al-Mutanabbi Essay - Critical Essays

al-Mutanabbi

Introduction

al-Mutanabbi 915-965

(Full name Ahmad ibn al-Husayn Abu al-Tayyib al-Jufi al-Kindi al-Mutanabbi) Syrian poet.

One of the most acclaimed of the classical Arab poets, al-Mutanabbi is the author of the tenth-century Diwan, a collection of poems featuring numerous skillfully crafted panegyrics or praiseful verses, written for the poet's patrons to extol their generosity and celebrate their bravery in battle. His mastery of the genre helped to advance Arab poetry from its classic qasida form.

Biographical Information

Al-Mutanabbi was born in Kufu in 915; his father, although of noble ancestry, was a water-bearer. Al-Mutanabbi was well-educated, studied for a time in Damascus, and from a young age offered himself as a panegyrist to various men of modest rank. He completed his education in the desert, practicing his craft with the Bedouin. His consummate skill at writing verse enabled him to pass himself off as divinely inspired; his popular name, al-Mutanabbi, means “he who passes himself off as a prophet.” With numerous Bedouins joining him, he led a failed uprising in al-Samāwa, Syria, for which he was imprisoned in 933. From 948 to 957, al-Mutanabbi served as poet in the court of the Arab prince Saif al-Daula of Aleppo but ultimately, after falling victim to court intrigue, fled to Egypt. There, he wrote numerous panegyrics for the ruler, Kāfūr. When his hoped-for reward of a government position was denied him, al-Mutanabbi left Egypt in 962 and wreaked revenge on Kāfūr by making him the object of biting satire. Further searches for patrons led al-Mutanabbi to Iraq and Iran. Returning to Iraq in 965, he and his party were accosted by thieves. According to legend, al-Mutanabbi's first impulse was to escape, but then he was reminded of some of his verses glorifying bravery in warfare, turned back to fight against his attackers, and was killed.

Major Works

Al-Mutanabbi's fame rests on one work, the Diwan. It is divided into five sections: the first part consists of poems written in Syria; the second part contains 161 poems, most dedicated to Saif al-Daula; the third part contains numerous poems written for a variety of occasions; the fourth part consists of five poems written for Ibn al ‘Amid; and the fifth and final part consists of seven poems for the Prince of Southern Persia, ‘Adud al-Daula. In all, the Diwan. encompasses 287 individual poems, ranging in length from a couple of lines to sixty stanzas.

Critical Reception

Al-Mutanabbi has received much praise in past centuries for the careful structure of his poems' opening lines, transitions between sections, and endings. A. J. Arberry notes that al-Mutanabbi's detractors, however, charge him with plagiarism, ill manners, and inadequate stylistic skill. Arberry regards the controversy about al-Mutanabbi's merit as a poet, which continues to the present day, to be “perhaps the surest proof of his universal greatness.” Andras Hamori further examines the arguments of both admirers and detractors of al-Mutanabbi. Hamori, beyond noting that al-Mutanabbi's aphorisms are quotable and forceful, adds: “His images can be astonishingly bold and, within a mannerist system of perception, beautifully precise.” Elsewhere, Hamori examines the question of how al-Mutanabbi's contemporary audience would have read and reacted to his poems. Hamori cites critical evidence that “the medieval reader could indeed see past the single line and notice larger aspects of composition.” J. Derek Latham offers critical analysis of one of al-Mutanabbi's most famous poems, written on the battle of al-Hadath, in which he finds a logically developed poetic scheme that results in a “coherent and harmonious whole.” Arthur Wormhoudt provides a close reading of several poems from the Diwan, discussing their background, meaning, and stylistic traits. While Arberry deems that “the odes which [al-Mutanabbi] composed in praise of Saif al-Daula rank amongst the greatest masterpieces of Arabic literature,” critics unanimously agree that it is difficult if not impossible for readers not raised in an Arab culture to fully appreciate his work.

Principal Works

Diwan (poetry) 10th century

Poems of al-Mutanabbī [translated by A. J. Arberry] (poetry) 1967

Criticism

Reynold A. Nicholson (essay date 1907)

SOURCE: Nicholson, Reynold A. “Poetry, Literature, and Science in the ‘Abbásid Period.” In A Literary History of the Arabs, pp. 285-364. London: Cambridge University Press, 1966.

[In the following excerpt from a work originally published in 1907, Nicholson examines al-Mutanabbi's critical reputation, particularly objections made to his work by his near-contemporary, Tha'álibí.]

Sayfu 'l-Dawla's cousin, Abú Firás al-Hamdání, was a gallant soldier and a poet of some mark, who if space permitted would receive fuller notice here.1 He, however, though superior to the common herd of court poets, is overshadowed by one who with all his faults—and they are not inconsiderable—made an extraordinary impression upon his contemporaries, and by the commanding influence of his reputation decided what should henceforth be the standard of poetical taste in the Muḥammadan world.

