Arnim, Bettina von
Bettina von Arnim 1785-1859
(Born Catarina Elisabetha Ludovica Magdalena Brentano) German novelist, memoirist, and essayist. The following entry presents criticism from 1986 to 2001. For further information on Arnim's life and career, see NCLC, Volume 38.
A distinguished and innovative author of the German Romantic era, Arnim produced several literary works that defy standard classification. She was an advocate of social and political reform and a champion of the poor and oppressed. Until the latter part of the twentieth century she was best known for her unconventional relationship with Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and her fictionalized account of their correspondence Goethes Briefwechsel mit einem Kinde: Seinem Denkmal (1831; Goethe's Correspondence with a Child: For His Monument). More recently, however, critics have begun to appreciate her experimental approach to literature and her refusal to conform to traditional gender roles.
Arnim was born in Frankfurt on April 4, 1785, into a famous German literary family. She was the seventh child of Peter Anton Brentano and Maximiliane von La Roche. Her brother, Clemens Brentano, was an important poet of the German Romantic movement, and her maternal grandmother, author Sophie von La Roche, produced what many critics consider the first “woman's novel” in German, Geschichte des Fräulein von Sternheim (1771; The History of Lady Sophia Sternheim). Arnim's mother died in 1793, and Arnim was sent to a convent in Fritzlar. After her father's death in 1797, she and her two sisters went to live with her grandmother La Roche in Offenbach.
In 1804 Arnim met and started what would be a close friendship with the poet Karoline von Günderode. Günderode's suicide two years later sent Arnim into a state of despondency. At the suggestion of her brother, Arnim turned for comfort to Goethe's novel Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre (1795-96; Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship). Deeply moved by the work, Arnim began to identify with its main character, Mignon, and to imagine herself as Goethe's spiritual child. She became friends with Goethe's mother and eventually began a correspondence with Goethe himself. Although Arnim's letters were amorous, Goethe never returned her affections and terminated the relationship after his wife publicly quarreled with his young admirer.
In 1811 Arnim married her brother's closest friend, Achim von Arnim, also a prominent figure of German Romanticism. The marriage lasted twenty years and produced seven children. For much of their married life, the Arnims maintained separate residences, Bettina in Berlin and her husband at his family's estate in Wiepersdorf. When her husband died in 1831, Arnim began seriously pursuing her own literary career, publishing fictionalized biographies and autobiographies, political appeals for reform, and fairy tales. She was a social and political activist who advocated free speech, a free press, freedom of religion, and relief for the country's impoverished victims of industrialization. She collected documentary evidence on the living conditions of the poor and accurately predicted that they would eventually revolt. Arnim was accused of inciting the workers in the 1844 uprising of the Silesian weavers.
In the last years of her life, Arnim edited and published the complete works of her late husband. She suffered a debilitating stroke in 1854 while visiting her daughter in Bonn. She returned to Berlin a year later and spent the rest of her life in the care of her children. She died on January 10, 1859.
Arnim's first book is also her most controversial. Goethe's Correspondence with a Child is a fictionalized version of her correspondence with Goethe. Arnim's narrative persona, also named Bettina, is a twenty-two-year-old “child” who sits on Goethe's lap—a representation that outraged Arnim's contemporaries. In 1840, Arnim published Die Günderode, ostensibly a record of her correspondence with her friend Karoline von Günderode between 1802 and 1806. The work has been called an epistolary novel, or a conversational novel, to use Edith Waldstein's term. According to Waldstein, the work is “formless” in that it consists of “poetry, tales, essays, letters, and conversations.” In 1844, Arnim produced another work in the same genre, Clemens Brentanos Frühlingskranz aus Jugendbriefen ihm geflochten, wie er selbst schriftlich verlangte (The Spring Wreath), commemorating her relationship with her brother Clemens.
