in Wilno, the Portuguese in Strathroy, the Italians in Guelph, the Scots in the Renfrew valley near Ottawa, the Finns in Thunder Bay, and Ukrainians and Eastern Europeans in Hamilton. This is not to say that myriad cultural groups are not found in these areas; the point is that in these areas, the home cuisine and the language of these settlers was maintained.
Coming primarily from politically troubled parts of the world, approximately 175,000 immigrants annually enter Canada. Of these, about half locate in Ontario, the majority moving into the Toronto area. Immediately after World War II came Italians, Eastern Europeans, British war brides, and many others. In the 1970s, after Canada's newly entrenched multicultural policy, immigrants streamed in from Hong Kong, Vietnam, Somalia, Ethiopia, Croatia, Serbia, India, Sri Lanka, the Middle East, and other countries. Ontario had long served up a meat, potato, and root vegetable table, but the influx of new people and their culinary traditions meant a developing and rapidly changing gastronomy in Ontario, led by Toronto.
Toronto, the most culturally diverse city in Canada, is a reflection of Canadian multiculturalism in the makeup of its population and in its cuisine. There are five Chinatowns in the Toronto area, most recently settled by affluent Chinese from Hong Kong, and Chinese restaurants represent every region in China. Upscale restaurants serve Italian, Portuguese, Greek, Indian, Lebanese, Caribbean, and American cuisine, but the neighborhood dining spots are the best places to find the comfort food of nearly every nation in the world and at a reasonable price.
As a result of this diversity, Ontario is somewhat fragmented in its cuisine, but people in Ontario pride themselves on a receptivity to the flavors of the world. Hoisin sauce, garam masala, baba ghanoush, phyllo pastry, flat breads, tzatziki, pierogies, rice and beans, Jamaican meat patties, and espresso are, if not daily fare, part of Ontario's food repertoire.
The Prairies: Bread and Beef
Traveling west through the provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta, seemingly endless fields of wheat dominate the landscape. The wheat belt runs through all three prairie provinces, and wheat is an important economic export. Canadian cuisine has been affected by this bountiful crop since it was first planted on the Prairies in the last half of the nineteenth century. Canadians have a history of baking. In 1913 Five Roses Flour Company published a cookbook of recipes collected from women across Canada. By 1915 this book was found in 950,000 or nearly half of the homes in Canada. In addition to bread and pastry flours, durum wheat that is made into semolina flour for making pastas is grown here.
Prairie history, however, was not one of farming. Native Americans who dominated the plains lived primarily on buffalo, which they preserved by drying and mixing it with buffalo fat and berries, usually Saskatoon berries, and storing the mixture, known as pemmican, in containers made of buffalo skin. French and Scottish voyagers of the fur trade were provisioned with pemmican by Native People, and early settlers relied upon it. When overhunting led to the demise of the huge buffalo herds, beef took its place. A favored method of beef cookery is grilling, and some cook it outdoors year round. For community barbecues, a hole is dug with a backhoe large enough for several cords of wood and an entire beef animal. After twelve hours of underground cooking, the beef is sliced and served with baked beans, fresh breads, salads, pickles and relishes, pies and cakes. Calgary, the home of the Canadian cowboy, glorifies the chuck wagon at "stampede," the annual rodeo. Chuck wagon races are an awaited event; the wagons dash pell-mell around a circle and at the finish line the cowboy "cook" must be the first to light the campfire. Chuck wagon expressions humorously included "baked wind pills" (baked beans), "CPR (Canadian Pacific Railroad) strawberries" (prunes), "dough-gods" (dumplings), "paperweights" (hot biscuits), and "yesterday, today and forever" (hash).
Until the 1950s, British settlers strongly influenced prairie cuisine. Stews, roast beef with Yorkshire pudding, and cakes named after British royalty (Prince of Wales, Prince Albert, King George and King Edward cakes) were popular. Today, Alberta is dotted with English tea houses, in as unlikely locations as a grain elevator.
While British cookery dominated the great wave of immigration (over a million) in the early part of the twentieth century, immigrant groups did not sacrifice their culinary traditions. Russian Mennonites settling in Manitoba, Icelandic immigrants in Grimli, Manitoba, Hutterites in Alberta, and the French who came early in settlement, particularly in Winnipeg, continued to cook their favorite recipes, as had their families before them.
Ukrainians, however, influenced prairie cookery. From the time they arrived at the end of the nineteenth century, they brought with them a tradition of wheat farming and cuisine. Mothers taught daughters the ancient art of making traditional breads and pysanky. They introduced varenyky or pierogies (flour-based rounds of dough stuffed with a unique Canadian potato and cheddar cheese mixture), stuffed cabbage rolls, psyrizhky (baked stuffed buns), and paska (Easter bread).
Newer immigration waves have made their mark on Prairie cuisine, particularly in the cities. In Winnipeg there is the largest Philippine population outside of that country. West Indian roti shops, Middle Eastern foods, and other ethnic foods add to the culinary flavors of Winnipeg, Edmonton, Saskatoon, and Calgary.
British Columbia: Aboriginal, English, Chinese, and California Fusion
Because of settlement patterns in British Columbia, Canada's westernmost province, its cuisine is different from the rest of Canada. The aboriginal people included many bands of North Coastal and Interior Coastal Peoples living in small villages along the Pacific Ocean and in the interior mountainous areas. By the 1860s there was a genteel English colony on Vancouver Island enjoying garden parties and afternoon tea. Chinese laborers arrived in the last half of the nineteenth century, and in addition to opening restaurants, frequently became cooks in English homes. In the twentieth century, the Californian free-spirited cookery spread up the coast, espousing the use of fresh local ingredients and healthy cooking, including vegetarianism. Many other cultural groups added to this mix but the dominant cuisine is Aboriginal, English, Chinese, and Californian.
As the cuisine in British Columbia developed, locally grown or harvested ingredients from land and sea respectively were adopted by all groups and each modified them according to their backgrounds. The Pacific harvest focuses on salmon: coho, chinook, pink, chum, and red sockeye salmon. Halibut, black cod, lingcod, tuna, rockfish, and eulachon are also favored fish. Shellfish include crabs (especially Dungeness) oysters, scallops, shrimp, prawns, abalone, and many varieties of clams. Agricultural areas in the beginning were developed in the Fraser River delta, supplying produce for Victoria and Chinese vegetables for early Chinese immigrants. Further inland, microclimates characterize the agricultural areas of the Okanagan and Similkimen Valleys, the fruit-growing regions of British Columbia. This climate is ideal for viticulture, and some grapes left on the vine until January are made into Eiswein. Soapberries, thimble-berries, salmonberries, huckleberries, and many other berries are harvested from the wild, as are pine mushrooms growing in evergreen forests.
