Blaise Pascal 1623–1662
French scientist, theologian, and philosopher.
Considered one of the most advanced thinkers of his time in the areas of science and mathematics, Pascal is admired today mostly for his spiritual insights, argumentational style and form, and mastery of the French language. His queries into matters both secular and religious involved a uniform methodology—the construction of mathematical proofs—and focused chiefly on the dichotomy between reason and faith. Modern critics and scholars agree that Pascal's influence and participation in some of the most prominent intellectual debates of his time, as well as his writings on such disparate subjects as science and religion, make him an important contributor to the history of ideas.
Pascal was born to Étienne and Antoinette Begon Pascal, members of the petite noblesse, in the provincial town of Clermont en Auvergne in 1623. Pascal's mother died in 1626, leaving his father alone to raise him and his two sisters, Gilberte and Jacqueline. In 1631 the family moved to Paris, where Pascal was schooled solely by his father, a mathematician, who prevented Pascal from studying mathematics until he had first mastered Latin and Greek. A child prodigy, Pascal had secretly taught himself geometry and, by the age of twelve, had demonstrated thirty-two propositions in Euclid's Elements of Geometry. Pascal accompanied his father on weekly mathematical lectures organized by Father Marin Mersenne, one of the foremost scholars of that period. In 1638 Pascal's father fled Paris because of disputes over policy issues with Cardinal Richelieu, but was pardoned a year later and appointed royal tax commissioner at Rouen. In 1639 Pascal began writing his first major work, Essai pour les coniques (1640). In 1642, he invented the machine arithmétique—a device that performed basic mathematical functions—to help his father in his tax work. Pascal also pursued geometry, number theory, and probability theory, and undertook a series of important experiments concerning the behavior of liquids in equilibrium. These experiments in which Pascal attempted to disprove the notion that nature abhors a vacuum, were published in Expériences nouvelles touchant le vide (1647). In 1646 the elder Pascal injured his hip in a fall, and for three months was cared for by two men
who were followers of Cornelius Jansen, a Dutch theologian whose ideas about Catholicism were based on the teachings of St. Augustine. Pascal's association with the Jansenists compelled him to practice his own Catholicism more conscientiously. In 1647 Pascal returned to Paris for treatment of chronic headaches, stomach pains, and partial paralysis of the legs. With the death of his father in 1651, Pascal abandoned his religious interests for the Paris social scene. He associated with the freethinking and libertine friends of the Duc de Roannez, his childhood companion, but eventually came to view his social amusements as an impediment to his spiritual progress. On the evening of November 23, 1654, Pascal claimed to have had an experience so profound that he vowed thereafter to devote himself solely to religious activities: he claimed to have been in the presence of the "God of Abraham, God of Isaac, God of Jacob, not of the philosophers and of the learned." Pascal documented this religious experience in a series of notes (called the Mémorial) which he had sewn into the lining of his coat and carried around with him to serve as a reminder. In 1655, Pascal made several visits to two Jansenist convents and became acquainted with Antoine Arnauld, a prominent Jansenist accused of heresy by the Jesuits. With the help of Arnauld and Pierre Nicole, Pascal wrote (under the pseudonym Louis de Montalte) Lettres provinciales [1656-57; Provincial Letters], a series of eighteen published letters that attacked Jesuit doctrines. By 1659, Pascal's health had deteriorated so much that he was unable to write for extended periods of time. He spent the last years of his life mostly praying, reading the Bible, and helping the poor. Pascal left behind a collection of unfinished fragments at his death—published posthumously as the Pensées de M. Pascal sur la religion et sur quelques autres sujets [1670; Thoughts]—that was conceived as an Apologie de la religion chrétienne [apology for Christianity], which he hoped would dispel the widespread skepticism and hostility toward religion he had witnessed among the upper classes of French society.