Arnim's first published political work is the two-volume Dies Buch gehört dem König (1843; The King's Book), an appeal to King Friedrich Wilhelm IV on behalf of Germany's poor. Her 1852 Gespräche mit Dämonen. Des Königsbuchs zweiter Band (Conversations with Demons), is another attempt to advise the king in a similar style; in it Arnim describes the horrors of prison conditions in Germany and laments the deplorable living conditions of the poor.
Arnim also collaborated with her daughters on various fairy tales, most notably the novel Das Leben der Hochgräfin Gritta von Rattenzuhausbeiuns (1926; The Life of the Countess Gritta von Ratsatourhouse), which she co-wrote with daughter Gisela.
Categorizing Arnim's work has been a major problem for critics, as little of it conforms to the conventions of any established genre. However, Edith Waldstein claims that Arnim's writings should not be judged by traditional literary standards because the author was deliberately attempting to transcend those standards. Waldstein sums up Arnim's aesthetic theory: “In her view, ideas and forms must be in a constant state of flux in order for progress to occur; rigidity will result in stagnation and possibly regression.” Arnim's contemporaries regarded her works as seriously flawed biographies and autobiographies, identifying Arnim's various fictional personae as the author herself. For example, the distorted version of her real-life relationship with Goethe that appeared in her novel was considered by many a scandalous collection of lies. More recent scholars, however, have recognized her characters as literary creations and her works as self-consciously fictional.
Arnim's unconventional literary creations extend to her version of gender relations as well. Katherine R. Goodman claims that Arnim's “distaste for categories of gender was so strong that she almost surely would have objected to terms like ‘feminine’ or ‘female,’ especially with reference to her writing.” Critic Jeannine Blackwell comments on Arnim's representations of women that overturned traditional roles, citing her fairy tale Gritta, in which females are portrayed as active agents rather than passive victims awaiting rescue by a heroic male. According to Blackwell, “Gritta indicates how the structured narrative of nested tales and tellers can be used by women authors to include themselves as valid narrators and to undo the narration of themselves as objects.” Helen G. Morris-Keitel asserts that Arnim also makes use of the fairy-tale genre for political purposes, as in her “Der Heckebeutel” (1845; “Tale of the Lucky Purse”), by combining the emphasis on self-realization typical of fairy tales with the exposure of poverty and injustice associated with “social prose.” By engaging in such social and political criticism, Arnim also transgresses gender boundaries, particularly with her exhortations to the king. Nancy A. Kaiser (see Further Reading) explains that while Arnim's political criticism was rendered with impunity—whereas a male critic might have been imprisoned for the same sentiments—this protected situation indicates that her political activity was not taken seriously enough to be considered a threat. Kaiser suggest that certain features of Arnim's narrative personae—particularly Arnim's identification of the twenty-two-year-old narrator as “child” and that narrator's “constant assurances of devotion” to Goethe in Goethe's Conversations with a Child—also undercut her authority as a social critic by reflecting a submissive, “stereotypical female role” and standing in contrast to Arnim's political assertiveness. Nonetheless, recent critics have called for a reassessment of Arnim's effectiveness as a social critic. Waldstein recounts her active involvement and personal contributions on behalf of Berlin's poor. According to Waldstein, Arnim was not content merely to write about the desperate living conditions of the underprivileged; she also contributed both time and money to relieving their misery throughout her lifetime.
Goethes Briefwechsel mit einem Kinde: Seinem Denkmal (novel) 1835; also published as Goethe's Correspondence with a Child: For His Monument, 1837-38.