The first inhabitants who influenced British Columbian cookery were the North Coast Native Peoples. Salmon was and continues to be their primary foodstuff: it is baked, poached, barbecued, and smoked. Family smokehouses are common in the coastal villages. Women also preserve salmon by canning for times when it is not in season. Eulachon oil and herring eggs are prized foods. Eulachon, a small oily fish (also called "candle fish" because when dried it can be lighted), can be eaten fried or baked, but is prized more for its oil, used as a dip for foods and as a seasoning. Spruce boughs are placed in the ocean water and become a spawning site for herring. The branches are harvested with the eggs still clinging to them and are then dried. It is not uncommon to see these boughs drying on the sides of houses. Roots were gathered in the past but are not as commonly used today with the exception of roasted camas bulbs. Indian ice cream is made by whipping the indigenous soapberries into a froth. These local ingredients still dominate aboriginal cooking, particularly since food must be brought to many native villages by ferry. However, the overall cuisine of the Native Peoples has been affected by Canadian culinary culture and their daily menus are as likely to include pizza, burgers, donuts and coffee, stews, pies and cakes as that of any other Canadian. But they value their distinct culinary traditions.Victoria on Vancouver Island, more than any other Canadian city, has a decidedly English character. Afternoon tea is still a tradition, and locally brewed ales can be found at English-style pubs. In the warm climate (by
Vancouver, the largest city in British Columbia, although multicultural, has a character all its own. Here there are English, Chinese, Pacific Coast Native, Italian, and Japanese, as well as Californian influences. The Chinese influence is strongest in Vancouver. The Chinese community demands fresh produce and fishvident in Vancouver food stores. Chinese vegetables such as gai lohn have long been grown in the Fraser River delta. Live fish and shellfish from the Pacific are kept in tanks (goe-duck clams, Dungeness crabs, and rockfish). Recent wealthy immigrants from Hong Kong created a demand for imported Chinese foods and medicines such as ginseng (grown commercially in British Columbia and Ontario), dried abalone, shark's fin, and bird's nest.
Young, well-trained chefs are combining this cooking in various adaptations, creating a fusion cuisine. These young people revere local ingredients, ethnic ideas and styles, organically grown foods, herbs, edible flowers, whole grains, and enjoy the good life.
The North: Finding Food for Survival
Canada's agricultural belt as well as its population is concentrated in approximately the lower one-third of its land mass. The "North" includes the territories of the Yukon, the Northwest Territories, and the newest territory, Nunavut. For purposes of describing the regional cuisines of Canada, the forest land south of the tundra and north of the agricultural belt are also included, as are parts of the Prairie provinces, Ontario, Quebec and Labrador.
Indigenous ingredients distinguish the cuisine of northern Canada from other regions. Because food supplies are difficult to transport, there is more of an emphasis upon local foods than in southern Canada. Caribou, muskoxen, moose, deer, ptarmigan, and arctic char are hunted or fished. Today aboriginal people supply wild game to restaurants and the luxury market, particularly caribou, muskoxen, and arctic char. Migratory ducks and geese provide variety to the larder in the fall. Berries grow profuselylueberries, partridge berries, cranberries, and black currants are made into pies, preserves, jellies, and sauces. These foods all have local habitatsot all are found in every part of Canada's north.
The aboriginal population comprises about twothirds of the northern population. Before European settlement, the Inuit occupied the Arctic, that is, the tundra beyond the tree line that encompasses the northern third of Canada's land mass. The aboriginal tribes of the Mackenzie and Yukon River basins and the Northern Cree occupy the northern wooded areas. Before contact with Europeans, these Peoples of the First Nations were self-sufficient and lived seasonally, either following herds of caribou or moving from place to place where food could be found. Their diet was rich in protein, with plant materials making up an estimated five percent of their food. This diet was healthy and supplied all their nutritional needs. In the twentieth century, attempts to assimilate Native Peoples into white society changed the native culture dramatically. Many were moved to permanent settlements (especially the Inuit) and were no longer able to resume their migratory food patterns. They began to live on foods that could be transported into their villages, usually by plane. These foods were much different from their traditional diet. Carbohydrates were introduced, particularly white flour and refined sugar. Manufactured foods like potato chips and soft drinks became popular, especially because the traditional pattern was to eat when hungry rather than at set mealtimes. Rich in fat and starch, these new foods were detrimental to the health of Native Peoples, leading to diabetes and other dietary diseases. While there is a trend among Native Peoples to return to their traditional diet, permanent settlements make this difficult.
The largest white settlements in the north are in the Yukon and Northwest Territories. Dawson and Whitehorse were settled during the gold rush, and Yellowknife was established as the capital of the Northwest Territories. The Yukon today has predominately British roots. The center of the gold rush beginning in 1897, Dawson drew miners, honky-tonk girls, and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). To prevent starvation, miners were required to pack in a year's supply of food before they were allowed into the territory. Provisions were basic and affected the cuisine of the territory: beans, flour, dried fruit, sugar, bacon, and tea were common items. Wild game supplemented their plain diets, but if they struck it rich they could buy luxury foods such as chocolate, champagne, and fresh eggs. Prospectors became known as "sour-doughs" because they craved white bread so much they baked it in their camps. Legend has it that they kept the yeast starter alive by carrying it in their armpits when traveling in the bitter cold.
Today procurement of food for the north still requires a great deal of planning. Winter is unpredictable, and even where there are logging trails or water access to northern communities, food supplies are sometimes delayed. Nearly any food can be shipped in by air, but that option is expensive. With modern communications with the rest of the world, there is demand for many more food products, especially in increasingly popular luxury fly-in hunting and fishing lodges. Overall, diets in the North are simpler than elsewhere, but definitely Canadian in style.
From coast to coast, diverse regional cuisines dominate Canadian cooking. Canadians today value their ethnic origins highly and take pride in preserving their culture, particularly their cuisine. Overlying these regional cuisines is a dominant North American influence, which is not surprising since there was American immigration into Canada early in its history, the language is understood by most Canadians, and the cultural influence of the media has brought trends and new foods to Canada. Canadians also take advantage of fruits and vegetables grown south of the border that lend variety to winter meals. One cannot say that there is a national cuisine, as there is in Mexico, but one must experience and enjoy the diverse regional cuisines of Canada, which together create a diversity of foodways that reflect Canadian society.
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Armstrong, Julian. A Taste of Quebec. Toronto: Macmillan, 1990.
Barer-Stein, Thelma. You Eat What You Are: People, Culture and Food Traditions. 2nd ed. Toronto: Firefly Books, 1999.
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Driver, Elizabeth. A Bibliography of Canadian Cookbooks (1825949). Toronto: University of Toronto Press, forthcoming.
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Powers, Jo Marie, ed. From Cathay to Canada: Chinese Cuisine in Transition. Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1998.
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Turner, Nancy J. Food Plants of Interior First Peoples. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1997.
Jo Marie Powers
Canada (Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity)
In precontact Canada Amerindian societies were predominantly agrarian and hunter-gatherers. The two economies facilitated extensive trade routes and military alliances that were readily penetrated by European imperial rivals with the introduction of the fur trade.
Although neither Europeans or Amerindians needed lessons in the waging of armed conflict against an enemy, precontact hostilities were largely limited to blood feuds, which resulted in relatively few casualties when compared to European conventional warfare. Trade and alliances with European nations brought access to wealth and firearms that increased hostilities among Amerindian nations to unprecedented levels due to competition for furs and threats to sovereignty.