Abu 'l-Tayyib Aḥmad b. Husayn, known to fame as al-Mutanabbí, was born and bred at Kúfa, where his father is said to have been a water-carrier. Following the admirable custom by which young men of promise were sent abroad to complete their education, he studied at Damascus and visited other towns in Syria, but also passed much of his time among the Bedouins, to whom he owed the singular knowledge and mastery of Arabic displayed in his poems. Here he came forward as a prophet (from which circumstance he was afterwards entitled al-Mutanabbí, i.e., ‘the pretender to prophecy’), and induced a great multitude to believe in him; but ere long he was captured by Lu'lu', the governor of Himṣ (Emessa), and thrown into prison. After his release he wandered to and fro chanting the praises of all and sundry, until fortune guided him to the court of Sayfu 'l-Dawla at Aleppo. For nine years (948-957 a.d.) he stood high in the favour of that cultured prince, whose virtues he celebrated in a series of splendid eulogies, and with whom he lived as an intimate friend and comrade in arms. The liberality of Sayfu 'l-Dawla and the ingenious impudence of the poet are well brought out by the following anecdote:—

Mutanabbí on one occasion handed to his patron the copy of an ode which he had recently composed in his honour, and retired, leaving Sayfu 'l-Dawla to peruse it at leisure. The prince began to read, and came to these lines—

Aqil anil aqṭi‘iḥmil ‘alli salli a‘id
zid hashshi bashshi tafaḍḍal adni surra ṣili.(2)
e
Pardon, bestow, endow, mount, raise, console, restore
Add, laugh, rejoice, bring nigh, show favour, gladden, give!

Far from being displeased by the poet's arrogance, Sayfu 'l-Dawla was so charmed with his artful collocation of fourteen imperatives in a single verse that he granted every request. Under pardon he wrote ‘we pardon thee’; under bestow, ‘let him receive such and such a sum of money’; under endow, ‘we endow thee with an estate,’ which he named (it was beside the gate of Aleppo); under mount, ‘let such and such a horse be led to him’; under raise, ‘we do so’; under console, ‘we do so, be at ease’; under restore, ‘we restore thee to thy former place in our esteem’; under add, ‘let him have such and such in addition’; under bring nigh, ‘we admit thee to our intimacy ’; under show favour, ‘we have done so’; under gladden, ‘we have made thee glad’3; under give, ‘this we have already done.’ Mutanabbí's rivals envied his good fortune, and one of them said to Sayfu 'l-Dawla—“Sire, you have done all that he asked, but when he uttered the words laugh, rejoice, why did not you answer, ‘Ha, ha, ha’?” Sayfu 'l-Dawla laughed, and said, “You too, shall have your wish,” and ordered him a donation.

Mutanabbí was sincerely attached to his generous master, and this feeling inspired a purer and loftier strain than we find in the fulsome panegyrics which he afterwards addressed to the negro Káfúr. He seems to have been occasionally in disgrace, but Sayfu 'l-Dawla could deny nothing to a poet who paid him such magnificent compliments. Nor was he deterred by any false modesty from praising himself: he was fully conscious of his power and, like Arabian bards in general, he bragged about it. Although the verbal legerdemain which is so conspicuous in his poetry cannot be reproduced in another language, the lines translated below may be taken as a favourable and sufficiently characteristic specimen of his style.

How glows mine heart for him whose heart to me is cold,
Who liketh ill my case and me in fault doth hold!
Why should I hide a love that hath worn thin my frame?
To Sayfu 'l-Dawla all the world avows the same.
Tho' love of his high star unites us, would that we
According to our love might so divide the fee!
Him have I visited when sword in sheath was laid,
And I have seen him when in blood swam every blade:
Him, both in peace and war the best of all mankind,
Whose crown of excellence was still his noble mind.
Do foes by flight escape thine onset, thou dost gain
A chequered victory, half of pleasure, half of pain.
So puissant is the fear thou strik'st them with, it stands
Instead of thee, and works more than thy warriors' hands.
Unfought the field is thine: thou need'st not further strain
To chase them from their holes in mountain or in plain.
What! 'fore thy fierce attack whene'er an army reels,
Must thy ambitious soul press hot upon their heels?
Thy task it is to rout them on the battle-ground:
No shame to thee if they in flight have safety found.
Or thinkest thou perchance that victory is sweet
Only when scimitars and necks each other greet?
O justest of the just save in thy deeds to me!
Thou art accused and thou, O Sire, must judge the plea.
Look, I implore thee, well! Let not thine eye cajoled
See fat in empty froth, in all that glisters gold!(4)
What use and profit reaps a mortal of his sight,
If darkness unto him be indistinct from light?
My deep poetic art the blind have eyes to see,
My verses ring in ears as deaf as deaf can be.
They wander far abroad while I am unaware,
But men collect them watchfully with toil and care.
Oft hath my laughing mien prolonged the insulter's sport,
Until with claw and mouth I cut his rudeness short.
Ah, when the lion bares his teeth, suspect his guile,
Nor fancy that the lion shows to you a smile.
I have slain the man that sought my heart's blood many a time,
Riding a noble mare whose back none else may climb,
Whose hind and fore-legs seem in galloping as one;
Nor hand nor foot requireth she to urge her on.
And O the days when I have swung my fine-edged glaive
Amidst a sea of death where wave was dashed on wave!
The desert knows me well, the night, the mounted men,
The battle and the sword, the paper and the pen!(5)