Die Günderode: Den Studenten [Günderode (partial translation), 1842; also published as Correspondence of Fräulein Günderode and Bettina von Arnim (completed translation), 1861] (novel) 1840
Dies Buch gehört dem König. [The King's Book] 2 vols. (prose) 1843
Clemens Brentanos Frühlingskranz aus Jugendbriefen ihm geflochten, wie er selbst schriftlich verlangte [The Spring Wreath] (prose) 1844
Ilius Pamphilius und die Ambrosia. 2 vols. (prose) 1848
Gespräche mit Dämonen. Des Königsbuchs zweiter Band [Conversations with Demons] (prose) 1852
Bettina von Arnims Sämtliche Werke. 7 vols. (novels, prose, and letters) 1920-22
Das Leben der Hochgräfin Gritta von Rattenzuhausbeiuns [with Gisela von Arnim; The Life of the Countess Gritta von Ratsatourhouse] (fairy tale) 1926
Werke und Brief. 4 vols. (prose and letters) 1959-63
Das Armenbuch [The Poor Book] (unfinished essay) 1962
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SOURCE: Waldstein, Edith. “Political Communications and the Conversational Novel.” In Bettine von Arnim and the Politics of Romantic Conversation, pp. 59-93. Columbia, S.C.: Camden House, 1988.
[In the following excerpt, Waldstein refutes the common critical dismissal of Arnim's political writing as the work of a dilettante.]
The connection between Bettine von Arnim's cultural activity and the society in which she lived cannot be fully understood without a review of the social and political activities in which she was involved.1 This aspect of her life has until recently been overlooked in literary history. Critics tend either not to discuss it at all or to recognize, but discredit, her political engagement. Lilienfein and Haberland/Pehnt, for example, conclude that Bettine von Arnim was a political dilettante.1 While such criticism is relatively mild, others are harsh and confusing. Hans von Arnim, for example, begins one of his chapters, entitled “Auf politischen Wegen,” with the sentence: “Bettine ist kein politischer Mensch.”2 Ludwig Geiger reveals a similar attitude when he uses phrases such as “unpolitische Politik”3 to describe von Arnim's politics. And Irmgard Tanneberger also paints a confusing picture when she claims that “realpolitische Tätigkeit” was foreign to von Arnim, while at the same time giving her credit for...
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SOURCE: Waldstein, Edith. “Goethe and Beyond: Bettine von Arnim's Correspondence with a Child and Günderode.”1 In In the Shadow of Olympus: German Women Writers Around 1800, edited by Katherine R. Goodman and Edith Waldstein, pp. 95-113. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992.
[In the following essay, Waldstein examines Goethe's Correspondence with a Child and Günderode, claiming that the difficulty critics have had classifying Arnim's work is due to the experimental nature of her writing.]
Bettine von Arnim first met Goethe in April 1807 in Weimar. From her own recollection of this occasion, one cannot infer much more than naive adoration on the part of the 22-year-old. In a letter to Achim von Arnim, dated July 13, 1807, she writes: “… in Weimar a single wish of mine was granted, the four hours that I spent there, I looked into Goethe's face, who looked back at me in such a friendly way, so friendly!” (… in Weimar ward mir ein einziger Wunsch erfüllt, die vier Stunden die ich dort zubrachte, schaute ich in Goethes Antlitz, der mich wieder so freundlich ansah, so freundlich!2) In another letter to Achim a month later she describes this adoration more precisely: “When I think of him [Goethe], I would like to rove about him eternally, play with him tenderly like a cool wind in the summer heat, give him fresh water, warm and care...
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SOURCE: Goodman, Katherine R. “Through a Different Lens: Bettina Brentano-von Arnim's Views on Gender.” In Bettina Brentano-von Arnim: Gender and Politics, edited by Elke P. Frederiksen and Katherine R. Goodman, pp. 115-41. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1995.
[In the following essay, Goodman discusses Arnim's radical views on gender, claiming that Arnim rejected the traditional alignment of male and female traits as binary oppositions in favor of more diverse possibilities.]
Around 1800 polarized gender characterizations found permutations in a wide variety of literary, philosophical, anthropological, and political speculations. Binary terms, explicitly or implicitly evocative of gender, began to dominate fundamental philosophical positions. In German culture this period is marked by the engendered conceptualization of life by authors like Novalis, Friedrich Schlegel, Friedrich Schiller, Wilhelm von Humboldt, and Immanuel Kant (Hausen, Hoffmann). Polarized terms ranged from life/death, dignity/grace, and sublime/beautiful to Europeans/native Americans; and each pair evoked connotations of male/female. Even Schlegel's supposedly radical combination of gender traits actually revealed his essentially dualistic assumptions (Friedrichsmeyer, Hoffmann). The binary opposition of gender traits, whether used to propound the polarity of the sexes or to envision their dichotomistic union in one...