Trade in Furs and European Imperial Rivalries
Speculation that the Iroquois may have committed genocide against the Huron, who ceased to exist as a confederacy in 1649, is based on the hypothesis, first proposed by George T. Hunt in 1940, that the war between them was fought over the right to be the middlemen in the fur trade. Bruce Trigger, who dismissed Hunt's hypothesis as a "major dis-service" to scholarship argues that the Huron, because of their precontact allies and relationship with the French, represented a military threat to Iroquois sovereignty. The intent of the Iroquois was to break the Huron-French alliance. After the defeat of the Huron, the Iroquois made no attempt to replace them as middlemen. At the end of conflict the Iroquois compelled the Huron to join the Iroquois Confederacy. Many Iroquois were dispersed among the Onondaga and Mohawk, while one entire tribe and some of their allies were adopted by the Seneca Nation. This tribe was allowed to maintain its own language, culture, and customs.
A second possible case of genocide during the Huron-Iroquois conflict involves the Jesuits. In 1640 the Iroquois met with then Governor Montmagny of New France in an attempt to procure a treaty allowing them to kill Algonquin, allies of the Huron, without French interference. In return, Iroquois would no longer attack French or Huron furriers. Montmagny at first declined, but was persuaded by Jesuit priests to agree, provided the Iroquois promised to attack only non-Christian Algonquin. The Algonquin were never informed of the treaty. Trigger contends that the Jesuits, who were dependent on the fur trade, feared losing their missions if trade was cut off and recognized this as an opportunity to encourage Algonquin conversion. While the Iroquois' intent was to attack Algonquin randomly, Jesuit intent, inflicting conditions that aimed to annihilate non-Christian Algonquin, may have qualified as a genocide; however, Trigger points out that the treaty was only temporary.
Impact of European Infectious Diseases
Although there is a divergence of opinion as to the numbers of Aboriginal peoples who perished from the seventeenth century onward after contracting European infectious diseases, most notably smallpox, a consensus exists among historians that the spread of disease was one of the leading factors in the destruction of Amerindian societies. The primary debate centers on the issue of intent. Did the carriers of infectious disease deliberately facilitate its spread to Aboriginal peoples with the intent that Amerindians should die?
Jesuit missionaries, who first came into contact with the Huron Nation in the early 1600s, estimated the Huron population to be roughly 20,000 to 35,000. After a wave of epidemics, particularly smallpox, the Huron were reduced to about 10,000 by 1640. Many Huron observed that epidemics had occurred after visits from the black-robed missionaries. This led Huron to believe the Jesuits were practicing witchcraft. Jesuit ceremonies, such as the burning of incense and the priests' obsession with baptism (it did not go unnoticed that most Huron baptized while on their death bed with smallpox failed to survive), were interpreted as spell casting, or worse, soul stealing. Events culminated with a Huron attack on a Jesuit settlement in modern Midland Ontario, which resulted in the annihilation of its inhabitants.
While the Huron may not have understood the science behind the spread of European infectious diseases, in all probability they were likely correct in identifying the Jesuits as the carriers of disease. The Jesuits believed in the existence of two worlds after death. Heaven, which represented all they deemed holy, and hell, or purgatory, which represented all that was evil and feared. Better to risk the death of Amerindians after baptism, they reasoned, than not to baptize and risk eternal damnation for those unfortunate enough to die without having been baptized.
Intent and Implementation of British/Canadian Amerindian Policy
British Amerindian policy followed three discernible paths: protection, civilization, and finally assimilation. With the introduction of the Royal Proclamation of 1763, the British Crown recognized Amerindian land rights and forbade European settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains. Amerindian lands could only be surrendered to the Crown. The exception was the colony of British Columbia, where the colonial government favored what it called "peaceful penetration." However, after confederation, the Canadian government put an end to this policy and proceeded to invoke the tradition born out of the Royal proclamation where only the Crown could purchase land. The Crown, in turn, was the sole proprietor of land sales to settlers. Although this policy advanced British economic interests in the fur trade, it conflicted with the interests of American settlers, ultimately contributing to the American Revolution.
Between 1815 and 1841 Upper Canada accepted an influx of European settlers, creating demands on Amerindian lands. Sir Frances Bond Head, the lieutenant governor of Upper Canada, as U.S. President Thomas Jefferson before him, advocated the relocation of Amerindians. Bond Head proposed moving all Amerindians from central and southern Ontario to Manitoulin Island. While Bond Head's proposal was never actuated, all Indians were eventually isolated on reserves, opening land for settlement. Christian converts who originally built and maintained their own community of log houses, barns, and fields at the present-day site of Owen Sound, Ontario, were not spared. Bond Head told the Amerindians that they could not be protected from settlers unless they agreed to relocate and relinquish their lands.
In 1830 the Indian Department was transferred from military to civilian control. With this change, the Act for the Gradual Civilization of the Indian Tribes in the Canadas was introduced. Favored by white settlers and politicians, Governor George Simpson of the Hudson's Bay Company warned that policies undermining Amerindians societies would become a political issue in Britain. As J. R. Miller contends, "Assimilation through evangelization, education and agriculture would have to be the policy after 1830, because more coercive methods of achieving the 'Euthanasia of savage communities' were inimical, expensive and politically dangerous" (1996, p. 75). Miller appears to be correct in his estimations. From 1837 to 1861 Englishman Herman Merival, rejecting the notion of the physical extermination of Natives as unthinkable, openly advocated utilizing both the church and state to prepare Amerindians for assimilation, while isolating them from settlers until such time that they might be deemed "civilized." The Civilization Act of 1857 was precisely what Merival had advocated. The Crown went further in 1866, with the introduction of policies that "adjusted" reserves. Amerindians were expected to live on 10 acres per family, whereas whites were permitted to claim 160 acres and purchase an additional 480.
Recognition of a Nation
The introduction of the British North American (B.N.A.) Act of 1867 recognized Canada as a nation and entrenched Amerindians in Canadian law as wards of the Crown; however, Amerindians were encouraged under the act to pursue enfranchisement, which entailed full assimilation into white society.
In 1868 the Indian Act was passed into law. Its principles were once again protection, civilization, and assimilation. As Robert Surtees stresses, the "general framework" of policy was inherited from preconfederation:
It became increasingly legalistic in its orientation. Emphasis was directed toward enfranchisement, toward the meaning of Indian status, and toward eradicating all remnants, aspects, or symbols of tribal background or Indian heritage. The imposition of elected local governments on reserves and the proscription by federal statute of such customs as the Sun Dance and the potlatch were instances of the latter emphasis. And to promote the program, extended powers were accorded the Indian agents through an increase in the authority of the chief superintendent, who, after Confederation, was a minister of the federal government (Surtees, 1982, p. 44).
The creation of the Enfranchisement Act of 1869 authorized the federal government of Canada under the Indian Act to relinquish the status of anyone legally recognized as a "Status Indian" whom the government deemed fit for assimilation. The Indian Act was again amended in 1876 to clarify that Indians were minors, wards of the federal government, subjects, not citizens. Brian Titley explains, "It was designed to protect the Indians until they acquired the trappings of white civilization. At that point, they were supposed to abandon their reserves and their special status and disappear into the general population" (1986). John Milloy notes that it was tribal councils that first decided policies on agriculture, schools, and other forms of cultural change. Under the Indian Act of 1876 the Canadian government controlled the reserves.