Pascal's religious writings, especially the Provincial Letters and the Pensées, enjoy wide readership, and his mathematical and scientific writings continue to interest specialists in these fields. Literary and religious scholars are studying Pascal's mathematical and scientific works to understand not only his concepts of truth and knowledge, but to gain further insight into his religious beliefs. For example, in two of Pascal's most important mathematical works—originally intended as a geometry textbook for the Jansenists schools—De l'esprit géométrique and De l'art de persuader [On the Art of Persuasion], Pascal outlined his epistemology, arguing that certainty in propositions can be logically deduced from simple or first principles. Moreover, Pascal developed many of the ideas concerning the human condition in the Pensées that he had previously expressed in the Provincial Letters. He explained that shortcomings in man's rational capacities require that these first principles are instinctual or heartfelt. According to Pascal, then, man's dubious understanding of the truth naturally makes him skeptical, but this skepticism can be overcome through divine revelations he receives once he submits to God. Man's limitations and dependence on God are also an important theme of the Provincial Letters. These letters assume several different forms: in some, an unnamed observer writes to a friend in the country about the disputes between Jansenist and Jesuit theologians taking place at the Sorbonne; in others, the unnamed observer writes directly to Jesuit theologians; in others, the unnamed observer addresses the Jesuit Père Annat, Louis XIV's confessor. In many of the letters Pascal attempted to disprove the Jesuits' doctrine of sufficient grace: the power of humans to either accept or reject God's graces, thereby shaping their own destiny. Rather, Pascal advocated efficacious grace: the Jansenist notion that God's graces always ensure salvation, but only for those who have been predestined for a life of Chrisian virtue. In other letters, Pascal attacked the laxity of the Jesuits' system of moral casuistry, and sought to discredit their moral and theological views by carefully uncovering errors in their reasoning.
The continuing popularity of the Provincial Letters and the Pensées derives in large part from their readability. Scholars have consistently remarked on Pascal's literary artistry, praising his various styles and tones; his clever use of imagery, irony, and wit; and his habit of discussing mystical questions in terms of practical problems and consequences. Studies of the Provincial Letters and the Pensées often focus on Pascal's method of argument—specifically, on how he evidences his analyses of theological doctrines with the construction of mathematical proofs. Pascal's strict separation of reason and faith in both the Provincial Letters and the Pensées is also a frequent topic of analysis. Books and essays on the Pensées, the more widely discussed of the two works, commonly examine Pascal's theories of knowledge as well as correllations between his threefold understanding of reality (corporeal, intellectual, and spiritual) and his three-part system of knowing (sense, mind, and heart). In addition, much critical debate has been stimulated by Pascal's "wager" argument in the Pensées which reasons that it is more advantageous to believe than not believe in God. The critical history of the Pensées is also in large part a history of its publication. Pascal's planned "apology for Christianity" consisted of approximately one thousand notes of varying lengths, some collected in identifiable units, others not. The first edition of these notes, published in 1670 as the Pensées, included only portions of the original manuscript, organized and amended by the editors. It was not until the 1840s that a complete version of the Pensées appeared, based on manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale. The 1952 version of the Pensées published by one of Pascal's relatives, is believed by scholars to be most accurately representative of the ordering of the notes as Pascal wrote them. This version, compiled by Louis Lafuma, is considered the definitive edition of the work. Critical controversy still exists, however, concerning how the fragments of the Pensées should be ordered for purposes of reader accessibility. Some critics argue that they should be arranged according to subject matter, based on informed opinions of what Pascal intended to say. Others contend that Pascal's original ordering should be preserved because it reveals important aspects of his conceptual and compositional process.
Essai pour les coniques (nonfiction) 1640
Expériences nouvelles touchant le vide (scientific nonfiction) 1647
Lettres provinciales [with Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole under the joint pseudonym of Louis de Montalte] [Provincial Letters] (letters) 1656-57
Traité de l'équilibre des liqueurs (treatise) 1663
Traité du triangle arithmétique (treatise) 1665
Pensées de M. Pascal sur la religion et sur quelques autres sujets (nonfiction) 1670
Oeuvres complètes, publiées suivant l'ordre chronologique, avec documents, complémentaires, introductions et notes. 14 vols. (nonfiction) 1904-14
The Physical Treatises of Pascal: The Equilibrium of Liquids and the Weight of the Mass of Air (treatises) 1937
Pensées. The Provincial Letters, (nonfiction/letters) 1941
Great Shorter Works (nonfiction) 1948
Pensées sur la religion et sur quelques autres sujets (nonfiction) 1952
(The entire section is 118 words.)