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SOURCE: Härtl, Heinz. “Bettina Brentano-von Arnim's Relations to the Young Hegelians.” In Bettina Brentano-von Arnim: Gender and Politics, edited by Elke P. Frederiksen and Katherine R. Goodman, pp. 145-84. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1995.
[In the following essay, Härtl explores the connections between Arnim's work and that of the Young Hegelians, particularly David Friedrich Strauß, and the attacks on both by the Prussian Protestant orthodoxy.]
The works of Bettina Brentano-von Arnim that earned her the greatest recognition were published in the years between 1835 and 1844. During that decade the Young Hegelians also published texts “more emancipatory and revolutionary than anything that had ever been kindled in the minds of the German bourgeoisie” (das Freisinnigste und Revolutionärste was jemals vom deutschen Bürgertum hervorgebracht wurde).1 The year 1835 witnessed not only the publication of Brentano-von Arnim's first book (Goethe's Correspondence with a Child [Goethe's Briefwechsel mit einem Kinde]) but also that of the first work of David Friedrich Strauß, The Life of Jesus (Das Leben Jesu), a critique of the Gospels which sparked the Young Hegelian movement. After 1844 when The Spring Wreath (Clemens Brentanos Frühlingskranz) was released and the Young Hegelian movement slackened, Brentano-von Arnim's later...
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SOURCE: Baldwin, Claire. “Questioning the ‘Jewish Question’: Poetic Philosophy and Politics in Conversations with Demons.” In Bettina Brentano-von Arnim: Gender and Politics, edited by Elke P. Frederiksen and Katherine R. Goodman, pp. 213-43. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1995.
[In the following essay, Baldwin discusses Arnim's efforts on behalf of Germany's Jewish population in obtaining social and political freedom.]
In Bettina Brentano-von Arnim's famous letter of 1839 to Friedrich Karl Savigny, she includes among her political concerns the discrimination against Jews in Germany; she wishes to dedicate a “romantic heroes' fire” (ein romantisches Heldenfeuer) to them (Köln 5: 318). Her informed interest in the status of Jews in Germany can be traced throughout her literary opus as well as in her letters. In Goethe's Correspondence with a Child (Goethes Briefwechsel mit einem Kinde) (1835), Günderode (Die Günderode) (1840), and Clemens Brentano's Spring Wreath (Clemens Brentanos Frühlingskranz) (1844) passages that are primarily anecdotal indicate her awareness of the fate of the Jews in Germany and offer her positive depiction of Jewish characters. Yet it is in her last published novel Conversations with Demons (Gespräche mit Dämonen) (1852) that she dedicates her most focused literary effort on behalf of the Jews...
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SOURCE: Blackwell, Jeannine. “Laying the Rod to Rest: Narrative Strategies in Gisela and Bettina von Arnim's Fairy-Tale Novel Gritta.” Marvels and Tales: Journal of Fairy-Tale Studies 11, nos. 1-2 (1997): 24-47.
[In the following essay, Blackwell discusses Gritta, written by Arnim and her daughter, as a story that reverses traditional fairy-tale conventions by representing females as active agents rather than passive victims.]
A notable lacuna in the literary history of German fairy tales is research on women's authorship and collecting activity. While many of the Grimms' female associates whose tales were transcribed have been identified, particularly Dorothea Viehmann, the Wilds, and the Haxthausens,1 the meanings and significance of their collaboration have only begun to be to be investigated.2 It is not yet standard knowledge among researchers that women comprised the majority of significant contributors to the Grimms' Kinder- und Hausmärchen; they provided a majority of the tale variants used for the final 1857 collection. A question still to be answered is how women collected, authored, and appropriated fairy tales in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries beyond their collaboration with the Brothers Grimm. Because later in the nineteenth century women grew to prominence as authors of German children's literature and as advocates of the later...