After the collapse of the fur trade in western Canada, the Plains Cree made overtures to the federal government, aimed at the creation of a Cree homeland within the confederation. The Cree insisted on the inclusion of a commitment to providing schools and farm equipment in treaties. Federal promises either fell short or were neglected altogether. Successful farming operations were reduced in size after settlers complained of having to compete with Amerindians. Living conditions became deplorable, forcing some women into prostitution in order to acquire food. The government blamed the perceived immorality of Amerindian culture. Hostilities boiled over in the communities of Battleford and Frog Lake, at roughly the same time the Metis rebelled against federal subjugation. According to Robert Tobias, Edgar Dewdney, a senior bureaucrat with Indian Affairs, used the opportunity to publicly cover up the results of federal policy by claiming that Cree hostilities were part of the Metis Rebellion of 1885. Privately, Dewdney admitted the two were separate incidents. After 1885 Dewdney refused to honor treaties with the Cree. The Cree were eventually forced onto scattered reserves, their leaders wrongfully imprisoned, and the farming equipment promised in treaties never delivered.
In 1894 the Canadian Indian Act was amended to allow for the lease of so-called idle reserve lands to the growing numbers of settlers. Reserves were increasingly viewed as a hindrance to assimilation. In 1903 the Oliver Act became law. It was designed to make the seizure of allegedly surplus Indian lands for settlers easier. (At the beginning of the early twenty-first century Amerindians occupy less then 2% of the land in Canada below the 60th parallel.) Education also became compulsory under the Indian Act of 1894. The intent was to utilize day and residential schools to prepare Amerindian children for assimilation into Western society. Children were forbidden from practicing their own culture, language, and religion; the vacuum created was filled by Western culture, the English language, and Christianity. This policy remained unchallenged until the drafting of the United Nations (UN) Convention Against Genocide concluded in 1948. Canada, among other UN member nations, successfully lobbied for the removal of most of the references to cultural genocide in favor of limiting legislation to cases of "physical destruction." The Canadian government feared that the residential schools or forced education in its country might be seen as genocidal institutions.
Seven years after the ratification of the Genocide Convention, in response to external threats to her sovereignty in the high Arctic, Canada engaged both the Hudson's Bay Company and Royal Canadian Mounted Police to relocate Inuit, predominantly from Port Harrison, Quebec, to Grise Fiord and Resolute Bay. They were to select Inuit deemed "inefficient trappers." For the most part the Hudson's Bay Company ignored the fact that Inuit who were dependent on relief payments received this government assistance, in part, because some of the tribe's best hunters were too busy trapping for Hudson's Bay to hunt for their own people; furthermore, a number of self-sufficient hunters and at least one prominent carver who maintained a respectable income by southern standards were sent to the high Arctic.
In the 1960s Canadian policy toward its Native population underwent a radical change with the Supreme Court of Canada's ruling in Nishga, which confirmed the rights of Amerindians. This ruling legally quashed the 1969 White Paper that proposed the abolition of reserves and Amerindian rights as recognized by the Crown in earlier treaties. Although the 1960s bore witness to improved Canadian-Amerindian relations, Canada did not, as Micheal Asch asserts, shift policy from assimilation to negotiating Amerindians into the confederation. Contemporary land claims assert Crown sovereignty over unceded lands while recognizing some rights in return for the extinction of others and Amerindian recognition of Canadian sovereignty. All modern treaties contain a clause stating that Amerindians must "cede surrender and extinguish all Aboriginal claims." The agreements offer Amerindians financial considerations on a per acre basis, generally well below market value, and an agreed upon percentage of royalties for resources.
Although there is general consensus among scholars that the Canadian government pursued an ethnocidal policy toward Amerindians, Miller underscores the frustration of this policy, as a result of Amerindian resistance, lack of government finances, and the overall failure of government agents to fully cooperate in the implementation of ethnocidal policies. However, Miller's work fails to take into account the agents who did cooperate or were overzealous, as demonstrated by Robin Brownlie and Mary-Ellen Kelm. Nor does Miller address the plight of Amerindians on the West Coast who were imprisoned if they participated in a potlatch or those who were released from prisons only after surrendering their religious regalia to museums. Brownlie and Kelm's findings are further validated by Chalk and Jonassohn, who state that few genocides are ever entirely successful. It is only logical that the same principle applies to ethnocide.
SEE ALSO Beothuk; Residential Schools
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Chalk, Frank, and Kurt Jonassohn (1990). The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
Churchill, Ward (1998). A Little Matter of Genocide. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Publishing.
Devreux, E. J. (1970). "The Beothuk Indians of Newfoundland in Fact and Fiction." Dalhousie Review 50:35062.
Kulchyski, Peter, and Frank J. Tester (1994). Tammarniit (Mistakes) Inuit Relocation in the Eastern Arctic 19393. Vancouver: UBC Press.
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Miller, J. R. (1996). Shingwauk's Vision: A History of Native Residential Schools. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Miller, J. R. (1998). "Owen Glendower, Hotspur, and Canadian Indian Policy." In Readings in Canadian History Post-Confederation, ed. R. D. Francis and D. B. Smith. Toronto: Harcourt Brace.
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Surtees, Robert J. (1982). Canadian Indian Policy: A Critical Bibliography. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Titley, Brian A. (1986). A Narrow Vision. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Tobias, John L. (1983). "Canada's Subjugation of the Plains Cree, 1879885." Canadian Historical Review 64:51948.
Trigger Bruce (1976). The Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660, Vol. II. Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press.
Canada (International Dictionary of Psychoanalysis)
Although Ernest Jones chose Toronto as the city from which he would undertake his campaign to institutionalize psychoanalysis in North America, Montreal is the city where it got its start in Canada. In 1957 the International Psychoanalytic Association (IPA) officially recognized the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society (CPS). Although English and French were the society's two official languages, exchanges and teaching activities took place almost exclusively in English until 1969, when the Société Psychanalytique de Montréal (Montreal Psychoanalytic Society) was established. Only after the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society created a French section, along with other English sections, did it institute a training program in French. Mirroring the relationship between Quebec and the remainder of Canada, the Société Psychanalytique de Montréal and the English-language sections were two isolated entities that continued to question the reasons for their cohabitation.
In 1908 Ernest Jones established himself in Canada as a neuropathologist at the Toronto Lunatic Asylum. He remained there until 1913, when he returned to Europe, after having contributed to the foundation of psychoanalysis in the United States. However, no permanent organization was established in Canada as a result of his presence there, and it would take another forty years before psychoanalysis gained a foothold in the country.
After being established in Montreal, a large metropolis of psychoanalysis in Canada is the result of a paradox that is as strange as it is revelatory of the unique character of the country: an anti-Franco Spanish refugee, Miguel Prados, formed an alliance with a French-Canadian priest, the Dominican Noël Mailloux. Beginning in the spring of 1945, four interns from the Allan Memorial Institute of McGill University, founded by Dr. Ewen Cameron in 1944 and affiliated with the Royal Victoria Hospital, began meeting at the home of Dr. Prados, who had obtained a position at the Neurological Institute in the early 1940s. There they discussed clinical cases and studied what they referred to as "Freudian doctrine."
In early 1946 they decided to form a group known as the Cercle Psychanalytique de Montréal (Montreal Psychoanalytic Circle). At this time Prados had only undertook a self-analysis and was not affiliated with any psychoanalytic association. In 1948 Father Mailloux, who had founded the Institute of Psychology at the University of Montreal at the same time as Cameron was founding the Allan Memorial Institute, joined the group, which grew considerably from this time on. The number of members grew to forty, with as many guests invited to meetings. From New York they invited Sándor Lorand, Edith Jacobson, Bertrand D. Lewin, Phyllis Greenacre, Rudolph Loewenstein, Rene Spitz, George Gero, Charles Fisher, and Kaufman; from Detroit, Leo Bartemeir and Richard and Editha Sterbas; from Boston, Eduard Lindeman and Edward and Grete Bibring.