SOURCE: An introduction to Thoughts on Religion and Philosophy, by Blaise Pascal, translated by Isaac Taylor, Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Adams, & Co., 1894, pp. iii-lx.
[In the following excerpt, Taylor argues that the Pensées reveal Pascal to be an opponent of, rather than apologist for, Roman Catholicism.]
Those periodic agitations to which all social systems, whether civil or religious, are liable, carry with them a twofold and opposite influence; the one, and the most direct, tending to give rise to similar movements in neighbouring communities; and the other, operating with hardly less force, to preclude any such convulsions where else they probably would, or certainly must, have taken place. By the very same spectacle of public commotions, minds of a certain class are animated to action, and hurried into the midst of perils; while others are as effectively deterred from giving scope to their rising energies. In this way every revolution which history records may be reckoned at once to have caused, and to have prevented kindred changes.
In no instance has this sort of double influence made itself more apparent than in that of the religious revolution which shook the European system in the sixteenth century; and after having watched the progress of the ecclesiastical renovation of northern Europe, as it spread from land to land, an inquiry, fraught with instruction,...
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SOURCE: A conclusion to Pascal: His Life and Works, translated by G. S. Fraser, Harvill Press, 1952, pp. 179-201.
[Below, Mesnard examines Pascal's life and career as a scientist, thinker, theologian, and artist.]
I. The Man
"Pascal, not the writer, but the man": with this phrase the Swiss moral philosopher, Vinet, drawing his inspiration from one of the most famous of the Pensées, headed one of the chapters of his Etudes sur Pascal. It is, indeed, one of the most notable facts about Pascal's astonishing personality that, however great his genius as a mere writer may appear to us to be, it is Pascal the man, in the end, whom we really wish to grasp; even more than Pascal's thought, it is the soul of Pascal that criticism seeks to revive for us. Let us, in our turn, seek to lay bare his secret.
Though there have been numerous reactions against the romantic critics, modern criticism is on the whole still obsessed with their picture of Pascal as himself a romantic, first brilliantly sketched by Chateaubriand, more methodically worked out by Victor Cousin, and finished off in several different styles by the various Pascal enthusiasts of the last century. This romantic picture is that of a man tending in all directions towards excess; using up his strength in the pursuit of science, flinging himself madly into the fashionable world, and then...
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SOURCE: "Pascal and Theology," in Blaise Pascal, edited by Harold Bloom, Chelsea House Publishers, 1989, pp. 115-22.
[In the following essay, which originally appeared in Pascal and Theology in 1969, Miel emphasizes the historical nature of Pascal's vision of humanity as well as his theological basis for nearly all his thought.]
The historicity of man's condition is certainly one of the most difficult of all theological principles to discuss and keep firmly in mind. Rational thought is by its nature opposed to historical truth, aiming as it does at a truth that transcends historical vicissitudes. Yet, as we have seen [elsewhere], every important element of Pascal's analysis of man must be defined historically. There is no human nature separable from the story of a mankind that was created sane, just, and free, and which lost those attributes through Adam's Fall. The attempt to define a nonhistorical human nature is the worm in the apple of Thomism which the Jesuits swallowed whole and brought forth as the viper's tangle of casuistry and the new morality. And the attempt to interpret the Pensées as a description of such a permanent human nature leads to the idea of the "sublime misanthrope" or the anguished preromantic, or other mistaken views of their author.
It may seem untoward to insist so on the historical nature of Pascal's thought when one of his most distinguished...
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SOURCE: "Catechesis and Conversion in the Pensées," in Pascal and Disbelief: Catechesis and Conversion in the "Pensees," The Catholic University of America Press, 1994, pp. 327-86.
[In the following excerpt, Wetsel seeks to determine the person(s) to whom the Pensées are principally addressed, largely basing his conclusions on Pascal's portrayal and analysis of atheists and agnostics in fragments 427 and 429.]