Finally an estrangement arose between Mutanabbí and Sayfu 'l-Dawla, in consequence of which he fled to Egypt and attached himself to the Ikhshídite Káfúr. Disappointed in his new patron, a negro who had formerly been a slave, the poet set off for Baghdád, and afterwards visited the...

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A. J. Arberry (essay date 1967)

SOURCE: Arberry, A. J. Introduction to Poems of Al-Mutanabbi, edited by A. J. Arberry, pp. 1-15. London: Cambridge University Press, 1967.

[In the following essay, Arberry surveys al-Mutanabbi's literary merits and shortcomings and offers an explanation for his popularity despite his many flaws as a poet.]

My Arabic Poetry was intended as an initiation into a study of a great and abundant, but as yet still comparatively unexplored literature, so that the Western reader might hopefully be stimulated to explore farther, being by now a little more oriented towards the ideals at which the Arab poets aimed, the themes of which they sang, the images they invented and...

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J. Derek Latham (essay date 1979)

SOURCE: Latham, J. Derek. “Toward a Better Understanding of al-Mutanabbi's Poem on the Battle of al-Hadath.” Journal of Arabic Literature 10 (1979): 1-22.

[In the following essay, Latham provides historical context for a celebrated poem by al-Mutanabbi and analyzes its style and symbolism.]

1. ‘Alā qadr-i ahl-i l-‘azm-i ta'tī l-‘azā'im-u wa-ta'tī ‘alā qadr-i l-kirām-i l-makārim-u

2. wa-ta‘zumu fī ‘ayn-i l-ṣaghīr-i ṣighār-u-hā wa-taṣghuru fī ‘ayn-i l-‘azīm-i l-‘azā'im-u

With the worth of...

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Andras Hamori (essay date 1981)

SOURCE: Hamori, Andras. “Reading al-Mutanabbi's ‘Ode on the Siege of al-Hadat.’” In Studia Arabica et Islamica: Feststchrift for Ihsan ‘Abbas on his Sixtieth Birthday, edited by Wadad al-Qadi, pp. 195-208. Beirut, Lebanon: American University of Beirut, 1981.

[In the following essay, Hamori explores aspects of al-Mutanabbi's poetry that would have appealed to his contemporary audience.]

Among the classical Arabic poems that treat specific events, many are strongly linear.1 The composition of the work at hand2 is best understood as an occasionally intricate variation on an implicit linear sequence. Al-Mutanabbī's mastery of sound and...

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A. Hamori (essay date 1990)

SOURCE: Hamori, A. “Al-Mutanabbi.” In 'Abbasid Belles-Lettres, edited by Julia Ashtiany, T. M. Johnstone, J. D. Latham, R. B. Serjeant, and G. Rex Smith, pp. 300-14. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

[In the following essay, Hamori provides an overview of al-Mutanabbi's life and works.]

LIFE

Abū ’l-Tayyib Aḥmad b. al-Husayn, known as al-Mutanabbī, was born in 303/915 into a poor Kufan family. He took up the career of professional panegyrist while still a boy, and early began his travels in search of patrons. For years he had to content himself with offering hyperboles to men of modest distinction. In 322/933 we find...

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Arthur Wormhoudt (essay date 1992)

SOURCE: Wormhoudt, Arthur. “The Blessing of Ishmael and Esau.” In The Blessing of Ishmael and Esau in the Diwan of Abu Tayyib ibn al Husain al Kindi al Mutanabbi, pp. 1-57. Oskaloosa, Iowa: William Penn College, 1992.

[In the following excerpt, Wormhoudt explicates several of al-Mutanabbi's poems.]

Ishmael and Esau both play important roles in the tradition of which the New Testament and the Quran are a part. Ishmael is mentioned several times in the Quran since he and his father Abraham are said to be the builders of the Ka'ba at Mecca. Esau is important to Arabic Christians since his name is spelled ‘Isu and the name of Jesus is spelled ‘Isa. The root...

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