Although the circle certainly helped to spread psychoanalysis, it did not promote the training of Canadian psychoanalysts. Forced to seek training at institutions in the United States, these candidates had little inclination to return to Canada. In 1948, with the help of the Lady Davis Foundation and Father Mailloux, Professor Théo Chentrier, a member of the Société Psychanalytique de Paris (Paris Psychoanalytic Society), became the first psychoanalyst to immigrate to Canada. He was appointed professor at the University of Montreal and joined the Cercle Psychanalytique, of which he later became an enthusiastic and loyal director. Between 1948 and 1950 the circle was very active and held semimonthly meetings, along with weekly seminars on clinical practice and theory.
In 1950 Dr. Eric Wittkower of the British Psychoanalytic Society came to the Allan Memorial Institute. Then in 1951 Georges Zavitzianos, a member of the Société Psychanalytique de Paris, immigrated to Montreal. In the autumn of that same year, Dr. Alastair MacLeod, of the British Psychoanalytic Society, was hired by the psychiatry department of McGill University. Finally, in September 1952 Dr. Bruce Ruddick, who had just completed his training at the New York Institute, returned to Montreal.
With the arrival of these four psychoanalysts, all members of organizations recognized by the IPA, members of the circle felt that it was time to seek official status. Since recognition could only be granted to members who belonged to an affiliate group, Théo Chentrier, Alastair MacLeod, Miguel Prados, Bruce Ruddick, Eric Wittkower, and Georges Zavitzianos formed a study group and applied to the IPA, hoping to be recognized at the 1951 congress. As the bylaws required a recommendation from an affiliate group, they turned to the Detroit Psychoanalytic Society, which was familiar with the circle, to obtain recognition as an independent organization and affiliate of the American Psychoanalytic Association (APA). Since the APA had recently discredited the Detroit training program, it was suggested to the study group that they contact the Boston Psychoanalytic Society, which they never did. At the end of September 1951, the group learned that during the congress in Amsterdam, its request had been referred to the office of professional standards of the American Psychoanalytic Association. Although the professional-standards committee may have supported the request, the APA's official response was that the time was not right: a member of the group was an analyst but not a physician, and the Canadians were planning to admit lay analysts.
Faced with this situation, the study group withdrew its request to the American association and turned to the British Psychoanalytic Society, which granted them membership after no more than a few weeks of deliberation. As a result, in March 1952 the Canadian Society of Psychoanalysts became an affiliate of the British Psychoanalytic Society. Chentrier was the president, and MacLeod the secretary. The response from the APA was immediate. They let it be known that the Marienbad Agreement of the 1936 IPA congress gave them exclusive control over all of North America. The British Psychoanalytic Society replied that since Canada was part of the British empire, it was only fair that it serve as sponsor in this case. The Americans rejected out of hand a compromise that would have involved joint sponsorship from both associations. In July 1952, after lengthy negotiations, the British Psychoanalytic Society indicated that it would not oppose an agreement with the APA if this solution would help to establish in Canada a psychoanalytic society recognized by the IPA. To facilitate negotiations with the Americans, Chentrier, who was not a physician, decided in August 1952 to give up the presidency of the Canadian Society of Psychoanalysts. MacLeod became president, and Ruddick secretary. After being dissolved on October 17, 1953, the society was replaced by the Canadian Society for Psychoanalysis. But more important, in October 1952 Prados proposed dissolving the Montreal Psychoanalytic Circle because he was convinced that the Americans confused it with the Canadian Society of Psychoanalysts, which consisted exclusively of member analysts. These concessions turned out to be pointless because the Americans never granted affiliate status to the Canadian group.
On October 17, 1953, the group was officially formed as the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society. In December 1953 the group withdrew its request for membership in the APA and reaffirmed its membership in the British Psychoanalytic Society, which had never been abandoned. Because Canada is bicultural, with equal weight given to French and English, it was decided that the society would officially be bilingual. During the summer of 1953, Dr. Jean-Baptiste Boulanger, his wife Françoise, and Dr. J. P. Labrecque, all of whom were trained by the Société Psychanalytique de Paris, became members of the study group. The following year, Dr. W. Clifford M. Scott, a Canadian psychoanalyst who had become president of the British Psychoanalytic Society; Drs. Hans and Friedl Aufreiter of the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society; and André Lussier, who was completing his training at the London Institute, joined the new organization. Initially incorporated in Quebec by the lieutenant-governor of the province in 1955, it became incorporated under Canadian federal law on April 3, 1967. And with the sponsorship of the British Psychoanalytic Society, it became officially recognized as a member of the International Psychoanalytic Association on July 31, 1957, during the twentieth IPA congress.
The British Psychoanalytic Society also sponsored the Canadian Institute of Psychoanalysis. This professional organization made its initial foray into the professional sphere in 1954 in a university setting, at the Allan Memorial Institute of McGill University (directed by Dr. Ewen Cameron). With the help of Doctor Clifford Scott, agreements were concluded in mid-1954 to initiate a training program identical to that of the British Institute, with three training analysts. After thriving in Britain for a quarter century, Scott, at Cameron's request, returned to Montreal to run the program. The way was now open for training future analysts.
The first students had already begun their training in Montreal, London, Paris, or the United States. Scott helped them complete their training. The other analysts supported this decision, with the exception of Cameron, who had integrated psychoanalysis in his program at the university so it would be under his direct control. When Cameron refused to hire another training analyst, Scott and the other colleagues realized they could avoid his controlling efforts only by forming their own autonomous institute. The training committee of the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society developed and introduced a teaching program in 1958. The first seminar was held on April 4, 1959. On October 1, 1960, members of the society ratified a proposal recommending the creation and incorporation of the Canadian Institute of Psychoanalysis, which was done on March 17, 1961, in Quebec. Jean-Baptiste Boulanger was the first director. The first training program, in 1959, had twelve teachers for thirteen students. Of the thirty-seven candidates trained from 1959 to 1967, eleven were French speakers.
Around 1968 and 1969, for cultural as well as geographic reasons, a federal model was used to create different sections within the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society. A French-speaking section was created in Montreal, the Société Psychanalytique de Montréal, and an English-speaking section in Quebec, the CPS Quebec English Branch. In Ontario the Toronto Psychoanalytic Society was formed. Currently, at the start of the twenty-first century, the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society has approximately four hundred members, seven sections, and three institutes. In addition to those already mentioned, which have had an associated institute since their formation, three sectionshe South Western Ontario Psychoanalytic Society (located in London), the Société Psychanalytique de Québec, and the CPS Western Canadian Brancho not yet have an institute, while the Ottawa Psychoanalytic Society is still in the process of formation, since it does not have the requisite number of training analysts (five). Service agreements have been concluded with the CPS Quebec English Branch so that candidates of the Ottawa Psychoanalytic Society can continue to be trained locally. For the CPS Western Canadian Branch, the national executive committee recently authorized two training analysts from the Seattle Psychoanalytic Society in the United States to work with the Toronto Psychoanalytic Institute to train candidates in Western Canada locally. Candidates of the Société de Québec must complete their training in Montreal, since the Quebec group has only a single training analyst. Candidates of the Western Canadian Branch in Ontario undergo training at the Toronto Institute.