Many sections of the Pensées must remain enigmatic until we are able to reconstruct more completely the mental universe of Pascal's potential convert. But … who is he? The Pensées give us a number of quite dissimilar portraits of disbelief. Is Pascal's potential interlocutor the hardened skeptic of fragment 427? [References to fragment numbers of the Pensées are to Louis Lafuma's edition of Pascal: Oeuvres complètes (Paris: Seuil, 1963).] Or is he the troubled agnostic of fragment 429? The question is crucial to an understanding of the scope of Pascal's unfinished Apology. First, let us take the hypothesis that the Apology would have been addressed to the hardened atheist portrayed in fragment 427. If this is the case, we must explain how this hardened skeptic will be transformed into the unhappy agnostic sketched in fragment 429. We could, of course, try to argue that the first half of the Apology is designed to shock the hardened atheist into the...
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SOURCE: "The Provincial Letters," in Blaise Pascal: Mathematician, Physicist and Thinker about God, St. Martin's Press, 1995, pp. 85-114.
[In the following essay, Adamson analyzes the various structural and stylistic methods Pascal used in the Provincial Letters to attack the Jesuits' beliefs about casuistry.]
'If the Provincial Letters were serious, nobody would read them any more', Gide has written.1 The Letters are in fact profoundly—even, at times, desperately—serious, but Pascal does not become pompously solemn or tediously earnest: he is never boring. Yet to many, if not most, people the subjects he is basically canvassing could rapidly induce boredom! In the first three, or even four, out of eighteen letters, he is concerned with the question of divine grace, a very intangible and metaphysical concept. Is God's grace freely given to all, as the Pelagians and those semi-Pelagians, the Jesuits, maintain? or is it restricted to the Elect? To be more theological still, is it sufficient or is it efficious? Is it sufficient to enable a man to 'work out his salvation with diligence' whilst not ensuring that he will do so? Or does the very bestowal of divine grace ensure that the recipient will live virtuously and attain salvation? To chop logic about niceties which, if knowable at all, can be known only to the mind of God may to the modern reader appear...
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SOURCE: "Good Reason, Bad Reason, Heart," in God Owes Us Nothing: A Brief Remark on Pascal's Religion and on the Spirit of Jansenism, The University of Chicago Press, 1995, pp. 145-60.
[In the following excerpt, Kolakowski examines several key aspects of Pascal's theology, including his concepts of heart, free will, truth, faith, knowledge, and reason.]
[The] heart, at least in its primary sense, that related to the acquisition of religious truths, is not a sentimental attitude or an emotion. It is a faculty of intellectual intuition whereby we accept truths unattainable either by mathematical reasoning or by the testimony of sense experience. In the essay De l'Esprit géométrique the word "heart" does not appear, but fragment 110 of the Pensées clearly confirms that the notion is applicable even in the context of geometrical investigation. This essay is immensely rich, and only one crucial point needs to be recalled here. In geometry, "almost the only human science that produces infallible [demonstrations]," it is impossible to define primitive concepts and to prove initial principles; the infinite regress which ensues is out of our grasp. Geometry "defines none of these things, such as space, time, movement, number, equality, or the like, of which there are very many, because these terms designate the things they signify so naturally to people who understand the language that any...
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Cole, John R. Pascal: The Man and His Two Loves. New York: New York University Press, 1995, 349 p.
Seeks to revise Gilberte Périer's (Pascal's sister's) portrayal of Pascal's life in he Vie de Monsieur Pascal. Unlike Périer, Cole presents a "darker conception" of Pascal's life.
Mortimer, Ernest. Blaise Pascal: The Life and Work of a Realist. London: Methuen & Co., 1959, 240 p.
A study of Pascal's life that emphasizes his modernity while differentiating Pascal as a man and as a writer.
Bloom, Harold, ed. Blaise Pascal: Modern Critical Views. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1989, 200 p.
A collection of thirteen essays that "brings together a representative selection of the most illuminating modern criticism of Blaise Pascal."
Davidson, Hugh M. "The Unity of Pascal's Thought." In Blaise Pascal, edited by Maxwell A. Smith, pp. 96-108. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1983.
Discuses several aspects of Pascal's writings and argumentation, focusing on the philosopher's various modes of thought.
Hammond, Nicholas. Playing with Truth: Language and the Human Condition in...
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