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SOURCE: Morris-Keitel, Helen G. “The Audience Should Be King: Bettina Brentano-von Arnim's ‘Tale of the Lucky Purse.’” Marvels and Tales: Journal of Fairy-Tale Studies 11, nos. 1-2 (1997): 48-60.
[In the following essay, Morris-Keitel considers “Tale of the Lucky Purse” as an example of a hybrid genre that combines a fairy-tale narrative and a dialogue with a royal audience.]
INTRODUCTION: SOCIAL PROSE OF THE VORMäRZ AND THE FAIRY TALE
The 1840s in the German states can perhaps best be characterized as a period of potential and real transition. Physicists describe such phases as unstable and full of activity as individual elements or groups reconfigure themselves into an altered, more stable state. To many inhabitants of the German states in this period, major changes in the political and economic spheres and, thus, in the social structure appeared to be on the horizon. Indications of this imminent change appeared most visibly among the peasants. Among this large constituency there began noticeable changes in demographics (with a country to city shift), in sources of income (with more families and individuals resorting to illegal means such as begging, prostitution, or theft in order to survive), and in the work force (with the employment of women and children in factories). In short, the German states were experiencing the effects of industrialization coupled with...
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SOURCE: Fry, Ingrid E. “Elective Androgyny: Bettine Brentano-von Arnim and Margaret Fuller's Reception of Goethe.” Goethe Yearbook 10 (2001): 246-62.
[In the following essay, Fry discusses the way Arnim and Fuller, as talented women operating within the restrictions of their respective cultures, found inspiration for new versions of female identity in the works of Goethe.]
Well-educated European and American women of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century belonged to a cultural environment which placed a particularly high value on the individual and on the expression of individual genius. Cultural codes, however, confined women to pre-established, primarily domestic roles, and thus hindered the development of their individual natures and abilities. The tension between these opposing standards created a contradiction in feminine self-definition and self-expression that was acutely felt by the women of the day, especially by those of extraordinary ability and creative energy.1 Margaret Fuller, an American, and Bettine Brentano-von Arnim, a German, each faced this problem and found their needs addressed in the same source, in their reading of Goethe.
Apart from their identities as aspiring women writers, Fuller and Brentano-von Arnim shared similar experiences that help to explain the tensions that drove them to seek solutions in literary example. Both women were...
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Blackwell, Jeannine. “Fractured Fairy Tales: German Women Authors and the Grimm Tradition.” The Germanic Review 62, no. 4 (fall 1987): 162-74.
Studies two of Arnim's fairy tales, “Der Königssohn” and Gritta.
Corkhill, Alan. “Female Language Theory in the Age of Goethe: Three Case Studies.” Modern Language Review 94, no. 4 (October 1999): 1041-53.
Discusses the work of three prominent female authors in the early nineteenth century: Sophie Mereau-Brentano, Rahel Varnhagen von Ense, and Bettina Brentano-von Arnim.
Hoock-Demarle, Marie-Claire. “The Nineteenth Century: Insights of Contemporary Women Writers.” In Woman as Mediatrix: Essays on Nineteenth-Century European Women Writers, edited by Avriel H. Goldberger, pp. 1-12. New York: Greenwood Press, 1987.
Analyzes the work of three women writers of the nineteenth century: Mary Wollstonecraft, Bettina Brentano-von Arnim, and Flora Tristan, identifying common strategies in their writings on social issues.
Kaiser, Nancy A. “A Dual Voice: Mary Shelley and Bettina von Arnim.” In Identity and Ethos: A Festschrift for Sol Liptzin on the Occasion of His 85th Birthday, edited by Mark H. Gelber, pp. 211-33. New York: Peter Lang, 1986.
Compares the ways that Shelley and Arnim...
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