The CPS Quebec English Branch consists of analysts from Montreal from various ethnic and cultural backgrounds who concentrated on English language and culture when sections were created in 1969. As of 2002, it consisted of a hundred members. The training program of its institute was, until the first few years of the twenty-first century, much more academic than that of the Société de Psychanalyse de Montréal (SPM). Since 2000, the CPS Quebec English Branch has added European authors such as Piera Aulagnier, Wilfred Bion, and Jacques Lacan to the fourth-year program.
Psychoanalysis has also made progress in Toronto. In September 1954, Alan Parkin, who had just completed his training in London, England, arrived in the city. In 1956 he created the Toronto Psychoanalytic Study Circle with a core of eleven psychiatrists with an interest in psychoanalysis. He attempted to establish a psychoanalysis training program at the department of psychiatry of the University of Toronto and obtain recognition for his study group from the Ontario Psychiatric Institute. After two years of activity the circle decided to transform itself into the psychotherapy section of the Ontario Psychiatric Society by opening its doors to all members of that association. The request was ratified on January 23, 1959, and two years later, on January 20, 1961, the psychotherapy section held its first scientific congress. In his History of Psychoanalysis in Canada, Parkin comments on the prodigious growth of this section, which in January 1970 had no fewer than ninety-three members. The establishment of psychoanalysis within the context of psychiatry helped determine the medical orientation psychoanalysis assumed in Ontario. This growth continued until psychoanalytic psychologists of the Ontario Psychological Association, with the support of Division 39 of the American Psychological Association, decided, at the end of the 1980s, to found their own organization, the Toronto Contemporary Society, and their own institute, the Toronto Institute for Contemporary Psychoanalysis. Initially, candidates training at the new institute were not physicians; then psychiatrists began to apply to the organization, although it was not a part of the IPA. They were attracted by the diversity of approaches used in its training program and wanted to escape the incessant conflicts between Freudian and Kohutian factions that divided the Toronto Psychoanalytic Society. The Toronto Psychoanalytic Society would likely have split if there had not emerged a third group, the post-Kleinians, whose members were partisans of object-relations theory and followers of Margaret Mahler and Otto Kernberg. Their emergence prevented the complete polarization of the society. Today the Toronto Psychoanalytic Society has approximately 130 members.
After the formation of the first three sections of the society and the institute, other sections were created when at least five analysts or training analysts belonging to the same geographic or cultural community submitted a request. In 1972 the Ottawa Psychoanalytic Society was formed, followed by the Ottawa Institute in 1978. Then, also in 1978, the CPS Western Canadian Branch was founded, consisting of members scattered throughout the four western provinces. Donald Watterson, in Vancouver, was the first psychoanalyst to settle in British Colombia, yet there was little growth in psychoanalysis in the province until the end of the twentieth century. Julius Guild settled in Edmonton, Alberta, followed by Perry Segal in 1971 and Hassan Azim in 1973, but as of 1998 there was only one analyst in Calgary and two in Edmonton. Similar numbers were found in Winnipeg and Manitoba. Even though it covers an area that is roughly a third of Canada, the CPS Western Canadian Branch currently has only ten members: six in British Colombia, three in Alberta, and one in Manitoba.
The Southwestern Ontario Psychoanalytic Society is the sixth section of the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society. It was founded on June 5, 1982, and currently has fourteen members. Formed in 1988, the Société Psychanalytique de Québec (Quebec Psychoanalytic Society), with ten members, is the most recent of the seven sections of the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society. The senior member is Henri Richard, who began practicing after psychoanalytic training in Paris from 1952 to 1959. A few years later he was joined by Noël Montgrain, who had also studied at the Institut de Psychanalyse de Paris (Paris Institute for Psychoanalysis). There is currently no organization in the maritime provinces of eastern Canada. Aside from the cultural and economic centers of Montreal and Toronto, psychoanalysis throughout Canada has grown very slowly.
For years oral communication was the primary mode of transmission within the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society. The first generations of analysts were more absorbed with fundamental issues and transmission than in the preparation of written texts. Although a number of practitionersuch as W. Clifford M. Scott, Georges Zavitzianos, Jean-Baptiste Boulanger, Jean-Louis Langlois, Paul Lefebvre, André Lussier, Jean Bossé, Pierre Doucet, Guy Da Silva, and Roger Dufresnerote important articles, they spent the majority of their time training future generations of analysts.
The ephemeral character of psychoanalytic reviews bears witness to the phenomenon. The first issue of the Revue canadienne de psychanalyse, published in 1954 and sponsored by the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society, was the final one until the reappearance, nearly forty years later in the spring of 1993, of the semiannual bilingual Canadian Journal of Psychoanalysis/Revue canadienne de psychanalyse, edited by Eva Lester. Similarly, the Société Psychanalytique de Montréal has, since 1988, published an internal periodical three times a year, the Bulletin de la Société Psychanalytique de Montréal. Julien Bigras, however, was the first to promote written communication within the psychoanalytic community with the review Inter-prétation, of which he was the founder and editor-in-chief from 1967 to 1971. Josette Garon, Jacques Mauger, Lise Monette, and François Peraldi continued his efforts with the publication of Frayages. In the autumn of 1992, Dominique Scarfone published the first issue of Trans, a semiannual, semithematic, interdisciplinary journal. The journal played a key role in encouraging the exchange of psychoanalytic ideas and also played an important role in the Montreal psychoanalytic community by organizing annual colloquia open to the public. Despite this success, the editorial committee decided to discontinue publication in the spring of 1999 with the publication of issue ten of the journal. The year 1992 also saw the introduction of the semiannual Filigrane, financed by the publication of Santé mentale au Québec and directed at psychotherapists and professional psychoanalysts whose clinical methods were compatible with psychoanalysis.
Patrick J. Mahoney, Jean Imbeault, and Dominique Scarfone are among the first analysts to make significant contributions on an international level to a critical analysis of the psychoanalytic corpus.
In Canada, as elsewhere, the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society and its various sections are not the only entities involved in psychoanalysis. Alongside them have always existed unaffiliated psychoanalysts working alone or in small groups. Among the first to practice psychoanalysis outside an institutional context was Michel Dansereau, a doctor who had trained with René Laforgue in Casablanca, Morocco, and was active during the 1950s. Much later were François Peraldi, who arrived in Montreal in 1974, and Mireille Lafortune, who was active during the late 1960s.
There also exist many organizations devoted to psychoanalysis. In 1986 François Peraldi established the Réseau des Cartels (Network of Cartels), composed of analysts interested in the work of Jacques Lacan. This network did not survive the loss of its founder, and in 2004 only a single cartel is still active. The Association des Psychanalystes du Québec (Quebec Association of Psychoanalysts), founded in 1967 and having only ten members in 2004, is Lacanian in focus. The Association des Psychothérapeutes Psychanalytique du Québec (Quebec Association of Psychoanalytic Psychotherapists), founded in 1985 and consisting of some 150 members in different regions of Quebec, includes clinicians who make use of psychoanalytic methods. The association organizes colloquia and conferences, to which members of the Société Psychanalytique de Montréal are invited. The Groupe d'udes Psychanalytiques Interdisciplinaires (Interdisciplinary Psychoanalytic Study Group) consists of some fifteen professors from the Université de Québec at Montreal who teach psychoanalysis while practicing. The Institut Québécois de Psychothérapie (Quebec Psychotherapy Institute), which has existed since 1992, provides a two-year training program in analytic and systemic psychotherapy. Father Henri Samson, who trained in France and was a contemporary of Father Mailloux, founded the Institut de Psychothérapie de Québec in the 1960s for those who wanted training in analytic psychotherapy. The Groupe Interdisciplinaire Freudien de Recherches et d'Interventions Cliniques et Culturelles (Interdisciplinary Group for Freudian Research and Clinical and Cultural Interventions), founded by Willy Apollon and cooperating with psychiatrists from the Robert-Giffard Center, has gained a considerable reputation in analytic psychotherapy based on Lacanian principles, especially in its work with psychotic patients. The Cercle Jung de Québec (Quebec Jung Circle), founded in the 1970s by Marcel Gaumont, a Jungian analyst trained at the Jung Institute in Zurich, promotes Jungian psychoanalysis in Canada through public conferences and discussions. André Renaud, a psychoanalyst with the Société Psychanalytique de Québec, established in 1984, and ran until 1996, ayage (Support), a training program for doctors, psychiatrists, psychologists, and social workers who wanted to study analytic psychotherapy. Finally, a group of analytic psychotherapists has also been at work in British Columbia in Western Canada.
Cloutier, Yvan. (1988). La naissance de la psychanalyse à Montréal. Philosophiques, 15(1), 221-225. (Reprinted from Frayages, 3 (1987).)
Paradis, André. (1988). La naissance de la psychanalyseà Montréal. Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française, 41(3), 443-446. (Reprinted from Frayages, numéro spécial (1987).)
Parkin, Allan. (1987). History of psychoanalysis in Canada. Toronto: Toronto Psychoanalytical Society.
Prados, Miguel. (1954). La psychanalyse au Canada. Revue canadienne de psychanalyse, 1, 1-33.
Sourkes, Theodore L., and Pinard, Gilbert (Eds.). (1995). Building on a proud past: 50 years of psychiatry at McGill. Montreal: McGill University.
Vigneault, Jacques. (1993). Transferts et déplacements: fondements de la psychanalyse en Amérique du Nord. Trans, 3, 223-237.
Canada (American History Through Literature)
In 1820 Canada was little more than a patchwork of British colonies. The following decades, however, would bring great change to British North America. Rebellions in the late 1830s led the British authorities to join the colonies of Upper and Lower Canada, now Ontario and Quebec, into a united Province of Canada. During the next decade London gradually repealed the legislation that had allowed its North American colonies to enjoy preferential access to the British and West Indian markets, and internal autonomy was granted in return. Economic disruption and widespread discontent ensued and British North America desperately sought to reorient its foreign trade toward the United States. Nevertheless, by the mid-1860s it became increasingly clear that the various British North American colonies would have to work together for the purposes of trade and protection. After much deliberation and with the approval of Great Britain, the Province of Canada and the maritime colonies of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick entered into a federal union in 1867. By 1871, with the admission of British Columbia, the Dominion of Canada stretched from the Atlantic to the Pacific. But the new nation was not yet fully independent; Britain would retain control of its external affairs until 1931.
Under British stewardship Canada's relationship with the United States experienced a number of ups and downs during the antebellum age. After the War of 1812, which was fought between the United States and Great Britain over, among other things, maritime rights and trade policies, peace returned to the North American continent. By the 1830s and 1840s, however, tensions arising from boundary disputes along the Maineew Brunswick border and in the Pacific Northwest brought Britain and the United States to the edge of war. Diplomacy nonetheless prevailed and a short-lived era of Anglo-American harmony followed the signature of the Oregon Boundary Treaty of 1846, which divided the Oregon Territory along the forty-ninth parallel between Britain and the United States. Britain concluded a comprehensive trade agreementhe so-called Reciprocity Treatyith the United States on behalf of British North America in 1854, and Canadian-American trade soared during the decade that followed. But the outbreak of the Civil War renewed tensions between Great Britain and the United States and, once again, Canada would pay the price for Anglo-American squabbling. Upset by British support for the Confederacy, Congress repealed the Reciprocity Treaty in 1866 and for a time Washington turned a blind eye to the activities of the Fenian Brotherhood, a group of Irish American terrorists who launched a series of ill-fated raids on British North America. By doing so, the Fenians hoped to divert British forces away from Ireland, where they planned to foment an uprising. Tensions simmered along the Canadian-American border until the 1871 Treaty of Washington, which settled the Alabama claims made by the U.S. government against Britain's part in outfitting Confederate cruisers to fight against the Union. The treaty normalized relations between Britain and the United States.
In the nineteenth century the general American perception of Canada was negative and, to a large extent, uninformed. Anglophobia and anti-Catholic nativism, for instance, were common during this period and they influenced domestic perceptions of Canada. As a result, many Americans saw the British North American colonies as proxies for what they believed were two of the greatest external threats to the new republic: British imperialism and Roman Catholicism. The issue of slavery, which dominated antebellum discourse, also colored attitudes toward Canada. Indeed, as a haven for fugitive slaves, British North America gained the respect of many abolitionists but drew the ire of slaveholders.
THE BRITISH PROXY
During the antebellum age anti-British sentiment was founded on a rejection of hereditary privilege, deference, and militarism, which Americans saw as the social and political foundations of British society. Anti-British rhetoric affirmed America's faith in republicanism and democracy, but it also reflected widespread concerns regarding British attempts to check the nation's expansion and influence. In this sense, the very existence of a series of British colonies along America's northern frontier was seen as an affront to American values, a threat to American security, and an obstacle to Manifest Destiny.
Most nineteenth-century Americans viewed British institutions, and monarchy in particular, as archaic and tyrannical. Their survival rested, it seemed, on military repression. British North America was seen as a case in point because only the heavy hand of the British militaryhose presence on the North American continent also threatened and contained Young Americaas thought to keep Canada in Britain's orbit. The Michigan-born writer and artist Charles Lanman (1819895), for instance, bristled at the sight of Montreal's British garrison. "One of the most striking peculiarities of this city," he wrote in 1848, "is the fact that everybody has to live, walk and sleep at the point of a bayonet. Military quarters are stationed in various portions of the city, and soldiers meet you at every corner, marching to and fro, invariably puffed up with ignorance and vanity" (p. 117).
As far as most American observers were concerned Canada was destined to be annexed by the United States, or, at the very least, to gain complete independence from Britain. Accordingly, many Americans were angered and puzzled by the emergence of a transcontinental British dominion as their northern neighbor. They could not understand Canada's loyalty to Great Britain and saw the new nation as a fundamentally unnatural and hostile entity. In 1867 Maine's Republican governor, Joshua L. Chamberlain (1828914), warned that the federation of British North America was "part of a great conspiracy against Liberty on this youthful continent" (Warner, p. 66).
In the antebellum era Anglophobia, annexationism, and protectionist sentiment shared a deep intimacy. Indeed, American manufacturing interests often used anti-British rhetoric to promote high tariffs against British and Canadian products. They argued that shutting Canadian goods out of the American market would ruin the British North American economy, which in turn would hasten Canada's entry into the Union.
Nevertheless, a number of Americans were lukewarm, if not downright hostile, to the idea of bringing Canada into the Union. Many Southerners, for instance, favored free trade with British North America because they feared that economic collapse in the Canadas might bring some or all of the British North American colonies into the Union, thereby upsetting the fragile balance between free and slave states.
THE CATHOLIC THEOCRACY
The United States experienced a burst of anti-Catholic nativism in the mid-nineteenth century. Large-scale Catholic immigration was changing the nation's urban landscape and many Americans worried that these apparently unassimilable newcomers threatened America's Protestant values and republican institutions. Anti-Catholic enmity was generally directed at Irish immigrants; nevertheless, for many Americans, Canada also embodied the menace of Roman Catholicism. Indeed, since the seventeenth century, Protestant America had feared that a Catholic theocracy was forming on the shores of the St. Lawrence. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the antebellum era's most important nativist document, The Awful Disclosures of Maria Monk (1836), took aim at Quebec's Roman Catholic Church. Ghostwritten by a New York Protestant minister, Monk's best-selling book00,000 copies were sold prior to the Civil Waras a fabricated tale that claimed to be the true experiences of a nun who had escaped from a Montreal convent. The book's wild allegations of sexual abuse and infanticide helped spark the Know-Nothing uproar of the 1840s and 1850s, doing for nativism what Uncle Tom's Cabin would later do for the abolitionist movement (Castillo, pp. 490).
A more subtle form of anti-Catholic rhetoric could be found in the work of the historian Francis Parkman (1823893). In his books on the history of the French regime in Canada, New France emerged as the embodiment of reaction, and its failings were also those of Roman Catholicism and autocracy. Parkman was undoubtedly awed by the exploits of French explorers like Samuel de Champlain and Cavelier de La Salle, but he did not believe that their heroism could redeem a society so thoroughly corrupted by despotism.
Invariably described as a swarthy, ignorant, backward, and priest-ridden people, French Canadians served as convenient foils for anti-Catholic rhetoric. "The population which we had seen the last two days," remarked the transcendentalist writer Henry David Thoreau (1817862) during an 1850 tour of rural Quebec, "appeared very inferior, intellectually and even physically, to that of New England. In some respects they were incredibly filthy. It was evident that they had not advanced since the settlement of the country, that they were quite behind the age, and fairly represented their ancestors in Normandy a thousand years ago" (pp. 590). The Roman Catholic Church's aversion to liberty and enlightenment, Thoreau and others insisted, was largely responsible for French Canadian backwardness. This sort of bigotry dogged the hundreds of thousands of French Canadian immigrants who settled in the northern United States after 1840.
Nevertheless, anti-Catholic nativism was entirely absent from what was undoubtedly the most popular nineteenth-century work of fiction to deal with a Canadian theme: the poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's (1807882) Evangeline: A Tale of Acadie (1847). The epic poem told the story of two young lovers separated by the Acadian Expulsion of 1755 and was quite sympathetic in its treatment of Roman Catholics. Longfellow, to be sure, held nativism in low regard. His cosmopolitan conception of "a national literature . . . embracing French, Spanish, Irish, English, Scotch, and German peculiarities" (quoted in Seelye, p. 30) was at odds, however, with the forceful nationalism that characterized mid-nineteenth-century American literature.
THE CANADIAN CANAAN
Slavery, which was largely unsuited to Canadian agriculture, first fell into disuse as British North American courts refused to be involved in the pursuit of fugitives, and was officially abolished in the British Empire in 1833. Abolitionist sentiment ran high in nineteenth-century Canada, and Britain refused to extradite the fugitive American slaves that had sought refuge in its North American colonies. British North America was accordingly seen as a haven for African Americans, many of whom fled to Canada through the Underground Railroad. Several thousand fugitives settled in Upper Canada, especially after the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 made the Northern states unsafe for escapees. Most would return to the United States after the Civil War.
Canadians, to be sure, shared the general patterns of prejudice found in the free states. Nevertheless, most fugitive narratives were unflagging in their praise of the Canadian haven and scarcely mentioned the prejudice and segregation that black refugees encountered in British North America (Winks, pp. 241, 251). Likewise, a number of African American leaders were enthusiastic supporters of Canadian resettlement. Unlike the Liberian colonization schemes promoted by the American Colonization Society, which were essentially experiments in deportation, the resettlement of free blacks in the British provinces, particularly in Upper Canada, promised equality and prosperity in North America.
A number of white abolitionists were equally enthusiastic about the Canadian haven and helped fund a variety of education and resettlement schemes in Upper Canada. These programs bolstered abolitionist claims that blacks could be trained to enjoy freedom and that they might even prosper through cooperative activity (Winks, p. 157). The Quaker abolitionist Benjamin Lundy (1789839), who visited Upper Canada in 1832, was particularly impressed with the province as a location to resettle manumitted slaves. In Upper Canada, he wrote in his diary, "every citizen, without distinction of color or caste, is entitled to all the privileges and immunities that the most favored individual can claim." "Our colored people," he concluded, would thrive in the British province: "The country in question will be very suitable for them, particularly those north of the Carolinas, if they choose to locate themselves therein" (pp. 114, 132).
Canadian policy and sentiment regarding fugitive slaves infuriated many Southerners. Senator Thomas Hart Benton (1782858) of Missouri, for instance, complained that the British North American colonies were lands "where abolitionism is the policy of the government, the voice of the law, and the spirit of the people" (Winks, p. 173). To discourage escape to the "Canadian Canaan," slaves were kept in ignorance of British North America. Masters warned their slaves that they would perish in Canada's harsh climatehe belief that Canada was a desolate, frozen wasteland was firmly entrenched in the American mindnd that French Canadians worshipped idols and killed black men on sight (Winks, p. 238).
The antebellum vision of Canada, though generally negative, was hardly univocal. The British provinces, indeed, embodied different things to different people. For some, they were the distant outposts of popery and British imperialism, whereas for others, they were a haven for fugitive slaves. In the end, however, American judgments regarding British North America had little to do with objective reality. They merely reflected domestic concerns regarding slavery, immigration, and expansion.
See also Abolitionist Writing; Borders; Catholics; Democracy; Slavery
Lanman, Charles. A Tour to the River Saguenay, in Lower Canada. Philadelphia: Carey and Hart, 1848.
Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth. Evangeline: A Tale of Acadie. Boston: William D. Ticknor, 1847.
Lundy, Benjamin. "The Diary of Benjamin Lundy Written During his Journey to Upper Canada, January 1832, edited with notes and an introduction by Fred Landon." Ontrario Historical Society Papers and Records 19 (1922): 11033.
Thoreau, Henry David. A Yankee in Canada, with AntiSlavery and Reform Papers. Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 1866.
Castillo, Dennis. "The Enduring Legacy of Maria Monk." American Catholic Studies 112 (2001): 499.
Doyle, James. North of America: Images of Canada in the Literature of the United States, 1775900. Toronto: ECW Press, 1983.
Seelye, John. "Attic Shape: Dusting off Evangeline." Virginia Quarterly Review 60 (1984): 214.
Stewart, Gordon T. The American Response to Canada since 1776. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1992.
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